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The OU Essay and the Christian Persecution Complex
On December 23rd, the University of Oklahoma announced that Mel Curth, the University of Oklahoma graduate assistant who failed a student whose essay described transgender people as “denomic,” has been removed from her position. In a social media post, the University of Oklahoma posted that: “the University of Oklahoma believes strongly in both its faculty’s rights to teach with academic freedom and integrity and its students’ rights to receive an education that is free from a lecturer’s impermissible evaluative standards. We are committed to teaching students how to think, not what to think.”
Further, the university stated in this statement that “the grade appeal was decided in favor of the student, removing the assignment completely from the student’s total point value of the class, resulting in no academic harm to the student.”
While on a first reading, it may seem like an isolated incident of teacher-student disagreement, a closer reading reveals how the student used “religious freedom” to argue for academic leniency and the termination of an instructor who graded her fairly. It is a case study into how academic rigor and accountability can and is being dismissed as religious discrimination, how far-right media outlets and leaders are eager to take up the cause, and academic institution’s willingness to bend to political pressure.
How the Case Unfolded
Over the past three months, protests at the University of Oklahoma have exploded after the university placed Curth on leave after a student complained that the failing grade she received for a paper was the result of religious discrimination. Samantha Fulnecky, a 20-year-old student at the University of Oklahoma, filed a complaint of religious discrimination after she received a failing grade on a paper that cited the Bible to assert that “belief in multiple genders” was “demonic.”
The paper was an assignment where she and her classmates were asked to respond in 650 words to an academic study that explored whether gender norms were associated with popularity or bullying among middle school students. Fulnecky responded that she disagreed with the article because she does not support the belief that there are more than two genders, writing:
“Society pushing the lie that there are multiple genders and everyone should be whatever they want to be is demonic and severely harms American youth.”
Fulnecky did not analyze the article nor address its central argument, and so the graduate teaching assistant responsible for grading it–Mel Curth–wrote that the paper “contradicts itself, heavily uses personal ideology over empirical evidence in a scientific class, and is at times offensive.” Curth clarified, “please note that I am not deducting points because you have certain beliefs,” but rather because she did not complete the assignment according to the rubric.
The failing grade only represented 3% of her final grade and does not affect her academic standing, but the situation has become a lightning rod for conservative media outlets. Turning Point OU, a chapter of the late conservative activist Charlie Kirk’s organization, posted about Fulnecky’s essay on X and the story has gone viral. The chapter wrote in their post that “professors like this are the very reason conservatives can’t voice their beliefs in the classroom.”
Along with filing a complaint of religious discrimination with the university, Fulnecky provided a copy of her essay to The Oklahoman, and defended the university’s decision to put Curth on leave during an OU Turning Point USA event this past Thursday night. At this event, Gabe Woolley presented Fulnecky with a Citation of Recognition from the Oklahoma House of Representatives, District 98, for her “steadfast convictions, her commitment to speaking from a foundation of truth, and her courage in shining a light on serious concerns within the Oklahoma’s higher education system,” as he wrote on a Facebook post.
One day earlier, Fulnecky spoke at a meeting of the Oklahoma Constitutional Principles Affecting Culture Foundation meeting, where Freedom Caucus Chairman Shane Jett said he is not satisfied with the university’s response. “They didn’t fix the problem. The university is the problem. And the dearth of leadership, from the president down, is the problem.”
In a press release issued by the Freedom Caucus, Jett said that “Oklahoma taxpayers should not continue bankrolling indoctrination mills that violate the First Amendment.”
As a result, college and university faculty across the country have voiced concern about what the incident means for academic integrity. Shortly after Turning Point’s post went viral, Curth was placed on administrative leave as the university launched an investigation into the incident and a full-time professor was reassigned to the course. Last week, the OU Graduate Student Senate criticized the university’s response to Fulnecky’s claim of religious discrimination and defended Curth. The University’s Department of Psychology recognized Curth’s teaching in the past, awarding her “Outstanding Graduate Teaching Award” in November 2025.
Shortly thereafter, another lecturer was dismissed after informing students that they would be excused absent from her class if they attended an on-campus protest in support of Curth but allegedly did not provide the same opportunity for students to protest Curth’s reinstatement. And it’s not the first time that OU professors have been targeted by Turning Point USA. As of October 16th, OU Sociology Professor Samuel Perry was listed on the TPUS’s website under a “Professor Watchlist.” This watchlist allegedly identifies professors and instructors that “discriminate against conservative students and advance leftist propaganda in the classroom.”
The incident has brought OU to the forefront of ongoing discussions about academic integrity and pressures professors and students are calling out bigotry in their classrooms. In fact, on Friday, the Oklahoma State Regents for Higher Education approved the termination of 16 and the suspension of three OU degree programs as part of the board’s comprehensive review of programs.
This Is Not About Religious Liberty
This isn’t a story about religious liberty - it’s a story about academic accountability and rigor being reframed as discrimination. Funecky did not complete the assignment as required, and when she was graded accordingly, far-right organizations amplified her complaint to manufacture a moral panic about “Christian persecution.” The result wasn’t dialogue or debate - it was retaliation.
She’s using the Christian nationalism of the moment to argue a case that should be closed and shut. It’s about how she didn’t cite her sources or develop a solid argument. For Christian nationalists and White supremacists eager to argue that their way of life–one that is built on bigotry enabled by Christian hegemony and White supremacy–is being threatened, Fulnecky’s situation is the perfect ammunition. It’s part of the Evangelical or Christian Persecution Complex that romanticizes criticism of sexist, homophobic, transphobic, and racist belief systems as “fulfillment of the persecution that Jesus foretold,” writes Kevin Singer for Sojourners.
When questioned about calling trans, nonbinary, and intersex people demonic, she said “I didn’t mean the demonic part in an offensive way.” There is no not offensive way in which Fulnecky can describe trans, nonbinary, and intersex people as “demonic.” Rather, calling the LGBTQ+ community “demonic” is part of a growing movement conflating queerness with spiritual evil, reviving in many ways a new Satanic Panic.
Fulnecky argues that she did not know that her instructor–Curth–is transgender, and when she found out, Fulnecky continued to misgender Curth when she spoke to Ray Carter for a piece published by the Oklahoma Council Of Public Affairs.
Fellow graduate student instructor Megan Waldon, who also grades assignments for Fulnecky’s class said that Fulnecky’s essay “directly and harshly criticizes your peers and their opinions, which are just as valuable as yours. Disagreeing with others is fine, but there is a respectful way to go about it. That goes for discussion posts as well as reaction papers.”
Fulnecky argued that since it was an online course, no other students saw the reaction essay, but even though Fulnecky claims that she had no intent to cause controversy with her essay, her participation in the viral moment has not only cast the University of Oklahoma’s credibility in the limelight but also led to Curth’s firing. This past December’s news set a dangerous precedent–how the American Christian Persecution Complex is not only threatening people’s careers but also the safety of the university space.
What This Means, and What We Can Do About It
For those currently teaching and learning in college and university spaces (or any educational space for that matter following the Supreme Court decision Mahmoud v. Taylor released this past June 2025 allowing that parents could opt their children out of lessons including LGBTQ+ representation on the grounds of religious liberty), please know that there are things that people working in these spaces can do to protect themselves.
The best thing to do in the classroom and outside of is to document every interaction–create and maintain a log of emails, transcripts, audio notes, and other receipts to document patterns of behavior and any form of escalation.
Next, find and connect with local and national reporting agencies with independent fact-checking procedures and share the evidence, and call out the actors involved–from Fulnecky to the university administrators who were involved in Curth’s suspension and later removal. Transparency is accountability, and accountability is justice.
Protest and mobilize people on campus and across the country. Call on teachers and professors’ unions, student government associations, university accreditation boards, and student rights organizations and plan and mobilize your collective response to this and other situations and make protest, formal complaint, and walk out responses known to university administrators, board of reagents, and major funders. There is strength in numbers.
Let people into the discourse and show evidence (when appropriate) about what happened and who was involved, and clarify the ramifications of the situation–what does it mean for OU to allow people to claim discrimination on the basis of academic rigor when in fact, the fault is a failure to meet academic standards? What does this mean for OU’s reputation and that of its past and present students? What does this mean for other universities?
This isn’t just about OU, about Fulnecky or Curth, it’s about the legitimacy and protection of freedom of speech and academic integrity at universities in the face of fascism state-sanctioned violence.
It’s Not Just Fulnecky or OU that are Responsible
While traditionally some organizers might opt to utilize college and university complaint channels with extensive documentation to argue the case at hand, OU is an example where university spaces have bowed to far right political pressure instead of protecting their students and faculty. But everyone who escalated the situation and sacrificed Curth for the far-right’s anti-trans movement is responsible for the outcome.
{
"article":
{
"title" : "The OU Essay and the Christian Persecution Complex",
"author" : "Emma Cieslik",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/the-ou-essay-and-the-christian-persecution-complex",
"date" : "2026-01-20 09:26:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/christian-persecution.jpg",
"excerpt" : "On December 23rd, the University of Oklahoma announced that Mel Curth, the University of Oklahoma graduate assistant who failed a student whose essay described transgender people as “denomic,” has been removed from her position. In a social media post, the University of Oklahoma posted that: “the University of Oklahoma believes strongly in both its faculty’s rights to teach with academic freedom and integrity and its students’ rights to receive an education that is free from a lecturer’s impermissible evaluative standards. We are committed to teaching students how to think, not what to think.”",
"content" : "On December 23rd, the University of Oklahoma announced that Mel Curth, the University of Oklahoma graduate assistant who failed a student whose essay described transgender people as “denomic,” has been removed from her position. In a social media post, the University of Oklahoma posted that: “the University of Oklahoma believes strongly in both its faculty’s rights to teach with academic freedom and integrity and its students’ rights to receive an education that is free from a lecturer’s impermissible evaluative standards. We are committed to teaching students how to think, not what to think.”Further, the university stated in this statement that “the grade appeal was decided in favor of the student, removing the assignment completely from the student’s total point value of the class, resulting in no academic harm to the student.”While on a first reading, it may seem like an isolated incident of teacher-student disagreement, a closer reading reveals how the student used “religious freedom” to argue for academic leniency and the termination of an instructor who graded her fairly. It is a case study into how academic rigor and accountability can and is being dismissed as religious discrimination, how far-right media outlets and leaders are eager to take up the cause, and academic institution’s willingness to bend to political pressure.How the Case UnfoldedOver the past three months, protests at the University of Oklahoma have exploded after the university placed Curth on leave after a student complained that the failing grade she received for a paper was the result of religious discrimination. Samantha Fulnecky, a 20-year-old student at the University of Oklahoma, filed a complaint of religious discrimination after she received a failing grade on a paper that cited the Bible to assert that “belief in multiple genders” was “demonic.”The paper was an assignment where she and her classmates were asked to respond in 650 words to an academic study that explored whether gender norms were associated with popularity or bullying among middle school students. Fulnecky responded that she disagreed with the article because she does not support the belief that there are more than two genders, writing:“Society pushing the lie that there are multiple genders and everyone should be whatever they want to be is demonic and severely harms American youth.”Fulnecky did not analyze the article nor address its central argument, and so the graduate teaching assistant responsible for grading it–Mel Curth–wrote that the paper “contradicts itself, heavily uses personal ideology over empirical evidence in a scientific class, and is at times offensive.” Curth clarified, “please note that I am not deducting points because you have certain beliefs,” but rather because she did not complete the assignment according to the rubric.The failing grade only represented 3% of her final grade and does not affect her academic standing, but the situation has become a lightning rod for conservative media outlets. Turning Point OU, a chapter of the late conservative activist Charlie Kirk’s organization, posted about Fulnecky’s essay on X and the story has gone viral. The chapter wrote in their post that “professors like this are the very reason conservatives can’t voice their beliefs in the classroom.”Along with filing a complaint of religious discrimination with the university, Fulnecky provided a copy of her essay to The Oklahoman, and defended the university’s decision to put Curth on leave during an OU Turning Point USA event this past Thursday night. At this event, Gabe Woolley presented Fulnecky with a Citation of Recognition from the Oklahoma House of Representatives, District 98, for her “steadfast convictions, her commitment to speaking from a foundation of truth, and her courage in shining a light on serious concerns within the Oklahoma’s higher education system,” as he wrote on a Facebook post.One day earlier, Fulnecky spoke at a meeting of the Oklahoma Constitutional Principles Affecting Culture Foundation meeting, where Freedom Caucus Chairman Shane Jett said he is not satisfied with the university’s response. “They didn’t fix the problem. The university is the problem. And the dearth of leadership, from the president down, is the problem.”In a press release issued by the Freedom Caucus, Jett said that “Oklahoma taxpayers should not continue bankrolling indoctrination mills that violate the First Amendment.”As a result, college and university faculty across the country have voiced concern about what the incident means for academic integrity. Shortly after Turning Point’s post went viral, Curth was placed on administrative leave as the university launched an investigation into the incident and a full-time professor was reassigned to the course. Last week, the OU Graduate Student Senate criticized the university’s response to Fulnecky’s claim of religious discrimination and defended Curth. The University’s Department of Psychology recognized Curth’s teaching in the past, awarding her “Outstanding Graduate Teaching Award” in November 2025.Shortly thereafter, another lecturer was dismissed after informing students that they would be excused absent from her class if they attended an on-campus protest in support of Curth but allegedly did not provide the same opportunity for students to protest Curth’s reinstatement. And it’s not the first time that OU professors have been targeted by Turning Point USA. As of October 16th, OU Sociology Professor Samuel Perry was listed on the TPUS’s website under a “Professor Watchlist.” This watchlist allegedly identifies professors and instructors that “discriminate against conservative students and advance leftist propaganda in the classroom.”The incident has brought OU to the forefront of ongoing discussions about academic integrity and pressures professors and students are calling out bigotry in their classrooms. In fact, on Friday, the Oklahoma State Regents for Higher Education approved the termination of 16 and the suspension of three OU degree programs as part of the board’s comprehensive review of programs.This Is Not About Religious LibertyThis isn’t a story about religious liberty - it’s a story about academic accountability and rigor being reframed as discrimination. Funecky did not complete the assignment as required, and when she was graded accordingly, far-right organizations amplified her complaint to manufacture a moral panic about “Christian persecution.” The result wasn’t dialogue or debate - it was retaliation.She’s using the Christian nationalism of the moment to argue a case that should be closed and shut. It’s about how she didn’t cite her sources or develop a solid argument. For Christian nationalists and White supremacists eager to argue that their way of life–one that is built on bigotry enabled by Christian hegemony and White supremacy–is being threatened, Fulnecky’s situation is the perfect ammunition. It’s part of the Evangelical or Christian Persecution Complex that romanticizes criticism of sexist, homophobic, transphobic, and racist belief systems as “fulfillment of the persecution that Jesus foretold,” writes Kevin Singer for Sojourners.When questioned about calling trans, nonbinary, and intersex people demonic, she said “I didn’t mean the demonic part in an offensive way.” There is no not offensive way in which Fulnecky can describe trans, nonbinary, and intersex people as “demonic.” Rather, calling the LGBTQ+ community “demonic” is part of a growing movement conflating queerness with spiritual evil, reviving in many ways a new Satanic Panic.Fulnecky argues that she did not know that her instructor–Curth–is transgender, and when she found out, Fulnecky continued to misgender Curth when she spoke to Ray Carter for a piece published by the Oklahoma Council Of Public Affairs.Fellow graduate student instructor Megan Waldon, who also grades assignments for Fulnecky’s class said that Fulnecky’s essay “directly and harshly criticizes your peers and their opinions, which are just as valuable as yours. Disagreeing with others is fine, but there is a respectful way to go about it. That goes for discussion posts as well as reaction papers.”Fulnecky argued that since it was an online course, no other students saw the reaction essay, but even though Fulnecky claims that she had no intent to cause controversy with her essay, her participation in the viral moment has not only cast the University of Oklahoma’s credibility in the limelight but also led to Curth’s firing. This past December’s news set a dangerous precedent–how the American Christian Persecution Complex is not only threatening people’s careers but also the safety of the university space.What This Means, and What We Can Do About ItFor those currently teaching and learning in college and university spaces (or any educational space for that matter following the Supreme Court decision Mahmoud v. Taylor released this past June 2025 allowing that parents could opt their children out of lessons including LGBTQ+ representation on the grounds of religious liberty), please know that there are things that people working in these spaces can do to protect themselves.The best thing to do in the classroom and outside of is to document every interaction–create and maintain a log of emails, transcripts, audio notes, and other receipts to document patterns of behavior and any form of escalation.Next, find and connect with local and national reporting agencies with independent fact-checking procedures and share the evidence, and call out the actors involved–from Fulnecky to the university administrators who were involved in Curth’s suspension and later removal. Transparency is accountability, and accountability is justice.Protest and mobilize people on campus and across the country. Call on teachers and professors’ unions, student government associations, university accreditation boards, and student rights organizations and plan and mobilize your collective response to this and other situations and make protest, formal complaint, and walk out responses known to university administrators, board of reagents, and major funders. There is strength in numbers.Let people into the discourse and show evidence (when appropriate) about what happened and who was involved, and clarify the ramifications of the situation–what does it mean for OU to allow people to claim discrimination on the basis of academic rigor when in fact, the fault is a failure to meet academic standards? What does this mean for OU’s reputation and that of its past and present students? What does this mean for other universities?This isn’t just about OU, about Fulnecky or Curth, it’s about the legitimacy and protection of freedom of speech and academic integrity at universities in the face of fascism state-sanctioned violence.It’s Not Just Fulnecky or OU that are ResponsibleWhile traditionally some organizers might opt to utilize college and university complaint channels with extensive documentation to argue the case at hand, OU is an example where university spaces have bowed to far right political pressure instead of protecting their students and faculty. But everyone who escalated the situation and sacrificed Curth for the far-right’s anti-trans movement is responsible for the outcome."
}
,
"relatedposts": [
{
"title" : "Seeds of Chronic Hope",
"author" : "Corinne Jabbour",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/seeds-of-chronic-hope",
"date" : "2026-03-04 12:06:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Heirloom%20Corn%20at%20Buzuruna%20Juzuruna.jpg",
"excerpt" : "",
"content" : "Gathering in BeirutOn the 22nd of November 2025, a day which coincided with Lebanon’s Independence day, we gathered with a crowd at a venue facing the Beirut Port silos, which still stand half demolished, a constant reminder that our crises are in fact not tragic misfortunes, but carefully designed and manufactured atrocities. We gathered that day for the public launch of the Agroecology Coalition in Lebanon (ACL). Agroecology is not just a science or farming practices, but the movement calling for food justice and sovereignty.Mathematics of PredationThe global food system today demands that we forfeit our farmers’ rights and autonomy, our people’s dignity, health, and wellbeing, and the resilience and abundance of the environment we are a part of, all to achieve its goals. It is not driven by hatred for farmers or hatred for the environment and its people, but rather simply by the cold mathematics of this economic system that do not take things like justice, dignity, sovereignty or the health of the ecosystem into account. As a result, they are methodically sacrificed when the outcome is more profit, because this system’s one and only goal is: Ever increasing profit for ever increasing capital accumulation, no matter the cost, a fact proven yet again by today’s colonial wars, and the re-escalation of Israeli aggressions and land invasion in Lebanon.Green Colonialism in LebanonThe World Bank’s hundreds of millions of dollars in “recovery and reconstruction” loans arrive alongside efforts to redirect our production further toward export. New laws compromise seed sovereignty, threaten our cannabis heritage varieties, and surrender the autonomy of our fishermen. Layer by layer we are stripped of food sovereignty and pushed deeper into hegemonic global markets - green colonialism advancing under the banner of modernization. Our news channels are filled with the echoes of our politicians promising wealth and prosperity through global markets. These promises ignore the reality that our country’s one airport, two ports, and limited land crossings can - and have been - paralyzed by Israel within hours. They forget what happened to our imports and exports during Covid, or after the 2019 currency collapse. We grow thirsty crops that do not fill our needs but fulfill the desires of the Global North, and we send them our produce and within it our water, our labour, and the health of our land. Then to complete the dance, our government ships in food grown in poorer soil on distant land, drowning our local markets and driving our farmers into the arms of export traders, or pushing them to abandon farming and migrate to the city… As our Gibran once wrote, “Woe to a nation that eats what it does not grow!”The Trap of Conventional AgricultureOur farmers are coerced into buying hybrid seeds, synthetic chemical fertilizers, biocides (pesticides, fungicides, herbicides, rodenticides…), and other inputs at prices controlled by multinational corporations and their local allies. They sell their crops at prices controlled by traders in the wholesale markets, prices so low they barely cover their costs!“Being a farmer is like being in love with a bad woman, the whole world will tell you she is bad but all you see is the beauty in her!” This was the reply of Georges, a seasoned farmer from a mountain village in the Chouf, when I asked him why he still chooses to be a farmer one disappointing season after another. As we walked through his terraces he told me some stories: “We used to sprinkle grains on the snow, to help the birds through the harsher days of winter… My father would tell us to skip harvesting some of the fruits on the high branches of the trees, he would say that those were the share of the birds from this season!” How did capitalism succeed at slowly eroding our worldview, where we shared our harvest with the birds? How far can this love for the land and its abundance carry our increasingly burdened growers? How long can they stand in the face of the scourge of the industrial model of food production that has invaded our way of life?Our farmers are stuck in a rat race, bullied into finding ways to intensify production with every season. Instead of fair distribution where farmers get their fair share, the only choice this system offers them is: “We will take the largest share of the profit generated by your hard labour, but if you keep finding ways to produce more, the small percentage we allow you to keep might become enough for you.” The outcome is farmers under tremendous pressure to produce more, better, and faster, and that intensification requires more and more synthetic chemicals!As for people who are choosing what to eat, they find themselves with limited choices, mostly laced with toxins, because within this system, clean and nutritious food has become a luxury! Beyond human health, these intensive production methods and long-distance transportation are crumbling our entire ecosystem and massively contributing to climate change, the consequences of which we are all experiencing, from unpredictable and extreme weather, to raging wildfires and prolonged droughts. Our farmers are among those paying the highest price for this change!A System of OppressionThis system, in complicity with our local varieties of comprador aspiring billionaires, continues to turn every right that we have, every care we offer each other, every abundance we receive from nature, into commodities to be bought and sold for profit. Today’s realities in the Global South are living testament to the price that the many have to pay in service of the few, and we are the many!We reject attempts to depoliticize food, we reject attempts to sanitize this predatory dynamic with performative gestures and token measures. The charades of charity and benevolence have long expired. These tools of neo-colonialism are now seen for what they are, instruments of oppression and hegemony. We do not need an invitation to drown further in debt through loans offered under the guise of development and recovery by the same powers that fund, arm and enable the Zionist colonial project that brings on that destruction. This system has exposed itself through its oppression and subjugation of nature, women, and colonized peoples. Through military complexes, genocides, sanctions, poverty, and famine, it leaves devastation in the wake of its hollow promises of prosperity through progress and development.Tangible AlternativesWhat brought us together that day in Beirut was not just a common perspective on the root of the so-called “crises”, but a shared conviction that this system is dying, and that real, tangible, solid alternatives already exist. Alternatives that spring from the ground and require change on all levels, including the political level. Alternatives that converge the world into ways of life that prioritize human wellbeing, dignity, and harmony with the planet that is our home.For the food system, one such alternative is Agroecology, the fundamental pillar of food sovereignty. It is not just a set of farming practices or the science behind them, agroecology is a social movement that places the autonomy of small scale farmers at its center, embraces traditional knowledge, and adopts democratic and horizontal methods for governance and knowledge transfer. It is a roadmap, not for superficial reform, but for radical transformation from exploitation to sovereignty. We need to liberate our commons, our seeds, our water, our land, our spaces, our festivals, our ancestral knowledge and worldview. We need to meet our growers, trust and support them. We need to rebuild resilience into our food system in preparation for the inevitable changes that have already begun to impact our food production. We need to decentralize our seed banks, our power sources, and our decision making. Systems such as seed harvesting and propagation have been managed collectively by farmers ever since agriculture was born in our fertile crescent, it is our treasured pool of biodiversity that should not be handed over to corporations. Intellectual property rights over seeds are the equivalent of visiting the ruins of Baalbek, installing a gate at the entrance, and claiming that the ruins are now yours because of that final modification! The absurdity of this system is not lost on us.The time has come to reclaim food, health, ecosystem, and lives with dignity, for ALL people, not SOME people, as rights and not as commodities for sale! The time has come to decolonize our food, to delink ourselves from this parasitic system that has been bleeding us dry for decades, and will not stop until it starves the world, and the last bird on the last tree goes silent.We gathered that day, not for romantic ideals, but a concrete political project, a vision, and a battle for liberation that we do not wage alone. We are part of a global and widespread movement that includes farmers, peasants, and peoples everywhere, all clearly and loudly united in their categorical demand for their fundamental right to food sovereignty!Chronic HopeAfter the day had ended, with smiles, inspiration, and a warm atmosphere of camaraderie, while walking away from that venue and passing by the remains of the silos, the walk took me back 5 years, where I took those same steps after the Beirut Port explosion. I had been walking and looking around at the destruction with tears blurring my vision and silently rolling down my cheeks. I remember looking down at the ground and finding seeds in the corner where the sidewalk meets the shoulder of the road. The pods on the trees had popped open at the pressure of the explosion, spreading their seeds everywhere along with the shattered glass and rubble. I couldn’t help smiling through my tears, smiling and thinking: “We are those seeds, and we will never stop bringing life back into the death that is brought upon us.”"
}
,
{
"title" : "When Sufien Met Nefisa: An Excerpt from 'Paradiso 17' by Hannah Lillith Assadi",
"author" : "Hannah Lillith Assadi",
"category" : "excerpts",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/when-sufien-met-nefisa",
"date" : "2026-03-03 11:26:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Assadi.jacket.jpg",
"excerpt" : "This is an excerpt from Paradiso 17, a new novel by Hannah Lillith Assadi, which maps the journey of a Palestinian boy, Sufien, through exile from his homeland to the Middle East, Europe, and then America. This particular moment is from his time in Kuwait and his first experience with young love. Excerpted by permission of Alfred A. Knopf, a division of Penguin Random House LLC. All rights reserved. No part of this excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher.",
"content" : "This is an excerpt from Paradiso 17, a new novel by Hannah Lillith Assadi, which maps the journey of a Palestinian boy, Sufien, through exile from his homeland to the Middle East, Europe, and then America. This particular moment is from his time in Kuwait and his first experience with young love. Excerpted by permission of Alfred A. Knopf, a division of Penguin Random House LLC. All rights reserved. No part of this excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher.What Sufien always remembered about Kuwait was the voice of the Gulf, that rolling tongue, languorous and all-knowing, like the voice of the divine.The new house, his father’s, recently built by the government, stood alone. Sufien was accustomed to stone walls, stone ceilings, the musty smell of old buildings. This place was echoey, almost alien in its bigness. The most unfamiliar part was its modern electricity. Sufien had been raised by candlelight. Walking outside and looking up, he saw the constellations spread out like cities in every direction. Sufien had never seen a night like this. It was so dry, and he was so thirsty. This was the loneliest part of the desert: the clarity of the sky. There was no blanket. No hills, no trees. The land was just exposed to the beyond. Sometimes Sufien could hear the din of some distant party carried across the dunes, which made him think, maybe that better place is just there. What he learned in time, though, was that the desert carried sounds for miles. By the time that happier gathering reached his ear, it was just a ghost. What he missed again, what he missed forever, was the camp—that camp at the end of the world back in Syria. And now all there was in the night after all of his little brothers and sisters were asleep—there were seven of them now—and after even his parents had fallen asleep, was Sufien, alone, trying to shut his eyes despite the moan of the wind in the sand. He had stayed up with the night from a very young age, and always would. Night was the texture of his soul.There were other problems for Sufien in Kuwait. The schoolmaster belittled his Palestinian dialect, and made him sit apart from the other students. This sense of deprivation only made Sufien more willful. So he conquered algebra. Sufien understood even then that math was the only language which had completely evaded human evil even if it might be used to forward it. Once it was clear he had excelled beyond any other pupil, studying calculus by the equivalent of the eighth grade, he looked for other pathways to excellence. None of the other Kuwaiti pupils could speak English fluently, for instance, nor had anyone else memorized as many verses of the Quran. None except Nefisa.Nefisa was from Haifa, a girl of the sea, not the Gulf but Sufien’s sea, the Mediterranean, the sea which had informed the blood of his ancestors. She had his people’s eyes, the eyes of a lion, hazel, that whirl of blue, and silky dark hair, and when she was deep in thought over an equation or reciting a script of ancient poetry, she cupped her hands across her brow and squinted like she was trying to see something far into the distance. It was the first time Sufien recognized beauty. He was only thirteen, but he felt the pain of it, the inability to hold on to it, the way it could simultaneously exist and not be grasped. A thing, a real thing, was something a person could touch, point to, like a soccer ball, or his mother’s hand, or a dinar. Whereas Nefisa smelled of rain, which he had scarcely felt or seen in the years since they came to Kuwait. When she passed Sufien in the hall or on the way to the car which always waited for her after school, a 1953 baby blue Volvo station wagon, her father’s, the same model Sufien’s own father had but in turquoise, he smelled off of her a yearning petrichor, that perfume of the desert.There had to be some way to keep her, or rather keep what he felt when he beheld her. Keep it still. Keep it forever. Keep beauty. Thinking of Nefisa, the curl of her words when she recited the Quran in his own accent, or seeing the way her breasts had risen under her shirt, the fabric of her hair, like velvet, he felt like something was slipping from his grasp. Like he needed more time, more pages, more words. The poet’s curse had stricken him.The present, that enviable superpower of childhood, had abandoned him, and now he understood time and space. If she left him, if Nefisa escaped his gaze, as she did every day, if she removed herself beyond the steel doors of that station wagon, and disappeared from view, then everything would. He understood missing. Yes, this was first love. There is no difference between it and an encounter with death but a degree of charm.Sufien, Nefisa said one day. Oh, can you hear it, the voice of a pubescent girl? Shaky and sweet. She said, Walk me home. But what did Sufien know of love and how much it could hurt? To be face-to-face with desire? Almost no one of us can handle it even once we’ve known it and known it again. He looked at her and knew she could see him. Too much of him. He felt naked. So he ran ahead of her toward his father’s house.From that day onward, Sufien avoided Nefisa. It was simpler not to behold her, the gentleness of her cheekbones, the sad curvature of her mouth. She was like a tiny adult already, mourning the heaviness of the life she would later live. Her parents would be killed in the war to come once they returned to Palestine. And she would be a refugee once more, in Gaza. She would never marry, and never bear children. And on her final evening, she would walk into the sea. So they would find her like that, thrown out, half buried in the sand, after some great final exhale.Meanwhile Sufien regretted what he had not said to Nefisa for so long that it burrowed deeply inside of him. He had loved her; he had loved her purely. But he was just thirteen then. He had not yet had the courage to feel something so big.They say Allah works in mysterious ways, but everyone forgets to say how beautiful are His mysteries.Sufien might have expected his mother or his father to be the ones to greet him on his way to the land of the dead all those decades later. It would be Nefisa. When they were finally rejoined, he was no longer thirteen, but a shriveled old man, a hundred pounds of failed flesh clinging to his skeleton, his body undone by cancer, drool falling down his face. Whereas there she was, more beautiful than he had ever seen her, a grown woman, and also the child he had known, the way people can be all things at once in a dream. She was like the archetypal fool, sitting there at the pool, or was it the spring on Jebel Kan’aan, or was it the Sea of Galilee?, dipping her toes into the everlast- ing water, splashing about, a being even younger than a toddler, and likewise timelessly old.Nefisa, Nefisa, Nefisa, he would whisper. Is it you?She would say, Come, walk me home."
}
,
{
"title" : "Nature As the Battlefield: Ecocide in Lebanon and Corporate Empire",
"author" : "Sarah Sinno",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/ecocide-lebanon-chemical-warfare",
"date" : "2026-02-25 15:16:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/PHOTO-2026-02-25-13-34-24%202.jpg",
"excerpt" : "",
"content" : "Photo Credit: Sarah SinnoOn February 2, the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL)issued a statement announcing that Israeli occupation forces had instructed their personnel to remain under cover near the border between south Lebanon and occupied Palestine. They were ordered to keep their distance because the IOF had planned aerial activity involving the release of a “non-toxic substance.” Samples collected and analyzed by Lebanon’s Ministries of Agriculture and Environment, in coordination with the Lebanese Army and UNIFIL, confirmed that the substance sprayed by Israel was the herbicide, glyphosate. Laboratory results showed that, in some locations, concentration levels were 20 to 30 times higher than normal. Not to mention, this is not the first instance of herbicide spraying over southern Lebanon, nor is the practice confined to Lebanon. Similar tactics have been documented in Gaza, the West Bank, and Quneitra in Syria.While the IOF didn’t provide further explanation as to its purpose, these operations are part of a broader Israeli strategy to establish so-called “buffer zones” by dismantling the ecological foundations upon which communities depend. The deployment of chemical agents kills vegetation, producing de facto “security” no-go areas that empty entire regions of their Indigenous inhabitants. Cultivated fields are deliberately destroyed, soil fertility declines, and water systems become polluted. Farmers lose their livelihoods, and communities are forcibly uprooted. Demographic realities are reshaped, and space is incrementally cleared for future settlers. Simply put, these tactics function as a mechanism of displacement, dispossession, and elimination—and are importantly part of a long history of this kind of colonial territorial engineering.Glyphosate and Ecological HarmFor decades, glyphosate has been marketed as a formulation designed to kill weeds only and increase crop yields. But the consequences of its use on humans and the environment cannot be ignored: In 2015, Glyphosate was classified by the International Agency for Research on Cancer (IARC) as “probably carcinogenic to humans,” and it has been associated with a range of additional health risks, including endocrine disruption, potential harm to reproductive health, as well as liver and kidney damage. In November of last year, the scientific journal Regulatory Toxicology and Pharmacology formally withdrew a study published in 2000 that had asserted the chemical’s safety.Beyond its human health implications, glyphosate is ecologically harmful. Studies have shown that it degrades soil microorganisms; others have linked it to increased plant vulnerability to disease. It can also leach into water systems, contaminating surface and groundwater sources. Exposure may be lethal to certain species like bees. Even when it does not cause immediate mortality, glyphosate eliminates vegetation that provides habitat and shelter for bees, birds, and other animals, disrupting food webs and ecological balance. What’s more, research indicates that glyphosate can alter animal behavior, affecting foraging and feeding patterns, anti-predator responses, reproduction, learning and memory, and social interactions.Despite a growing body of scientific literature highlighting its risks to both human health and the environment, and bearing in mind that corporate giants manufacturing such products have been known to fund and even ghostwrite research to promote the opposite, glyphosate remains the most widely used herbicide globally.The Monsanto ModelTo understand how it became so deeply entrenched, normalized within agriculture systems in some contexts, and used as a weapon of war in others, it is necessary to look more closely at the corporation responsible for its global expansion: Monsanto.Founded in 1901, Monsanto’s corporate history reflects a longstanding pattern of chemical production linked to environmental devastation. Over the past century, the corporation has manufactured products later proven harmful and has faced tens of thousands of lawsuits, resulting in billions of dollars in settlements.Among the products it manufactured were polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs), synthetic industrial chemicals that were eventually banned worldwide due to their toxicity. Through their production and disposal, including the discharge of millions of pounds of PCBs into waterways and landfills, Monsanto contributed to some of the most enduring chemical contamination crises in modern history, the consequences of which continue to reverberate today.One of the most notorious cases unfolded in Anniston, Ala., where Monsanto’s chemical factory polluted the entire town from 1935 through the 1970s, causing widespread harm to the community. Despite being fully aware of the toxic effects of PCBs, the company concealed evidence, according to internal documents, a conduct that reflects a longstanding pattern of disregard for both environmental care and human health. Whether in the case of PCBs or glyphosate, the underlying logic remains consistent: ecological systems and communities are harmed in order to prioritize profit and, at times, territorial expansion.Monsanto also became the world’s largest seed company. Through the enforcement of restrictive patents on genetically modified seeds, the corporation consolidated unprecedented control over global food systems. By prohibiting seed saving, a practice upheld by farmers and Indigenous communities for millennia, it undermined seed sovereignty and compelled farmers to purchase new seeds each season rather than replanting from their own harvests. What had long functioned as part of the commons since the origins of human civilization, the foundational basis of food and life itself, was privatized. Monsanto transferred control over seeds from cultivators to corporations, further creating systems of structural dependency.What was once embedded in reciprocal relationships between land, seed, and cultivator is now controlled by the same chemical-producing corporations implicated in the degradation of land—as is the case of what is unfolding in southern Lebanon. Power is thus consolidated within an industrial architecture that, at times, prohibits the exchange and regeneration of seeds and, at other times, renders the land uninhabitable. In both cases, it undermines the ability to grow food and remain rooted in the land, thereby threatening the conditions necessary for survival.Chemical WarfareAlongside its record of manufacturing carcinogenic products, dumping hazardous chemicals into the environment, and contributing to the destruction of agricultural systems, Monsanto has also been linked to chemical warfare. During the Vietnam War (1962–1971), it was among the U.S. military contractors that manufactured Agent Orange, a defoliant used to strip forests and destroy crops that provided cover and food to Vietnamese communities.The chemical contained dioxin, one of the most toxic compounds known, contributing to the defoliation of millions of acres of forest and farmland. It has been associated with hundreds of thousands of deaths and long-term illnesses, including cancers and birth defects.Although acts of ecocide long predated this period, well before the term itself was coined, it was in the aftermath of Agent Orange that the word “ecocide” was first used to describe the deliberate destruction of ecosystems and began to enter political and legal discourse.The Vietnam War exposed a structural link between chemical production, corporate power, and a military doctrine in which ecosystems and farmlands are targeted precisely because they sustain human life. Nature, because it nourished, protected, and anchored Indigenous communities, was treated as an obstacle to military and imperial control. As a result, it became a battlefield in its own right.Capital and RuinThis historical precedent continues to reverberate today in Lebanon, Palestine, and Syria. Decades apart, these are not isolated acts of ecological destruction but part of a continuous trajectory carried out by the same imperial, corporate, and financial machinery.In 2018, Monsanto was acquired by Bayer. Bayer’s largest institutional shareholders include BlackRock and Vanguard, the world’s two largest asset management firms.Both firms have been identified in reports, including those by UN Special Rapporteur Francesca Albanese, as major investors in corporations linked to Israel’s occupation apparatus, military industry, and surveillance infrastructure. These include Palantir Technologies, Lockheed Martin, Caterpillar Inc., Microsoft, Amazon, and Elbit Systems.Mapping these financial linkages reveals how ecocide is structurally embedded within broader systems of violence that are deeply entrenched and mutually reinforcing. Ecocide and genocide are financed through overlapping capital networks that connect chemical production, militarization, and territorial control.The spraying of glyphosate over agricultural land in southern Lebanon must therefore be situated within this historical continuum. The same corporate-financial structure that profits from destructive chemicals and agricultural control is interwoven with the industries that maintain a settler-colonial stronghold."
}
]
}