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Emel Mathlouthi
COLLIS BROWNE: I’m honored to be having this conversation with you for our new column, Music is Political. Welcome! Who you are and how do you like to describe yourself.
EMEL MATHLOUTHI: My name is Emel, which means hope. It’s a name my parents gave me because they were trying to catch some hope from life and the new beginning. I think that name really defines me, because I’ve always been a very euphorically hopeful person, despite myself. I like to define myself through this concept of hope. And then I like to define myself as an Arab African, maybe a Berber or Tunisian woman. I don’t feel a sense of belonging only to where I come from and where I was born. I feel a sense of belonging to every culture I feel in my heart and that welcomes me. For instance, I feel home in Turkey. I love Kurdish music. I love New York. I love Paris.
I grew up with a lot of curiosity, and I’m very grateful for that. You can hear it in my music. I love to get inspired by many different rhythms. I love to be connected to my culture and to the things I grew up with that really vibrate inside me. I never wanted to direct my music to one kind of audience. I’m speaking to anyone who has a heart and wants to vibrate with emotions. I’ve always used music as a tool of rebellion and resistance, because I grew up under dictatorship. When I say dictatorship, I don’t mean just the government or the country. Dictatorship within society and within family. I grew up with a very conservative mother. I felt oppressed from a very young age. When I was eight, I wanted to be an artist. I wanted to express myself in ways I didn’t think were allowed, and art felt like a beautiful escape. So, the idea of art or music was connected with liberation, with trying to break free. I’ve always wanted to break free even before I really understood it.
I got passionate about singing and began to realize that this was going to be my life’s purpose. It helped that I grew up with a father who had an amazing collection of vinyls. Sheikh Imam is one of the most amazing Arab musicians ever. He’s the definition of human sacrifice for justice and freedom. He spent most of his life in prison. He would get out and write songs, then go back to prison, write more songs, get out and sing them, and then go back to prison. I remember vividly the moment I started feeling this is why I’m going to play music… to provoke this feeling inside other people. If I can do that… that would be the most beautiful life purpose.
When I listened to Sheikh Imam or Marcel Khalife, I felt so strong and powerful; I felt like I could break free. My goal was to start with my own compatriots. I felt that I needed to be responsible, to shake people and tell them that they had to believe in themselves. They had to believe in their power to decide for themselves, their life and their future.
COLLIS BROWNE: Tell me about your journey with this spirit of liberation that draws us from the personal, and then moves us out into the family, into smaller society, into broader society, and then into the world at large.
EMEL MATHLOUTHI: I guess there was a big need for activism inside me. I thought that music was going to be the most direct and powerful way to do it. So I just started… first singing other people’s songs and focusing on performing. Obviously it wasn’t easy to perform this kind of music in the open. I wasn’t getting into music contests or going on TV or the radio. I started performing covers, and I saw the power a guitar and a voice could bring. I would feel that, almost like a revolution was going to start right in front of me. I could see the sparks in people’s eyes. That’s how everything started… a few years before the revolution.
I never like to give myself much credit. But, I do think I definitely played an important part in growing the seeds of revolution. I never had the hope that I would see it with my own eyes.
I started writing my own songs. Eventually, I started writing in my native language, which is Tunisian Arabic. And that’s how I started a new genre, a new style, a mix between metal and folk music. I started paving my way. Ultimately, I had to move to France because I literally didn’t have any hope of a future. I started recording EPs and selling them after the shows until I got noticed. I grew little by little, did more festivals, signed with a record label and released my revolution album, Kelmti Horra.
Tunisia is in the northern part of Africa. It’s a very small country. I think we’re around 12 million people. We’re neighbors with Algeria and Libya. We speak an Arabic dialect that has a lot of different influences, from Turkish to the native language of Tunisia to Arabized French, classical Arabic, Spanish, and Italian. It’s a very interesting melting pot, and I’m very grateful that I was able to grow up there despite growing up under dictatorship. There are a few countries where people take you for who you really are. Like when I go to perform in Turkey, or in Mexico, I feel that people react to what they see, and they engage with what they see, rather than trying to overlay their own idea of who you should be. That happens a lot in Europe, in the white parts of the world.
COLLIS BROWNE: You were on the street with a megaphone, if I hear the story correctly, marching with the people.
EMEL MATHLOUTHI: Yeah, I was on the street a few different times. The Global South has always had a lot of courage. They took it to the street many years before the revolution happened, and that’s how it started at the end of 2010. I took part in the early demonstrations, and I could really see the tension, and I could really see that something was different this time because we were never allowed to protest before that. So, this was a very, very scary but also very exciting time. And then eventually, I went to the street, and I sang. It’s hard for me to describe that moment. I like to take part in things as just a person, but I was asked to sing “Horra,” which I had been singing for a few years. Someone asked me to sing it, and I sang it without realizing how much impact it was going to have. This was a very proud moment. Music can change things, and music is very powerful.
COLLIS BROWNE: I love that. What’s your general sense of how people think about Palestine in Tunisia.
EMEL MATHLOUTHI:
We all grew up with a big love for Palestine. I guess we’ve always seen them as our brothers and sisters, like a part of the family that has always been oppressed.
And let’s be frank about it. I remember when I was young learning that there was a country that was still colonizing another country, and I was living in that reality. I couldn’t believe it. One day, I was talking with my dad, and he said, ‘You know Israel? This is what happened, and this is what is still happening.’ So I think from then on, I was always super angry and fueled by frustration and sadness. We’ve hosted the PLO in Tunisia, so I think the Palestinians like us a lot, because we’ve always been very consistent in our support. There were two terrorist attacks in Tunis where Israeli Secret Services came over the sea, and then, boom, boom, boom… I grew up with a lot of empathy, and I think I have to be grateful for my dad for showing me the white way, for telling me the truth, for growing the seeds of revolution inside me.
I’ve always reacted very vividly to injustice, and specifically Palestine, even before I started to fight for freedom in Tunisia… I was already singing about freedom in Palestine. I used to sing in English. I really hated Arabic, because to me, it represented dictatorship, not only the political side of things, but also in the music. Classic Arabic music said that this is how it’s done. You have to have knowledge. You have to know the maqams. If you didn’t study, you could not… I was coming from, you pick up your guitar, you learn some chords from your friends, and then you go and you use your emotion. Why did I have to function a certain way? Music was inside me. I didn’t need to study it.
And as a woman, I was fed the image of the diva who doesn’t move. There’s a guy who writes lyrics for you, there’s another guy who puts music on it, and there’s 500 guys behind you. You’re singing, and you’re beautiful, because you have the beautiful voice, and then you’re just immobile. I wanted to be barefoot on stage. I wanted to jump and express my body and myself. So to me, Arabic music, and Arabic was just like, No.
I started with metal and rock, and the first song in Arabic that really reconciled me with myself, my culture, obviously, because that had to happen at some point, was a Palestinian song about Palestine. I met this Palestinian friend at some political event, and he said your voice would be amazing in Arabic. And I was like, ‘No way. That’s not true. I have no idea how to sing in Arabic. I have no knowledge.’ He said, ‘I have a song for you.’ He gave me a tape of a song called عصفور طل من الشباك (A bird appeared at my window). I went home and listened to it 1000 times. It told the story of a wounded bird that goes and hides… the story of the Palestinian refugees who find refuge in Lebanon. My connection with Palestine and the Palestinian cause and fight for freedom is intertwined with my music and my purpose.
{
"article":
{
"title" : "Emel Mathlouthi",
"author" : "Emel Mathlouthi, Collis Browne",
"category" : "interviews",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/emel-mathlouthi",
"date" : "2025-06-20 14:26:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Emel-face.jpg",
"excerpt" : "COLLIS BROWNE: I’m honored to be having this conversation with you for our new column, Music is Political. Welcome! Who you are and how do you like to describe yourself.",
"content" : "COLLIS BROWNE: I’m honored to be having this conversation with you for our new column, Music is Political. Welcome! Who you are and how do you like to describe yourself.EMEL MATHLOUTHI: My name is Emel, which means hope. It’s a name my parents gave me because they were trying to catch some hope from life and the new beginning. I think that name really defines me, because I’ve always been a very euphorically hopeful person, despite myself. I like to define myself through this concept of hope. And then I like to define myself as an Arab African, maybe a Berber or Tunisian woman. I don’t feel a sense of belonging only to where I come from and where I was born. I feel a sense of belonging to every culture I feel in my heart and that welcomes me. For instance, I feel home in Turkey. I love Kurdish music. I love New York. I love Paris.I grew up with a lot of curiosity, and I’m very grateful for that. You can hear it in my music. I love to get inspired by many different rhythms. I love to be connected to my culture and to the things I grew up with that really vibrate inside me. I never wanted to direct my music to one kind of audience. I’m speaking to anyone who has a heart and wants to vibrate with emotions. I’ve always used music as a tool of rebellion and resistance, because I grew up under dictatorship. When I say dictatorship, I don’t mean just the government or the country. Dictatorship within society and within family. I grew up with a very conservative mother. I felt oppressed from a very young age. When I was eight, I wanted to be an artist. I wanted to express myself in ways I didn’t think were allowed, and art felt like a beautiful escape. So, the idea of art or music was connected with liberation, with trying to break free. I’ve always wanted to break free even before I really understood it.I got passionate about singing and began to realize that this was going to be my life’s purpose. It helped that I grew up with a father who had an amazing collection of vinyls. Sheikh Imam is one of the most amazing Arab musicians ever. He’s the definition of human sacrifice for justice and freedom. He spent most of his life in prison. He would get out and write songs, then go back to prison, write more songs, get out and sing them, and then go back to prison. I remember vividly the moment I started feeling this is why I’m going to play music… to provoke this feeling inside other people. If I can do that… that would be the most beautiful life purpose.When I listened to Sheikh Imam or Marcel Khalife, I felt so strong and powerful; I felt like I could break free. My goal was to start with my own compatriots. I felt that I needed to be responsible, to shake people and tell them that they had to believe in themselves. They had to believe in their power to decide for themselves, their life and their future.COLLIS BROWNE: Tell me about your journey with this spirit of liberation that draws us from the personal, and then moves us out into the family, into smaller society, into broader society, and then into the world at large.EMEL MATHLOUTHI: I guess there was a big need for activism inside me. I thought that music was going to be the most direct and powerful way to do it. So I just started… first singing other people’s songs and focusing on performing. Obviously it wasn’t easy to perform this kind of music in the open. I wasn’t getting into music contests or going on TV or the radio. I started performing covers, and I saw the power a guitar and a voice could bring. I would feel that, almost like a revolution was going to start right in front of me. I could see the sparks in people’s eyes. That’s how everything started… a few years before the revolution. I never like to give myself much credit. But, I do think I definitely played an important part in growing the seeds of revolution. I never had the hope that I would see it with my own eyes.I started writing my own songs. Eventually, I started writing in my native language, which is Tunisian Arabic. And that’s how I started a new genre, a new style, a mix between metal and folk music. I started paving my way. Ultimately, I had to move to France because I literally didn’t have any hope of a future. I started recording EPs and selling them after the shows until I got noticed. I grew little by little, did more festivals, signed with a record label and released my revolution album, Kelmti Horra.Tunisia is in the northern part of Africa. It’s a very small country. I think we’re around 12 million people. We’re neighbors with Algeria and Libya. We speak an Arabic dialect that has a lot of different influences, from Turkish to the native language of Tunisia to Arabized French, classical Arabic, Spanish, and Italian. It’s a very interesting melting pot, and I’m very grateful that I was able to grow up there despite growing up under dictatorship. There are a few countries where people take you for who you really are. Like when I go to perform in Turkey, or in Mexico, I feel that people react to what they see, and they engage with what they see, rather than trying to overlay their own idea of who you should be. That happens a lot in Europe, in the white parts of the world.COLLIS BROWNE: You were on the street with a megaphone, if I hear the story correctly, marching with the people.EMEL MATHLOUTHI: Yeah, I was on the street a few different times. The Global South has always had a lot of courage. They took it to the street many years before the revolution happened, and that’s how it started at the end of 2010. I took part in the early demonstrations, and I could really see the tension, and I could really see that something was different this time because we were never allowed to protest before that. So, this was a very, very scary but also very exciting time. And then eventually, I went to the street, and I sang. It’s hard for me to describe that moment. I like to take part in things as just a person, but I was asked to sing “Horra,” which I had been singing for a few years. Someone asked me to sing it, and I sang it without realizing how much impact it was going to have. This was a very proud moment. Music can change things, and music is very powerful.COLLIS BROWNE: I love that. What’s your general sense of how people think about Palestine in Tunisia.EMEL MATHLOUTHI: We all grew up with a big love for Palestine. I guess we’ve always seen them as our brothers and sisters, like a part of the family that has always been oppressed.And let’s be frank about it. I remember when I was young learning that there was a country that was still colonizing another country, and I was living in that reality. I couldn’t believe it. One day, I was talking with my dad, and he said, ‘You know Israel? This is what happened, and this is what is still happening.’ So I think from then on, I was always super angry and fueled by frustration and sadness. We’ve hosted the PLO in Tunisia, so I think the Palestinians like us a lot, because we’ve always been very consistent in our support. There were two terrorist attacks in Tunis where Israeli Secret Services came over the sea, and then, boom, boom, boom… I grew up with a lot of empathy, and I think I have to be grateful for my dad for showing me the white way, for telling me the truth, for growing the seeds of revolution inside me.I’ve always reacted very vividly to injustice, and specifically Palestine, even before I started to fight for freedom in Tunisia… I was already singing about freedom in Palestine. I used to sing in English. I really hated Arabic, because to me, it represented dictatorship, not only the political side of things, but also in the music. Classic Arabic music said that this is how it’s done. You have to have knowledge. You have to know the maqams. If you didn’t study, you could not… I was coming from, you pick up your guitar, you learn some chords from your friends, and then you go and you use your emotion. Why did I have to function a certain way? Music was inside me. I didn’t need to study it.And as a woman, I was fed the image of the diva who doesn’t move. There’s a guy who writes lyrics for you, there’s another guy who puts music on it, and there’s 500 guys behind you. You’re singing, and you’re beautiful, because you have the beautiful voice, and then you’re just immobile. I wanted to be barefoot on stage. I wanted to jump and express my body and myself. So to me, Arabic music, and Arabic was just like, No.I started with metal and rock, and the first song in Arabic that really reconciled me with myself, my culture, obviously, because that had to happen at some point, was a Palestinian song about Palestine. I met this Palestinian friend at some political event, and he said your voice would be amazing in Arabic. And I was like, ‘No way. That’s not true. I have no idea how to sing in Arabic. I have no knowledge.’ He said, ‘I have a song for you.’ He gave me a tape of a song called عصفور طل من الشباك (A bird appeared at my window). I went home and listened to it 1000 times. It told the story of a wounded bird that goes and hides… the story of the Palestinian refugees who find refuge in Lebanon. My connection with Palestine and the Palestinian cause and fight for freedom is intertwined with my music and my purpose."
}
,
"relatedposts": [
{
"title" : "A Call to Arms",
"author" : "Jeremiah Zaeske",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/a-call-to-arms",
"date" : "2026-02-03 11:17:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/1000013371.jpeg",
"excerpt" : "Birds perch on the gaps in barbed wire",
"content" : "Birds perch on the gaps in barbed wireBeckoning us to join themWater trickles through the obstruction in its path as if it were nonexistentWe have forgotten that we are waterVines weave a tapestry through metalIf trees cannot find a gap in the fence they will squeeze their way through,engulf it,absorb the border within themselvesThis is a call to armsLOVEI want my love to break through glassI want it to uproot the weeds that have grown in my heart as it picks through yoursI want it to burn through every piece of fabric stained with bloodLove was never a pacifistWhere there is evil there will also be two kinds of joyOne that revels in the misery,grinning faces posing with dead bodieswhile others look on in silence growing numbBut love is the joy of resilienceThe joy of knowing we will always need eachother enoughto tear down the walls and reach out our handsin spite of everything, even deathTo grab at the roots of ourselvesand plant flowers in place of the hate that’s been sown,though the stems may have thornsThis love will be the callouses born from fighting our waythrough rough brick and sharp glass edges,but they’ll just make it that much softer when palm meets palmThis love will be the fertilizer for a garden of scar tissue,never again to be buried under earth and thick skinThis love will be the seeds taking rootafter a long cold winter,sprouting from our chests and cracks in the pavementto greet a long-awaited springA NURTURING DEATHShot-gun weddingDrive-by baby showerClose-range baptismBurn down the forest,the church and the steepleThe baby’s gender is Destruction,Death, andPrimordial ChaosWe are unlocking the worlds they shut away,beyond the talons of textbook definitions,worlds they swore could never existworlds they swore to destroyWe’re pulling out fragmentsthrough the cracked open doorto fill the potholes and cracked cementof our bodymindsouls,to make salve for the woundsThe ones they claimed were pre-existingand unfillableand unfixableand “who’s going to pay for that?”We are toppling immovable fortresseslimb by limb,peeling off skin and tearing through tendonto reveal the brittle forgeries of boneWe are de-manufacturing wildernessNot just free reign for the treesor even all the life they hold,but regrowth for the village of Ahwahnee,birds pecking out the eyes of campers at YosemiteWhat remains will be fed back into the ecosystem,into the bellies of bears and mountain lions,swallowed by insects and earthuntil it’s decayed enough to fertilize the soiland grow foodmedicinelifeA rebirthA nurturing death"
}
,
{
"title" : "This is America: Land of the Occupied, Home of the Capitalists",
"author" : "Mattea Mun",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/this-is-america",
"date" : "2026-02-03 11:11:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/ice-protest-2-gty-gmh-260130_1769810312461_hpMain.jpg",
"excerpt" : "They tell us we live in the land of the free. They declare, “we the people,” and we assume they mean us when we were only ever defined – designed – to be the fodder to build their “life, liberty, and pursuit of happiness.”",
"content" : "They tell us we live in the land of the free. They declare, “we the people,” and we assume they mean us when we were only ever defined – designed – to be the fodder to build their “life, liberty, and pursuit of happiness.”On a Thursday, a 2-year-old girl returned home from the store with her father, Elvis Tipan-Echeverria, when unknown, masked agents trespassed onto their driveway and smashed the window in. In the name of defending the pursuit of happiness, she, with her father, was shoved into a car with no car seat and placed on a plane to Texas. This little girl was eventually returned to her mother in Minnesota; her father – still imprisoned in the land of the free.In the name of liberty, 5-year-old Liam Ramos, with his father, was seized and flown away from his mother and his home to sit in a detention facility in Texas, where his education will halt, his freedom is non-existent, and his pursuit of happiness – denied.In the name of life, Chaofeng Ge was “found” hanging, dead, in a shower stall in detention, his death declared a suicide though his hands and feet were bound behind his back, a fact evidently not deemed worthy of being initially disclosed. Geraldo Lunas Campos was handcuffed, tackled and choked – murdered – in detention, in an effort to “save” him. Victor Manuel Diaz, too, was “found” dead, a “presumed suicide,” the autopsy – classified.American voters like to declare that our present reality isn’t “what they voted for,” despite the fact that one of Donald Trump’s campaign promises in the 2024 election was to “carry out the largest domestic deportation operation in American history,” inevitably according to xenophobic and white supremacist lines. What many of us fail to remember is that this is not the first time we have voted for this. Indeed, I am not confident there is any point in American history that we have not collectively voted for this, regardless of so-called “party lines.”We Have Been Here BeforeWhile the Department of Homeland Security’s (DHS) U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) was founded in 2003, slavery and genocide predated the very Constitution of the United States, the bodies of African Americans and Indigenous Americans brutalized and broken in the service of laying the foundations of (white) American wealth. Though slavery was “abolished” in 1865 by the 13th amendment, this did not end the policing of racialized bodies.During the Reconstruction era, convict leasing and black codes preserved the conditions and social hierarchy that existed under slavery. Moreover, any legal rights afforded Black Americans were and still are persistently undermined by their inferior social caste, whereby their deaths and suffering at the hands of law enforcement, the healthcare system and other Americans often goes unprosecuted and/or unpunished.Within WWII-era Japanese internment camps, inmates were stripped of their freedom to move, subjected to harsh living conditions and coerced to partake in underpaid, unprotected labor.The Lucrative Business of Slavery and its Bipartisan ProfiteersTo this day, the prison system remains a potent vestige of slavery, again for the sake of profit, as inmates’ human rights are systematically liquidated. As early as the 1980s, the federal government has contracted for-profit prison corporations to operate federal detention facilities. Today, over 90% of ICE detention facilities are operated by for-profit prison corporations as of 2023, a figure which increased from 79% within Biden’s presidency alone.These trends, in conjunction with the ongoing mass detainments of America’s people of color, are not surprising when we consider the immense profits our politicians and some Americans stand to gain, made possible by the continuous enslavement of racialized bodies.Our bodies are their profit.Under the Voluntary Work Program, forced carceral labor is codified, whereby detainees are to receive “monetary compensation of not less than $1.00 per day of work completed,” their “voluntary” labor absolving them of legal employee protections, such as minimum wage. And although ICE affirms that “all detention facilities shall comply with all applicable health and safety regulations and standards,” there is confusion as to how these standards are checked, especially when we consider the Trump administration closed the DHS’s Office for Civil Rights and Civil Liberties in March 2025.Nevertheless, several lawsuits and detainee testimonies attest to the fact that the work program is rarely voluntary, the survival of themselves and the facilities imprisoning them hinging upon their labor and minimal income. Indeed, many detainees are expected to purchase their own basic products, such as toilet paper and soap. Other detainees recall being threatened with solitary confinement, poorer living conditions and material punishment if they refused to work. Martha Gonzalez was denied access to sanitary pads when she requested a day off work, demonstrative of a larger pattern of ICE’s refusal to provide hygiene products and spaces to maintain one’s hygiene in a dignified manner.In 2023, GEO Group, one of the largest for-profit prison corporations, made over $2.4 billion in revenue, of which ICE, as their largest customer, accounted for 43%, or $1.04 million. ICE also accounted for 30% of CoreCivic’s – another large for-profit prison corporation – revenue. Thus, our bodies enable these companies to amass hundreds of millions in profit.Incidentally, CoreCivic and GEO Group are among the private prison companies that contribute the most to political campaigns, parties and candidates. In the 2024 election cycle, GEO Group gave $3.7 million in contributions, including $1 million to Make America Great Again Inc, while CoreCivic provided roughly $785,000 in contributions. While Republican candidates and committees have been the recipient of the large majority of these funds in recent years, Democrats and the Democratic Party are also guilty of accepting funding from these corporations, among others. In the 2024 cycle, CoreCivic contributed $50,000 to the Democratic Lieutenant Governors Association and Kamala Harris received $9,500 from GEO Group.The opportunities for profit extend even further beyond the U.S.’s borders as more and more nations are gradually entering deals to imprison noncitizen deportees coming from the U.S. In November, $7.5 million was paid out to Equatorial Guinea for this purpose. Alongside other Latin American countries like Costa Rica and El Salvador, Argentina is also rumored to strike their own deal with the U.S.Our bodies are their profit.The ongoing ICE campaign stands as a bipartisan issue, mirroring the ways our country’s deepest social inequalities have been repeatedly upheld on all sides of the political aisle throughout our history.The Occupied Mind and BodyMoreover, the policing of racialized bodies does not merely pertain to the body alone as a site to be moved and removed. Rather, this violence is also waged in our social spaces, in our fears and inside of our bodies.In the classroom, our curriculums hardly, if at all, represent a version of events where we existed and meanwhile the current administration actively tries to erase any part of history we are given a claim to. Such initiatives, too, have been supported for generations, reflected in the 150-year period Indigenous American and Hawaiian children were forcibly taken from their homes and sent to boarding schools designed to facilitate their assimilation and more seamless theft of their native lands.In our social spaces and lives – if not yet brutally taken – liberty and the pursuit of happiness is not ours for the taking. We are perpetually told under what conditions our movement is permissible. Decades of redlining have, in many ways, preserved segregation and pooled the best resources for the white and the wealthy to the detriment of communities of color.But even this is not enough.They police us from the inside, too. In exchange for gifts like food and photographs of her daughter, a Nicaraguan woman was subjected to have sex with a now former ICE officer whilst in detention. A “romantic relationship,” according to federal prosecutors. Our suffering is still romanticized even when guilt has been assigned. What they still do not realize is that there is no place for romance to reside so long as we remain shackled, our bodies – looted.From the inside, they forcibly remove our reproductive organs, then and now. Many of us were among the 70,000 forcibly sterilized in the 20th-century, deemed “unfit” to reproduce. As we speak, 32% of surgeries performed in ICE detention facilities are performed without proper authorization, and there are reports of mass hysterectomies being exacted behind closed doors.They dictate our movements, lock us up, take our insides out, inject their fantasies onto and into our bodies, deprive us of our right to learn and to work and to live. And even if they have not yet come bounding at our doorstep, we lie anxiously in wait for the moment our past may catch up with us and seep, once again, back into our present.And yet, they have the audacity to say that it is by our hands that we are dying; that if only we had lived and loved differently, things wouldn’t be this way. In the name of safety and peace, they force our bodies into hiding or otherwise out onto the streets, despite the fact that only 5% of us have been implicated in a violent crime. In the name of safety, they drag a half-naked ChongLy Thao into snow-covered streets for existing, in their eyes, incorrectly; that is, non-whitely. In the name of safety, a one-year-old and her father are pepper-sprayed in the eyes whilst sitting in their car at the wrong time.Dismantling the Oppressor to Dismantle OppressionFor all the state’s claims that a “war on crime” is being waged, it has always been and remains a war against our bodies, the means with which they wish to realize ICE’s utopic “Amazon Prime for human beings.” Similarly, the War on Drugs only ever served to terrorize our communities, to lock up and exploit our bodies. Meanwhile, this matter of “crime” never dissipated. For centuries, they tell us that it is our fault – our heinous “crimes” – that we are stripped of our families and our dignity. Meanwhile, politicians of all parties and colors have sat idle even while claiming to bear our interests to heart. We forget that they hold their money closer.And, not so unlike the slave catchers recruited and paid out to return runaway slaves to their owners, so, too, it is we who are being recruited and paid out to bind and beat one another, to tease out the “other.” That is, unless we bring ourselves to see ourselves not only in the “other,” but in the ones dragging our tired feet across the pavement, forcing our bodies into further submission, pulling the trigger – all whilst looking us dead in the eye.It was James Baldwin who said, “Everyone you’re looking at is also you. You could be that person. You could be that monster, you could be that cop. And you have to decide, in yourself, not to be.”Whilst the money and military might of the state and the oppressive systems that prop it up are, no doubt, daunting, their power is nevertheless maintained by individual choices made in the service of oppression and possession, as opposed to liberation. However, it is also important to remember that other individual choices are the reason we remain today, more free than before even if that freedom may be incomplete. Thus, just as individual choices have the power to oppress, so, too, individual choices have the power to resist oppression; to hold our people in check; to liberate.Only through our decision to not become the monster we fear do we have any hope of collective liberation."
}
,
{
"title" : "Couture in Paris, Cuts at the 'Post'",
"author" : "Louis Pisano",
"category" : "essay",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/bezos-sanchez-paris-couture-week-wapo-layoffs",
"date" : "2026-02-02 10:49:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Cover_EIP_Bezos_Sanchez_Pisano.jpg",
"excerpt" : "The Cruel Irony of the Bezos-Sánchez Empire",
"content" : "The Cruel Irony of the Bezos-Sánchez EmpireLate on January 25, as snow dusted Washington, about 60 foreign correspondents at The Washington Post hit send on an email that felt like a last stand. They had dodged gunfire in Ukraine, documented Iran’s water crises and protester crackdowns, risked sources’ lives in gang territories. Now they faced their own existential threat: rumors of up to 300 company-wide layoffs, with foreign desks, sports, metro, and arts likely gutted. Their collective letter to owner Jeff Bezos was direct, almost pleading.“Robust, powerful foreign coverage is essential to The Washington Post’s brand and its future success in whatever form the paper takes moving forward,” they wrote. “We urge you to consider how the proposed layoffs will certainly lead us first to irrelevance, not the shared success that remains attainable.” They offered flexibility on costs but drew a line: slashing overseas reporting in Trump’s second term, amid global flashpoints, would hollow out the institution they had built.Whether Bezos opened that email remains unclear. As of this writing, he has not publicly responded to it. In fact, Bezos was 4,000 miles away, strolling hand-in-hand with Lauren Sánchez Bezos into Schiaparelli’s Haute Couture show in Paris. Flashbulbs popped as they arrived, Sánchez in a blood red skirt suit from the house and a white crocodile bag. Hours on, she switched to a steel-blue-gray vintage Dior pencil-skirt suit, its enormous fur collar evoking a mob wife, for Jonathan Anderson’s couture debut with the house.The two didn’t just sit front row, either. Backstage at Dior, Bezos and Sánchez posed with Anderson and LVMH CEO Delphine Arnault. Sánchez lunched with Anna Wintour at The Ritz and was allegedly dressed by Law Roach, the “image architect” behind Zendaya’s accession to fashion darling, who once declared fashion’s power to challenge norms and amplify the marginalized. Roach reshared Sánchez’s Instagram stories, crediting the vintage Dior; later, they toured Schiaparelli’s atelier together. The partnership felt sudden and loaded.Back in D.C., the newsroom simmered. Staffers posted on X under #SaveThePost, Yeganeh Torbati recounting government violence against protesters, Loveday Morris describing blasts rattling windows and the mortal risks to sources, tagging Bezos directly in urgent appeals. In a guild-prompted twist meant to amplify the message, the Washington-Baltimore News Guild encouraged tagging even Lauren Sánchez, though not every reporter followed through. The betrayal stung deeper after years of buyouts, a libertarian-tilted Opinions section, a rebranded mission (“Riveting Storytelling for All of America”) that rang corporate. Losses topped $100 million in 2024 and now the axe is hovering over desks that produced the scoops Bezos once praised when he bought the paper for $250 million in 2013. Now, Bezos parties on in Paris, his wife climbing fashion’s ranks.While the billionaires party, a profound unease is permeating the American media landscape, exacerbated by political shifts and technological disruptions that empower owners like Bezos to sideline core missions in favor of personal ventures. The press, once a vigilant watchdog against authority, now frequently finds itself complicit with power structures, buckling under misinformation, partisan censorship, and budgetary constraints that stifle investigative depth. This dynamic deprives the public of the unflinching journalism that is capable of exposing foreign policy overreaches or everyday human struggle, amplified by economic slowdowns and subscription fatigue in an increasingly fragmented ecosystem. With eroding confidence driving audiences to social platforms, now eclipsing traditional TV and websites as the primary news source in the U.S., the fallout further deepens this public distrust.To be clear, fashion isn’t innocent in this. It loves to posture as progressive, touting body positivity, diversity, resistance as it’s relevant, but rolling out the red carpet for the ultra-rich when the checks clear, especially when the checks come from people whose fortunes are built on real harm. Once upon a time, you couldn’t simply buy your way into the Met Gala; invitations were curated by Wintour based on cultural relevance, creative influence, and a carefully guarded sense of who truly belonged in the room. That’s all over now. The Bezoses have turned every norm in fashion on its head, sponsoring the 2026 Met Gala (funding the event and reportedly influencing invites), making their debut as a couple in 2024, and now leveraging those ties to claim space in couture’s inner circles. Bezos and Sánchez’s couture jaunt is just the latest proof that fashion’s gates, once guarded by creativity and taste, now swing widest for raw wealth and access.Wintour lunches and their prominent sponsorship role in the Met Gala don’t help quell the whispers that Bezos is eyeing Condé Nast (Vogue, Vanity Fair, The New Yorker) as a “wedding gift” to Sánchez. Rumors denied yet persistent, revived by every Paris sighting.Not everyone in fashion is staying silent. Some insiders are pushing back hard against the normalization. Gabriella Karefa-Johnson, a longtime voice in the industry, posted bluntly on X: “The hyper normalization is doing my head in… keep your mouth shut about ICE if you’re mingling with them, seating them, dressing them. Accepting their cash.” She called out Amazon’s cloud systems as the backbone of DHS deportation operations and billions in government contracts that sustain what she called “Trump’s terror machine,” concluding that Bezos and Sánchez are at couture simply because they are rich—and their wealth comes from profoundly harming millions daily. “I feel crazy,” she wrote. While couture has always been a bastian of the uber-rich, Karefa-Johnson’s frustration underscores how even fashion’s own are starting to question the cost of that welcome.If that Conde-Nast deal ever materializes, the consequences would compound because control over fashion’s most influential titles would allow Bezos the opportunity to shape narratives around billionaires, soften coverage of labor abuses, environmental costs, or surveillance contracts. The same hand that funds AWS’s CIA contracts, DoD cloud deals, ICE enforcement tools, fossil-fuel operations, warehouse injuries, anti-union tactics, and small-business-crushing monopoly would quietly steer the stories about wealth and style. Already deferential to its biggest advertisers and attendees, fashion journalism would fold into the same closed loop, fusing tech dominance with cultural gatekeeping into one unassailable private empire—all of it ultimately bankrolling the yachts, the space joyrides with Katy Perry, the private-jet hops to couture shows and fashion influence, to polish an image that the Post’s own reporters once might have skewered.[x] It’s almost elegant the way one empire’s dirt gets laundered through another.It’s cruelly ironic how wide the gap between the risks assumed by WaPo correspondents tasked with holding power to account and the comfort with which their owner moves among the powerful in Paris actually is. Fashion has political power, as Roach once said. It can challenge and provoke. It can also resist. But when it courts figures like Bezos, whose empire thrives on the very inequalities it sometimes pretends to critique, it becomes another asset in his already enormous portfolio.But there is no challenge, no provocation. There is no major resistance. Instead, there’s champagne and constant disassociation. Somewhere between the clink of glasses and the photos, Bezos and his wife get a glow up while The Washington Post newsroom waits, knowing the cuts are coming but not yet here. No one is confused about what happened; this is simply how the trade now unfortunately works.Wealth drifts through media, fashion, culture, picking up prestige and shedding people along the way. Whether Bezos ever read the letter is beside the point. The stranger thing is how little anyone expects him, or anyone like him, to answer anymore."
}
]
}