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Your Nervous System under Fascism: A Decolonial Polyvagal Exploration
I never expected that a post about my nervous system’s response to fascism to blow up on Instagram.. But there I was, green tea in one hand and a lit joint in the other, watching my phone light up with hundreds of shares and DMs from therapy clients, respected educators, somatic practitioners, friends, and organizers. Even my partner, who usually avoids social media like the plague, messaged me: “OMG, this explains exactly how I feel watching the news.”

What does it mean to say fascism embeds itself in our nervous system? Through a decolonial lens and Polyvagal Theory, we’ll explore how state-manufactured fear hijacks our survival responses, and how understanding this can be a portal to healing, solidarity, and resistance.
Fear and the Polyvagal Theory 101
Polyvagal Theory, developed by neuroscientist, Stephen Porges, explains how our autonomic nervous system constantly scans for safety or danger, a subconscious process Porges calls neuroception. Depending on what we sense, we shift into different states:
Ventral Vagal (Social Engagement): the safe and connected mode when we feel secure. We can relax, think clearly, and connect with others.
Sympathetic (Fight/Flight): the alarm mode when the heart pumps and muscles tense. We are ready to confront a threat or run from it.
Dorsal Vagal (Freeze/Shutdown): the collapse mode when escape isn’t possible. We might shut down, feel numb or detached (think of a mouse playing dead).
Trauma experts also add a Fawn response: appeasing or people-pleasing to survive danger. It’s essentially “going along to get along” when facing a threat. Authoritarian systems encourage fawning compliance. As one writer, D.L. Mayfield, quipped, “The fawn response is the desired threat response for authoritarian parents, religious leaders, and governments.” In other words, oppressive regimes love people who have learned to freeze or submit rather than fight back.
Polyvagal Defense Hierarchy
Authoritarianism Hijacks Our Survival Responses
Authoritarian leaders know fear is a powerful political weapon. They flood the environment with cues of danger—terrorism, “invaders,” moral panic—that our neuroception reads as threats. Even if we aren’t consciously aware, our bodies react: muscles tense, hearts race, or a numb pit develops in the stomach.
Porges notes that when we perceive someone as dangerous (whether true or not), our nervous system automatically launches into defensive behaviors like fight, flight or freeze.
Real-world examples are everywhere.
Pro-Donald Trump rally in Washington, D.C. March 2017 (Wikicommons)
Donald Trump’s political return has been fueled by classic fear-mongering—portraying immigrants, dissidents, and the media as threats. This rhetoric pushes supporters into a chronic fight/flight state of anger and vigilance, while those targeted (immigrants, journalists) may experience terror or shutdown. A similar dynamic unfolds with anti-trans legislation in the so-called United States: lawmakers invoke fear to justify stripping away trans rights, which not only rallies some people’s fight response against a scapegoated group, but also forces trans folks into constant survival mode, scanning for danger and often fawning or hiding their true selves to stay safe.
Police violence against Black and Brown communities likewise keeps entire populations on high alert. For instance, a routine traffic stop can trigger intense flight/freeze reactions in people of color who have learned through lived experience (and generations of history) that such encounters can be life-threatening. Far-right movements from Europe to South America follow the same script: stoke fear of “others,” activate people’s survival instincts, and then promise order and security in exchange for obedience. It’s a vicious cycle. Fear is used to justify authoritarian control, and authoritarianism, in turn, creates more fear.
Trauma Responses: Wisdom, Not Weakness (A Decolonial View)
It’s vital to remember that trauma responses—fight, flight, freeze, fawn—are not personal failures. They are our bodies’ wise attempts to protect us. Somatic Practitioner and Licensed Clinical Social Worker, Resmaa Menakem, describes trauma as “a wordless story our body tells itself about what is safe and what is a threat.” If that story is shaped by constant danger, our responses reflect that. In fact, what outsiders might label “overreactions,” or even cultural stereotypes can be the result of historical trauma.
Indigenous scholars have long explained that trauma can be collective and intergenerational. Maria Brave Heart coined the term historical trauma to describe the “cumulative emotional and psychological wounding over generations” due to massive group traumas like colonization. Eduardo Duran, a Native psychologist, calls this the “soul wound,” a deep injury inflicted by colonization that gets passed down. He writes that “internalized oppression is a wound that, like a vampire bite, becomes embedded” in the people who experience abuse. In other words, when communities endure generations of violence and fear, they may carry the imprint of the oppressor in their own nervous systems.
What looks like freeze or fawn today may have its roots in what helped your ancestors survive. Menakem notes that after centuries of brutalization, our ancestors “stored trauma and intense survival energy, and passed these on to our children and grandchildren.” Seen this way, a community’s hyper-vigilance or tendency to withdraw isn’t weakness, it’s collective survival—wisdom born of living under attack.
A decolonial lens reminds us that Western psychology is only catching up to what Indigenous peoples have known: trauma is not just individual, and healing must be collective.
From Survival to Solidarity: Healing and Action
Understanding all this isn’t just an intellectual exercise, it’s a call to action. If fascism works by keeping us in survival mode, then one radical act is to reclaim our ventral vagal (safe and social) state. In practical terms, this means deliberately fostering safety, connection, and community.
Trauma specialist, Deb Dana, suggests that we can “stand up for what we believe in… from a place of regulation rather than from a state of protection.” In other words, when we feel grounded and safe in our bodies, we can respond to injustice with courage and creativity instead of reacting out of fear. Activist healers like Menakem even argue that activism can be a form of healing, an opportunity to process pain through action and break the cycles of trauma.
So, how do we get there? We start by befriending our nervous systems. We practice noticing whether we are in fight, flight, freeze, or fawn. We offer our bodies safety through breath, movement, reaching out to a friend, or remembering that we are not alone. Authoritarians want us to feel isolated and afraid. We subvert them by connecting and sharing our stories, honoring ancestral resilience, and co-creating pockets of safety and solidarity. A community drum circle, a protest rally that feels like a family gathering, a mutual aid network; these are acts of resistance as much as any policy fight. They help shift us (and those around us) out of fear and into the ventral vagal state of grounded power. From there, we can imagine and build societies that don’t run on fear, but on justice and care.
Call to Action: Our Bodies Remember, but They Can Also Re-learn
By recognizing how fascist systems trigger our deepest survival wiring, we can choose to do the opposite. We can create environments of safety that empower people rather than terrify them. This might mean educating our communities about trauma, holding space for collective grief and healing, or simply checking in with yourself and neighbors in these turbulent times. When we soothe our nervous systems, we don’t just feel better, we think more clearly and organize more effectively and efficiently. The more people operating from calm connection (instead of panic or shutdown), the more difficult it is for fear-based politics to take hold. Healing is a form of resistance. Let’s encourage one another to climb out of the survival basement and spend more time on the social roof where we can see the stars, share a meal, and plot the downfall of fear-fueled fascism together.
Reflection Questions for Grounding and Action
-
Body Check-In: When you consume news about social or political issues, what sensations do you notice in your body? Do you feel tense, numb, energized? What might this tell you about which state (fight, flight, freeze, etc.) you’re in?
-
Triggers and Ancestry: Think about a recent moment you felt fear or shut down in response to authority or conflict. How might this reaction connect to your community’s historical or ancestral experiences? (For example, what survival strategies did your parents, grandparents, or cultural group pass down?)
-
Finding Ventral Vagal: What people, places, or practices help you feel safe and connected (in a ventral vagal state)? How can you incorporate more of these in daily life, especially when fear in society is high?
-
From Reaction to Response: Recall a time you reacted in anger or froze up around an authoritarian figure or stressful event. With compassion for yourself, consider how, if you had felt more grounded or supported, you might have responded differently? What support or boundaries would help in future similar situations?
-
Collective Care: How can you contribute to a sense of safety and solidarity in your community? For instance, could you start a trauma-informed discussion group, a community care circle, or simply check on neighbors more often? Brainstorm one action that fosters connection and counters fear-based culture.
By reflecting on these questions, you’re not just intellectualizing, you’re listening to your body’s wisdom and taking steps toward healing in community. This is how we immunize ourselves against the lure of fascist fear. Together, rooted in safety and justice, we can break the trauma cycle and chart a new path forward.
Sources:
- Dana, D. (2018). The polyvagal theory in therapy: Engaging the rhythm of regulation. W. W. Norton & Company.
- Duran, E. (2006). Healing the soul wound: Counseling with American Indians and other Native peoples. Teachers College Press.
- Menakem, R. (2017). My grandmother’s hands: Racialized trauma and the pathway to mending our hearts and bodies. Central Recovery Press.
- Porges, S. W. (2011). The polyvagal theory: Neurophysiological foundations of emotions, attachment, communication, and self-regulation. W. W. Norton & Company.
- Brave Heart, M. Y. H. (2003). The historical trauma response among natives and its relationship with substance abuse: A Lakota illustration. Journal of Psychoactive Drugs, 35(1), 7–13. https://doi.org/10.1080/02791072.2003.10399988
{
"article":
{
"title" : "Your Nervous System under Fascism: A Decolonial Polyvagal Exploration",
"author" : "Patricia Duggan",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/your-nervous-system-under-fascism-a-decolonial-polyvagal-exploration",
"date" : "2025-05-15 15:07:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/2025_05_21_EIP_Nervous_System_5.jpg",
"excerpt" : "I never expected that a post about my nervous system’s response to fascism to blow up on Instagram.. But there I was, green tea in one hand and a lit joint in the other, watching my phone light up with hundreds of shares and DMs from therapy clients, respected educators, somatic practitioners, friends, and organizers. Even my partner, who usually avoids social media like the plague, messaged me: “OMG, this explains exactly how I feel watching the news.”",
"content" : "I never expected that a post about my nervous system’s response to fascism to blow up on Instagram.. But there I was, green tea in one hand and a lit joint in the other, watching my phone light up with hundreds of shares and DMs from therapy clients, respected educators, somatic practitioners, friends, and organizers. Even my partner, who usually avoids social media like the plague, messaged me: “OMG, this explains exactly how I feel watching the news.”What does it mean to say fascism embeds itself in our nervous system? Through a decolonial lens and Polyvagal Theory, we’ll explore how state-manufactured fear hijacks our survival responses, and how understanding this can be a portal to healing, solidarity, and resistance.Fear and the Polyvagal Theory 101Polyvagal Theory, developed by neuroscientist, Stephen Porges, explains how our autonomic nervous system constantly scans for safety or danger, a subconscious process Porges calls neuroception. Depending on what we sense, we shift into different states:Ventral Vagal (Social Engagement): the safe and connected mode when we feel secure. We can relax, think clearly, and connect with others.Sympathetic (Fight/Flight): the alarm mode when the heart pumps and muscles tense. We are ready to confront a threat or run from it.Dorsal Vagal (Freeze/Shutdown): the collapse mode when escape isn’t possible. We might shut down, feel numb or detached (think of a mouse playing dead).Trauma experts also add a Fawn response: appeasing or people-pleasing to survive danger. It’s essentially “going along to get along” when facing a threat. Authoritarian systems encourage fawning compliance. As one writer, D.L. Mayfield, quipped, “The fawn response is the desired threat response for authoritarian parents, religious leaders, and governments.” In other words, oppressive regimes love people who have learned to freeze or submit rather than fight back.Polyvagal Defense HierarchyAuthoritarianism Hijacks Our Survival Responses Authoritarian leaders know fear is a powerful political weapon. They flood the environment with cues of danger—terrorism, “invaders,” moral panic—that our neuroception reads as threats. Even if we aren’t consciously aware, our bodies react: muscles tense, hearts race, or a numb pit develops in the stomach.Porges notes that when we perceive someone as dangerous (whether true or not), our nervous system automatically launches into defensive behaviors like fight, flight or freeze.Real-world examples are everywhere.Pro-Donald Trump rally in Washington, D.C. March 2017 (Wikicommons)Donald Trump’s political return has been fueled by classic fear-mongering—portraying immigrants, dissidents, and the media as threats. This rhetoric pushes supporters into a chronic fight/flight state of anger and vigilance, while those targeted (immigrants, journalists) may experience terror or shutdown. A similar dynamic unfolds with anti-trans legislation in the so-called United States: lawmakers invoke fear to justify stripping away trans rights, which not only rallies some people’s fight response against a scapegoated group, but also forces trans folks into constant survival mode, scanning for danger and often fawning or hiding their true selves to stay safe.Police violence against Black and Brown communities likewise keeps entire populations on high alert. For instance, a routine traffic stop can trigger intense flight/freeze reactions in people of color who have learned through lived experience (and generations of history) that such encounters can be life-threatening. Far-right movements from Europe to South America follow the same script: stoke fear of “others,” activate people’s survival instincts, and then promise order and security in exchange for obedience. It’s a vicious cycle. Fear is used to justify authoritarian control, and authoritarianism, in turn, creates more fear.Trauma Responses: Wisdom, Not Weakness (A Decolonial View)It’s vital to remember that trauma responses—fight, flight, freeze, fawn—are not personal failures. They are our bodies’ wise attempts to protect us. Somatic Practitioner and Licensed Clinical Social Worker, Resmaa Menakem, describes trauma as “a wordless story our body tells itself about what is safe and what is a threat.” If that story is shaped by constant danger, our responses reflect that. In fact, what outsiders might label “overreactions,” or even cultural stereotypes can be the result of historical trauma.Indigenous scholars have long explained that trauma can be collective and intergenerational. Maria Brave Heart coined the term historical trauma to describe the “cumulative emotional and psychological wounding over generations” due to massive group traumas like colonization. Eduardo Duran, a Native psychologist, calls this the “soul wound,” a deep injury inflicted by colonization that gets passed down. He writes that “internalized oppression is a wound that, like a vampire bite, becomes embedded” in the people who experience abuse. In other words, when communities endure generations of violence and fear, they may carry the imprint of the oppressor in their own nervous systems.What looks like freeze or fawn today may have its roots in what helped your ancestors survive. Menakem notes that after centuries of brutalization, our ancestors “stored trauma and intense survival energy, and passed these on to our children and grandchildren.” Seen this way, a community’s hyper-vigilance or tendency to withdraw isn’t weakness, it’s collective survival—wisdom born of living under attack.A decolonial lens reminds us that Western psychology is only catching up to what Indigenous peoples have known: trauma is not just individual, and healing must be collective.From Survival to Solidarity: Healing and Action Understanding all this isn’t just an intellectual exercise, it’s a call to action. If fascism works by keeping us in survival mode, then one radical act is to reclaim our ventral vagal (safe and social) state. In practical terms, this means deliberately fostering safety, connection, and community.Trauma specialist, Deb Dana, suggests that we can “stand up for what we believe in… from a place of regulation rather than from a state of protection.” In other words, when we feel grounded and safe in our bodies, we can respond to injustice with courage and creativity instead of reacting out of fear. Activist healers like Menakem even argue that activism can be a form of healing, an opportunity to process pain through action and break the cycles of trauma.So, how do we get there? We start by befriending our nervous systems. We practice noticing whether we are in fight, flight, freeze, or fawn. We offer our bodies safety through breath, movement, reaching out to a friend, or remembering that we are not alone. Authoritarians want us to feel isolated and afraid. We subvert them by connecting and sharing our stories, honoring ancestral resilience, and co-creating pockets of safety and solidarity. A community drum circle, a protest rally that feels like a family gathering, a mutual aid network; these are acts of resistance as much as any policy fight. They help shift us (and those around us) out of fear and into the ventral vagal state of grounded power. From there, we can imagine and build societies that don’t run on fear, but on justice and care.Call to Action: Our Bodies Remember, but They Can Also Re-learnBy recognizing how fascist systems trigger our deepest survival wiring, we can choose to do the opposite. We can create environments of safety that empower people rather than terrify them. This might mean educating our communities about trauma, holding space for collective grief and healing, or simply checking in with yourself and neighbors in these turbulent times. When we soothe our nervous systems, we don’t just feel better, we think more clearly and organize more effectively and efficiently. The more people operating from calm connection (instead of panic or shutdown), the more difficult it is for fear-based politics to take hold. Healing is a form of resistance. Let’s encourage one another to climb out of the survival basement and spend more time on the social roof where we can see the stars, share a meal, and plot the downfall of fear-fueled fascism together.Reflection Questions for Grounding and Action Body Check-In: When you consume news about social or political issues, what sensations do you notice in your body? Do you feel tense, numb, energized? What might this tell you about which state (fight, flight, freeze, etc.) you’re in? Triggers and Ancestry: Think about a recent moment you felt fear or shut down in response to authority or conflict. How might this reaction connect to your community’s historical or ancestral experiences? (For example, what survival strategies did your parents, grandparents, or cultural group pass down?) Finding Ventral Vagal: What people, places, or practices help you feel safe and connected (in a ventral vagal state)? How can you incorporate more of these in daily life, especially when fear in society is high? From Reaction to Response: Recall a time you reacted in anger or froze up around an authoritarian figure or stressful event. With compassion for yourself, consider how, if you had felt more grounded or supported, you might have responded differently? What support or boundaries would help in future similar situations? Collective Care: How can you contribute to a sense of safety and solidarity in your community? For instance, could you start a trauma-informed discussion group, a community care circle, or simply check on neighbors more often? Brainstorm one action that fosters connection and counters fear-based culture. By reflecting on these questions, you’re not just intellectualizing, you’re listening to your body’s wisdom and taking steps toward healing in community. This is how we immunize ourselves against the lure of fascist fear. Together, rooted in safety and justice, we can break the trauma cycle and chart a new path forward.Sources: Dana, D. (2018). The polyvagal theory in therapy: Engaging the rhythm of regulation. W. W. Norton & Company. Duran, E. (2006). Healing the soul wound: Counseling with American Indians and other Native peoples. Teachers College Press. Menakem, R. (2017). My grandmother’s hands: Racialized trauma and the pathway to mending our hearts and bodies. Central Recovery Press. Porges, S. W. (2011). The polyvagal theory: Neurophysiological foundations of emotions, attachment, communication, and self-regulation. W. W. Norton & Company. Brave Heart, M. Y. H. (2003). The historical trauma response among natives and its relationship with substance abuse: A Lakota illustration. Journal of Psychoactive Drugs, 35(1), 7–13. https://doi.org/10.1080/02791072.2003.10399988"
}
,
"relatedposts": [
{
"title" : "Censorship Didn’t Start With Kimmel:: Why Independent Media Is Our Biggest Asset",
"author" : "Céline Semaan",
"category" : "",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/censorship-didnt-start-with-kimmel-why-independent-media-is-our-biggest-asset",
"date" : "2025-09-19 13:55:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/EIP_Cover_Independent_Media.jpg",
"excerpt" : "Jimmy Kimmel is off the air. ABC suspended Jimmy Kimmel Live! after his monologue criticizing the political reaction to Charlie Kirk’s killing. The network, under pressure from conservative outrage, FCC threats, and nervous affiliates, caved. Suddenly, liberal commentators are outraged. Suddenly, people who considered themselves guardians of democracy are crying censorship. But here’s the uncomfortable truth: their tears are 700 days too late.",
"content" : "Jimmy Kimmel is off the air. ABC suspended Jimmy Kimmel Live! after his monologue criticizing the political reaction to Charlie Kirk’s killing. The network, under pressure from conservative outrage, FCC threats, and nervous affiliates, caved. Suddenly, liberal commentators are outraged. Suddenly, people who considered themselves guardians of democracy are crying censorship. But here’s the uncomfortable truth: their tears are 700 days too late.The silencing of voices did not begin with Kimmel. It has been happening all along, in classrooms where burning books was occurring under a democratic leadership, in newsrooms, in publishing houses, in theaters and comedy clubs. It has been happening quietly, steadily, almost imperceptibly—until the silence was too loud to ignore. Karen Attiah, one of the most important voices at The Washington Post, was recently fired. Writers have lost contracts. My own book was shelved by my publisher and literary agents for political reasons. Academics have been dismissed from universities, and journalists pushed out of their jobs. Each case is framed as an exception, but together they reveal a pattern: dissent is increasingly treated as a liability, not a public necessity.Nothing of this is an isolated punishment of individuals but it is a structural effort to narrow the bounds of what can be said. It is McCarthyism repackaged for a new century, only this time its reach extends beyond the Cold War paranoia of communism into the broader realm of political dissent. What we are witnessing is censorship as part of a larger effort to reshaping of the public sphere itself.The Illusion of Democratic ProtectionMany still cling to the idea that democracy, by its very nature, will protect us. That the courts will intervene, that the institutions will hold, that the First Amendment will somehow enforce itself. But democracy is not self-executing. Rights written on paper mean nothing if the institutions that carry them — universities, newsrooms, publishing houses, even late-night television — are captured or hollowed out.The so-called “marketplace of ideas” is an economy owned by corporations, hedge funds, and media conglomerates. What we read, what we watch, what we hear is already shaped by the profit motive and the political pressures of advertisers and owners. When Disney owns the network, when billionaires own the newspapers, when Silicon Valley decides who gets amplified and who gets shadow-banned, it is naïve to think the First Amendment alone will safeguard us. Democracy does not protect its people when its most basic infrastructure has already been sold off.The Long ErosionWhat happened to Kimmel is not shocking; it is predictable. The erosion of free expression has been slow, but steady. It shows up in grant applications denied for being “too political.” In canceled contracts and disappearing op-eds and governmental information wiped out of governmental websites. In comedians who decide not to say something, not because they don’t believe it, but because they know the cost of saying it. In students who fear speaking out, lest it follow them for life. In social media platforms quietly throttling reach under vague “community guidelines.”For over 700 days, genocide has been live-broadcast to the world, and yet the people who speak most clearly about it have been punished — whether by suspension, firing, or erasure. It’s by design, silence is the product of systems working exactly as designed. Even when Arab voices work tirelessly behind the scenes, they are surely to be erased on the world stages. Most convenient to have their message co-opted by palatable influencers or celebrities, who take up space with little critical thinking. This too is a form of censorship.The Role of Independent MediaThis is why independent media is not a luxury. It is a necessity. The survival of democracy depends not on the myth of neutrality in corporate media but on the ability of independent voices to hold power accountable. Independent outlets can say what others cannot, not because they are more radical, but because they are less beholden to greed and power. They exist outside the corridors of corporate profit and political pressure.Independent media tells the stories that otherwise disappear — the stories of people on the margins, the stories of communities under siege, the stories that advertisers would rather you didn’t hear. Acting both as a living archive and the public’s voice, it does more than just document: it builds the collective resilience we need to withstand propaganda. In a landscape flooded with misinformation, independent outlets give people the tools to see through the fog. They are not divisive; they are connective. They create solidarity across differences, reminding us that liberation is never zero-sum.The Structure of SuppressionWhen we talk about censorship, it’s tempting to imagine it as a blunt act: a book banned, a show canceled, a journalist jailed. But most censorship is quieter, structural, and bureaucratic. It looks like funding cuts that suffocate small outlets. It looks like corporate consolidations that shrink the diversity of voices. It looks like algorithms that bury dissent under oceans of entertainment. It looks like lawsuits, defamation threats, and regulatory red tape designed to exhaust those who dare to challenge power.These forms of suppression rarely make headlines, but they are precisely how freedom dies: not with a bang, but with a spreadsheet.Building Cultural InfrastructureIf we are to survive this moment and outlive fascism, we must recognize independent media as cultural infrastructure. It is as essential to democracy as clean water is to life. Without it, we cannot breathe politically. Without it, we cannot resist.This requires resources — not just clicks, likes, or shares, but real investment and independent platforms that can survive Silicon Valley’s censorships. Subscriptions and memberships from everyday people matter, but so does the responsibility of philanthropists and foundations. For too long, they have hidden behind the veil of “neutrality,” funding depoliticized projects while democracy itself collapses. To defend free expression requires courage — the courage to support media that tells uncomfortable truths.Independent media is not disposable content. It is the bedrock of collective survival. And if we allow it to be starved, silenced, or crushed under the weight of corporate monopolies, then we should not be surprised when democracy fails to save us.The CrossroadsWe are at a crossroads. Either we continue to wring our hands as one voice after another is silenced, or we begin to treat the media as the public good it has always been. Either we accept the narrowing of what can be said, or we invest in the broad chorus of voices that democracy requires.Censorship did not begin with Jimmy Kimmel, and it will not end with him. But it can end with us, if we choose to build and defend the cultural infrastructure that outlasts fascism.The choice is simple, but urgent: fund the voices that tell the truth — or watch them disappear.Not tomorrow. Not when it’s convenient. Not when the damage is already done.Now. Thank you for being a member. Invite your peers.Write for EIP."
}
,
{
"title" : "From Sabra & Shatila to Gaza: The UN’s Century of Failure and the Rise of Alternatives",
"author" : "Collis Browne",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/from-sabra-and-shatila-to-gaza",
"date" : "2025-09-16 10:47:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/2025_9_16_UN_Genocide_1.jpg",
"excerpt" : "On the 43rd anniversary of the massacres committed under Israeli authority at Sabra and Shatila camps in Beirut in 1982, a United Nations Commission Of Inquiry has concluded, as would any rational observer, that Israel has been committing genocide in Gaza since October 2023.",
"content" : "On the 43rd anniversary of the massacres committed under Israeli authority at Sabra and Shatila camps in Beirut in 1982, a United Nations Commission Of Inquiry has concluded, as would any rational observer, that Israel has been committing genocide in Gaza since October 2023.This is not news. It could, however, be a turning point, . The UN’s declaration cracks open the conservative West’s long-standing wall of denial about the genocidal intentions and actions of the U.S.–Israel military machine. What happens next matters.A Century of Genocidal IntentFor those who have been watching Palestine with clarity long before 2023, this genocide is not an aberration — it is the project itself. From its inception, every major Zionist leader and Israeli politician has openly articulated the goal of erasing the Indigenous people of Palestine, whether through forced expulsion or mass murder.More than a hundred years of speeches, policies, and massacres testify to this intent. The so-called “War on Gaza” is simply the most visible and livestreamed stage of an ongoing colonial project.The UN’s Empty WordsIs this UN report different? The UN has made declarative statements for decades with no action or enforcement. In 1975, the UN declared Zionism is racism, citing the “unholy alliance” between apartheid South Africa and Israel. Yet Zionists continued to enjoy privileged status across Western institutions. Since 1967, the UN has passed resolution after resolution denouncing illegal Israeli settlements on stolen Palestinian land. Still, the theft continues unchecked. In December 2022, the UN General Assembly demanded Israel end its “unlawful presence” in the Occupied Territories within one year. That deadline expires this week, September 18, 2025. Israel has ignored it completely, as expected — with no consequences. Declarations without enforcement are not justice. They are fig leaves for impunity.What Good Is the UN?The Geneva Convention obliges all states to intervene to stop and punish genocide. Yet no country has deployed forces to resist Israel’s military slaughter in Gaza. No sanctions. No accountability.If the UN cannot stop one of its own member states from carrying out genocide in full public view — in “4K” as the world watches live — then what is the UN for?The Rise of AlternativesThe cracks are widening. The government of China has announced a new Global Governance initiative, already backed by dozens of countries. Without illusions about its motivations, the concept paper at least addresses three of the UN’s structural failures: Underrepresentation of the Global South — redressing centuries of colonial imbalance. Erosion of authoritativeness — restoring the credibility of international law. Urgent need for effectiveness — accelerating stalled progress on global commitments like the UN’s 2030 Agenda. The question is not whether the UN will reform. It is whether it can survive its own irrelevance.Toward a New Global OrderFrom Sabra and Shatila to Gaza, the UN has failed to prevent — or even meaningfully resist — genocide. Its reports and resolutions pile up, while the graves in Palestine multiply.If the international body tasked with “peace and security” cannot act against the most televised genocide in history, then the world has to ask: do we need a new United Nations? Or do we need to build something entirely different — a system of global governance that serves the people, not the powerful?"
}
,
{
"title" : "France in Revolt: Debt, Uranium, and the Costs of Macron-ism",
"author" : "EIP Editors",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/france-in-revolt",
"date" : "2025-09-14 22:39:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Bloquons-Tout.jpg",
"excerpt" : "France is burning again—not only on the streets of Paris but in the brittle foundations of its political economy. What began as a mass revolt against austerity and public-service cuts has become a national convulsion: roads blocked, train stations occupied, workplaces shut down under the call to “Bloquons Tout” (Let’s Block Everything). The collapse of François Bayrou’s government is only the latest symptom. At the root of the crisis is a political project: Macronism—the steady, decade-long tilt toward pro-business reforms, tax cuts for the wealthy, and austerity by default—that has hollowed out public revenue and narrowed citizens’ options.",
"content" : "France is burning again—not only on the streets of Paris but in the brittle foundations of its political economy. What began as a mass revolt against austerity and public-service cuts has become a national convulsion: roads blocked, train stations occupied, workplaces shut down under the call to “Bloquons Tout” (Let’s Block Everything). The collapse of François Bayrou’s government is only the latest symptom. At the root of the crisis is a political project: Macronism—the steady, decade-long tilt toward pro-business reforms, tax cuts for the wealthy, and austerity by default—that has hollowed out public revenue and narrowed citizens’ options.Tax Cuts, Corporate Giveaways, and Rising DebtSince Emmanuel Macron took office in 2017, his administration rolled out a suite of pro-market reforms: the abolition of the broad wealth tax (ISF), replaced by a narrower property wealth tax (IFI); a sustained reduction of the corporate tax rate to about 25%; and a raft of tax measures framed as competitiveness fixes for companies and investors. Economists now estimate that Macron’s tax cuts account for a significant share of France’s rising public debt; his reforms helped widen deficits even before pandemic and energy-shock spending pushed them higher. Today France’s public debt sits near 113–114% of GDP, and ratings agencies and markets are watching closely. (Le Monde.fr)These policies did not produce the promised boom in broadly shared prosperity. Investment did not surge enough to offset lost revenue, and growth remained sluggish. The political consequence was predictable: when the state has less to spend, the burden of balancing budgets falls on cuts to pensions, healthcare, and social programs—measures that overwhelmingly hurt working-class and vulnerable communities. (Financial Times)Pension Reform, Social Fracture, and the Limits of ConsentMacron’s government pushed a controversial pension reform—raising the retirement age from 62 to 64—which sparked nationwide strikes and mass protests in 2023. The reform illustrated a defining feature of Macronism: when public consent falters, the state still presses forward with market-oriented restructuring, deepening social fracture and anger. The pension fight didn’t create the crisis so much as expose it. (Al Jazeera)Colonial Hangover: Uranium, Energy, and GeopoliticsFrance’s energy model has long rested on nuclear power—once a source of national pride for its emission-free nature, and geopolitical independence. Behind that story, however, is another: the colonial era’s extraction of uranium in places like Niger, where French companies (notably Orano/former Areva) secured resource access under unequal terms. As Niger reasserted sovereignty over its resources after the 2023 coup and pushed back on French access, the illusion of seamless “energy independence” began to crack. Losing preferential access to Nigerien uranium has widened France’s energy insecurity and amplified the fiscal squeeze: higher energy costs, the need to secure new supply chains, and political pressure to maintain subsidies for households. The politics of extraction are now returning home. (Le Monde.fr)Climate, Austerity, and the Moral EconomyAdd the climate emergency to the mix—record heatwaves, floods, and wildfires—and the picture becomes even more bleak. Infrastructure strain and rising costs of climate adaptation demand public investment, yet the government’s posture has been to trim and reprioritize spending to satisfy markets. In practice, that means the people least responsible for climate harm—low-income communities, migrants, and precarious workers—are asked to pay the price. The result is a moral and political rupture: climate vulnerability plus fiscal austerity equals radicalized grievance. (Financial Times)A Convergence of FailuresThis is why the current uprising cannot be reduced to a single grievance. It is the convergence of multiple failures: Economic: tax policy that favored the wealthy while starving the public purse; rising debt and cuts that fall on the poor. (Financial Times) Colonial: the unraveling of extractive arrangements that once propped up French energy and power. (Le Monde.fr) Ecological: climate shocks that amplify social need even as public services are stripped back. (Financial Times) The revolt has therefore drawn a broad constituency—students, unions, public-sector workers, and neighborhoods long marginalized by austerity. It is not merely a labor dispute; it is a crisis of legitimacy for a model of governance that privatized gains and socialized pain.What Macronism Tells Us About the Global MomentFrance is a cautionary tale for democracies worldwide. When political leaders prioritize tax breaks for capital and cut public goods to placate markets, they borrow political stability against the future. The bill eventually comes due—in rising debt, in weakened social cohesion, and in violent backlash. Where resource dependencies meet neoliberal retrenchment, the risk of social rupture grows.Three Questions for What Comes Next Will the French state return to a redistributive project—taxing wealth, reclaiming revenues, and investing in climate resilience—or double down on austerity? Can movements translate street power into institutional change that addresses colonial legacies (resource sovereignty) as well as domestic inequality? Will climate policy be woven into social policy—so that adaptation and justice go hand in hand—or will they remain separate priorities, deepening vulnerability? France stands at a crossroads: continue a model that funnels benefit to capital while exposing citizens to climate and economic shocks—or imagine a social contract rooted in redistribution, de-colonial resource politics, and ecological justice. The choice will not be made in the Élysée alone. It is being argued in the streets, in workplaces, and across borders where the costs of extraction were first paid.Everything is Political—and in France today, that truth has never been clearer."
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}