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Sarah Elawad

EIP: How would you describe your artwork, and what led you to explore this particular form of expression? Did it involve a lot of experimentation?
SARAH: I like to describe my work as joyful or a big hug. My work definitely holds a lot of meaning and purpose to me in other ways, but ultimately, the reason I put most of it out into the world, is to spread positivity and celebrate love.
Having learnt Graphic Design within a western lens whilst living in the Middle East, I was particularly drawn towards imagery around me and online that I thought were beautiful and endearing but went against a lot of the western design rules for “good design”. Good morning WhatsApp images are just one example of that, and one of my favourites. This led me to question what “good design” really was and whether these standards held by the western design world were worth sticking to. I was determined to break all the rules I learnt and to do so by drawing inspiration from the imagery I was surrounded by, grew up with and received from loved ones online.
My work did involve a lot of experimentation at the beginning of my creative journey which is what led to me figuring out my style and gaining the confidence to be more bold in my design choices.

EIP: In what ways does your art reflect your Sudanese heritage, and why is that connection meaningful to you?
SARAH: The main way that my art reflects my Sudanese heritage is that I am Sudanese and I am making the artwork. There are some pieces I have made that directly highlight my Sudanese identity but to me, every piece is connected to my heritage because I am the outcome of generations of Sudanese people and everything I do will always reflect parts of that.
The connection to my heritage has always been important to me because it’s who I am, but it has also become even more important in recent times given the killing and displacement of so many Sudanese people and the attempt to erase family history and culture. Now, more than ever, it is so important for me to highlight my Sudanese identity and heritage in everything I do.
EIP: Out of everything you’ve created, which art piece holds the most memorable place in your heart?
SARAH: The zine I designed in 2023 titled: ‘in the bloom of their joy and the flower of their happiness’ is one I hold quite close to my heart. It’s an accumulation of research I
did surrounding beauty and love within an islamic and Arab philosophical context, as well as various artwork I made during that period of time. I feel like it’s really an embodiment of so many things I believe in, in an almost solely visual format.
The cover of the zine is made up of a puffy sticker sheet of WhatsApp stickers my mother sent me, and the insides are 4 colour risograph printed pages each of which display a piece of art work or phrase developed in my research that holds meaning to me. It is such a personal project, and I never imagined it to be received as well as it was, reminding me just how important it is as an artist to be vulnerable with your audience.
EIP: You mention belief in the divine as an influence. How does this manifest in your work—subtly or overtly?
SARAH: My work is often about demonstrating manifestations of love and one part of Islamic art and architecture that has always fascinated me is how maximalism and grandeur is used to demonstrate an infinite love for the divine, this is also the driving force for a lot of my own maximalist artwork.
I also have a deep desire to create beauty with my artwork whilst also challenging what our standards of beauty are. There’s a famous quote in the Islamic tradition that says “Allah (God) is beauty and loves all things beautiful”. Within an Islamic philosophical point of view, beauty could be defined by many different things - love between two people, the reflection of the self in an object, remembrance of god, etc. But one that has always particularly interested me is the imitation of nature. Ibn Rushd (Averroes), a polymath from the Andalusia, held the opinion that art could never compete with the beauty of nature, but that it could perhaps come close and that “…the nobility of the artist will depend on the degree of excellence with which he imitates nature…” Although a lot of my work is digital or abstract, most of where I draw my own inspiration draws its inspiration from nature: roses, doves, pearls, plants, bright colours, etc. One way to glorify the divine is to amplify the beauty in creation, and I hope to do some of that with some of the work I make.
EIP: What is your first memory of digital nostalgia for you personally and what was your connection to that?
SARAH: It’s hard for me to pinpoint exactly which one was the first, but I do remember when WhatsApp first introduced the sticker feature on chats, because it totally changed the game for sharing digital nostalgia. The most memorable of those would all be from my parents, I love them (and the stickers!).

More from: Sarah Elawad
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"article":
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"title" : "Sarah Elawad",
"author" : "Sarah Elawad",
"category" : "interviews",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/global-resistance-art-sarah-elawad",
"date" : "2025-02-04 15:33:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/sarah-elawad-1.jpg",
"excerpt" : "",
"content" : "EIP: How would you describe your artwork, and what led you to explore this particular form of expression? Did it involve a lot of experimentation?SARAH: I like to describe my work as joyful or a big hug. My work definitely holds a lot of meaning and purpose to me in other ways, but ultimately, the reason I put most of it out into the world, is to spread positivity and celebrate love.Having learnt Graphic Design within a western lens whilst living in the Middle East, I was particularly drawn towards imagery around me and online that I thought were beautiful and endearing but went against a lot of the western design rules for “good design”. Good morning WhatsApp images are just one example of that, and one of my favourites. This led me to question what “good design” really was and whether these standards held by the western design world were worth sticking to. I was determined to break all the rules I learnt and to do so by drawing inspiration from the imagery I was surrounded by, grew up with and received from loved ones online.My work did involve a lot of experimentation at the beginning of my creative journey which is what led to me figuring out my style and gaining the confidence to be more bold in my design choices.EIP: In what ways does your art reflect your Sudanese heritage, and why is that connection meaningful to you?SARAH: The main way that my art reflects my Sudanese heritage is that I am Sudanese and I am making the artwork. There are some pieces I have made that directly highlight my Sudanese identity but to me, every piece is connected to my heritage because I am the outcome of generations of Sudanese people and everything I do will always reflect parts of that.The connection to my heritage has always been important to me because it’s who I am, but it has also become even more important in recent times given the killing and displacement of so many Sudanese people and the attempt to erase family history and culture. Now, more than ever, it is so important for me to highlight my Sudanese identity and heritage in everything I do.EIP: Out of everything you’ve created, which art piece holds the most memorable place in your heart?SARAH: The zine I designed in 2023 titled: ‘in the bloom of their joy and the flower of their happiness’ is one I hold quite close to my heart. It’s an accumulation of research Idid surrounding beauty and love within an islamic and Arab philosophical context, as well as various artwork I made during that period of time. I feel like it’s really an embodiment of so many things I believe in, in an almost solely visual format.The cover of the zine is made up of a puffy sticker sheet of WhatsApp stickers my mother sent me, and the insides are 4 colour risograph printed pages each of which display a piece of art work or phrase developed in my research that holds meaning to me. It is such a personal project, and I never imagined it to be received as well as it was, reminding me just how important it is as an artist to be vulnerable with your audience.EIP: You mention belief in the divine as an influence. How does this manifest in your work—subtly or overtly?SARAH: My work is often about demonstrating manifestations of love and one part of Islamic art and architecture that has always fascinated me is how maximalism and grandeur is used to demonstrate an infinite love for the divine, this is also the driving force for a lot of my own maximalist artwork.I also have a deep desire to create beauty with my artwork whilst also challenging what our standards of beauty are. There’s a famous quote in the Islamic tradition that says “Allah (God) is beauty and loves all things beautiful”. Within an Islamic philosophical point of view, beauty could be defined by many different things - love between two people, the reflection of the self in an object, remembrance of god, etc. But one that has always particularly interested me is the imitation of nature. Ibn Rushd (Averroes), a polymath from the Andalusia, held the opinion that art could never compete with the beauty of nature, but that it could perhaps come close and that “…the nobility of the artist will depend on the degree of excellence with which he imitates nature…” Although a lot of my work is digital or abstract, most of where I draw my own inspiration draws its inspiration from nature: roses, doves, pearls, plants, bright colours, etc. One way to glorify the divine is to amplify the beauty in creation, and I hope to do some of that with some of the work I make.EIP: What is your first memory of digital nostalgia for you personally and what was your connection to that?SARAH: It’s hard for me to pinpoint exactly which one was the first, but I do remember when WhatsApp first introduced the sticker feature on chats, because it totally changed the game for sharing digital nostalgia. The most memorable of those would all be from my parents, I love them (and the stickers!)."
}
,
"relatedposts": [
{
"title" : "Censorship Didn’t Start With Kimmel:: Why Independent Media Is Our Biggest Asset",
"author" : "Céline Semaan",
"category" : "",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/censorship-didnt-start-with-kimmel-why-independent-media-is-our-biggest-asset",
"date" : "2025-09-19 13:55:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/EIP_Cover_Independent_Media.jpg",
"excerpt" : "Jimmy Kimmel is off the air. ABC suspended Jimmy Kimmel Live! after his monologue criticizing the political reaction to Charlie Kirk’s killing. The network, under pressure from conservative outrage, FCC threats, and nervous affiliates, caved. Suddenly, liberal commentators are outraged. Suddenly, people who considered themselves guardians of democracy are crying censorship. But here’s the uncomfortable truth: their tears are 700 days too late.",
"content" : "Jimmy Kimmel is off the air. ABC suspended Jimmy Kimmel Live! after his monologue criticizing the political reaction to Charlie Kirk’s killing. The network, under pressure from conservative outrage, FCC threats, and nervous affiliates, caved. Suddenly, liberal commentators are outraged. Suddenly, people who considered themselves guardians of democracy are crying censorship. But here’s the uncomfortable truth: their tears are 700 days too late.The silencing of voices did not begin with Kimmel. It has been happening all along, in classrooms where burning books was occurring under a democratic leadership, in newsrooms, in publishing houses, in theaters and comedy clubs. It has been happening quietly, steadily, almost imperceptibly—until the silence was too loud to ignore. Karen Attiah, one of the most important voices at The Washington Post, was recently fired. Writers have lost contracts. My own book was shelved by my publisher and literary agents for political reasons. Academics have been dismissed from universities, and journalists pushed out of their jobs. Each case is framed as an exception, but together they reveal a pattern: dissent is increasingly treated as a liability, not a public necessity.Nothing of this is an isolated punishment of individuals but it is a structural effort to narrow the bounds of what can be said. It is McCarthyism repackaged for a new century, only this time its reach extends beyond the Cold War paranoia of communism into the broader realm of political dissent. What we are witnessing is censorship as part of a larger effort to reshaping of the public sphere itself.The Illusion of Democratic ProtectionMany still cling to the idea that democracy, by its very nature, will protect us. That the courts will intervene, that the institutions will hold, that the First Amendment will somehow enforce itself. But democracy is not self-executing. Rights written on paper mean nothing if the institutions that carry them — universities, newsrooms, publishing houses, even late-night television — are captured or hollowed out.The so-called “marketplace of ideas” is an economy owned by corporations, hedge funds, and media conglomerates. What we read, what we watch, what we hear is already shaped by the profit motive and the political pressures of advertisers and owners. When Disney owns the network, when billionaires own the newspapers, when Silicon Valley decides who gets amplified and who gets shadow-banned, it is naïve to think the First Amendment alone will safeguard us. Democracy does not protect its people when its most basic infrastructure has already been sold off.The Long ErosionWhat happened to Kimmel is not shocking; it is predictable. The erosion of free expression has been slow, but steady. It shows up in grant applications denied for being “too political.” In canceled contracts and disappearing op-eds and governmental information wiped out of governmental websites. In comedians who decide not to say something, not because they don’t believe it, but because they know the cost of saying it. In students who fear speaking out, lest it follow them for life. In social media platforms quietly throttling reach under vague “community guidelines.”For over 700 days, genocide has been live-broadcast to the world, and yet the people who speak most clearly about it have been punished — whether by suspension, firing, or erasure. It’s by design, silence is the product of systems working exactly as designed. Even when Arab voices work tirelessly behind the scenes, they are surely to be erased on the world stages. Most convenient to have their message co-opted by palatable influencers or celebrities, who take up space with little critical thinking. This too is a form of censorship.The Role of Independent MediaThis is why independent media is not a luxury. It is a necessity. The survival of democracy depends not on the myth of neutrality in corporate media but on the ability of independent voices to hold power accountable. Independent outlets can say what others cannot, not because they are more radical, but because they are less beholden to greed and power. They exist outside the corridors of corporate profit and political pressure.Independent media tells the stories that otherwise disappear — the stories of people on the margins, the stories of communities under siege, the stories that advertisers would rather you didn’t hear. Acting both as a living archive and the public’s voice, it does more than just document: it builds the collective resilience we need to withstand propaganda. In a landscape flooded with misinformation, independent outlets give people the tools to see through the fog. They are not divisive; they are connective. They create solidarity across differences, reminding us that liberation is never zero-sum.The Structure of SuppressionWhen we talk about censorship, it’s tempting to imagine it as a blunt act: a book banned, a show canceled, a journalist jailed. But most censorship is quieter, structural, and bureaucratic. It looks like funding cuts that suffocate small outlets. It looks like corporate consolidations that shrink the diversity of voices. It looks like algorithms that bury dissent under oceans of entertainment. It looks like lawsuits, defamation threats, and regulatory red tape designed to exhaust those who dare to challenge power.These forms of suppression rarely make headlines, but they are precisely how freedom dies: not with a bang, but with a spreadsheet.Building Cultural InfrastructureIf we are to survive this moment and outlive fascism, we must recognize independent media as cultural infrastructure. It is as essential to democracy as clean water is to life. Without it, we cannot breathe politically. Without it, we cannot resist.This requires resources — not just clicks, likes, or shares, but real investment and independent platforms that can survive Silicon Valley’s censorships. Subscriptions and memberships from everyday people matter, but so does the responsibility of philanthropists and foundations. For too long, they have hidden behind the veil of “neutrality,” funding depoliticized projects while democracy itself collapses. To defend free expression requires courage — the courage to support media that tells uncomfortable truths.Independent media is not disposable content. It is the bedrock of collective survival. And if we allow it to be starved, silenced, or crushed under the weight of corporate monopolies, then we should not be surprised when democracy fails to save us.The CrossroadsWe are at a crossroads. Either we continue to wring our hands as one voice after another is silenced, or we begin to treat the media as the public good it has always been. Either we accept the narrowing of what can be said, or we invest in the broad chorus of voices that democracy requires.Censorship did not begin with Jimmy Kimmel, and it will not end with him. But it can end with us, if we choose to build and defend the cultural infrastructure that outlasts fascism.The choice is simple, but urgent: fund the voices that tell the truth — or watch them disappear.Not tomorrow. Not when it’s convenient. Not when the damage is already done.Now. Thank you for being a member. Invite your peers.Write for EIP."
}
,
{
"title" : "From Sabra & Shatila to Gaza: The UN’s Century of Failure and the Rise of Alternatives",
"author" : "Collis Browne",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/from-sabra-and-shatila-to-gaza",
"date" : "2025-09-16 10:47:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/2025_9_16_UN_Genocide_1.jpg",
"excerpt" : "On the 43rd anniversary of the massacres committed under Israeli authority at Sabra and Shatila camps in Beirut in 1982, a United Nations Commission Of Inquiry has concluded, as would any rational observer, that Israel has been committing genocide in Gaza since October 2023.",
"content" : "On the 43rd anniversary of the massacres committed under Israeli authority at Sabra and Shatila camps in Beirut in 1982, a United Nations Commission Of Inquiry has concluded, as would any rational observer, that Israel has been committing genocide in Gaza since October 2023.This is not news. It could, however, be a turning point, . The UN’s declaration cracks open the conservative West’s long-standing wall of denial about the genocidal intentions and actions of the U.S.–Israel military machine. What happens next matters.A Century of Genocidal IntentFor those who have been watching Palestine with clarity long before 2023, this genocide is not an aberration — it is the project itself. From its inception, every major Zionist leader and Israeli politician has openly articulated the goal of erasing the Indigenous people of Palestine, whether through forced expulsion or mass murder.More than a hundred years of speeches, policies, and massacres testify to this intent. The so-called “War on Gaza” is simply the most visible and livestreamed stage of an ongoing colonial project.The UN’s Empty WordsIs this UN report different? The UN has made declarative statements for decades with no action or enforcement. In 1975, the UN declared Zionism is racism, citing the “unholy alliance” between apartheid South Africa and Israel. Yet Zionists continued to enjoy privileged status across Western institutions. Since 1967, the UN has passed resolution after resolution denouncing illegal Israeli settlements on stolen Palestinian land. Still, the theft continues unchecked. In December 2022, the UN General Assembly demanded Israel end its “unlawful presence” in the Occupied Territories within one year. That deadline expires this week, September 18, 2025. Israel has ignored it completely, as expected — with no consequences. Declarations without enforcement are not justice. They are fig leaves for impunity.What Good Is the UN?The Geneva Convention obliges all states to intervene to stop and punish genocide. Yet no country has deployed forces to resist Israel’s military slaughter in Gaza. No sanctions. No accountability.If the UN cannot stop one of its own member states from carrying out genocide in full public view — in “4K” as the world watches live — then what is the UN for?The Rise of AlternativesThe cracks are widening. The government of China has announced a new Global Governance initiative, already backed by dozens of countries. Without illusions about its motivations, the concept paper at least addresses three of the UN’s structural failures: Underrepresentation of the Global South — redressing centuries of colonial imbalance. Erosion of authoritativeness — restoring the credibility of international law. Urgent need for effectiveness — accelerating stalled progress on global commitments like the UN’s 2030 Agenda. The question is not whether the UN will reform. It is whether it can survive its own irrelevance.Toward a New Global OrderFrom Sabra and Shatila to Gaza, the UN has failed to prevent — or even meaningfully resist — genocide. Its reports and resolutions pile up, while the graves in Palestine multiply.If the international body tasked with “peace and security” cannot act against the most televised genocide in history, then the world has to ask: do we need a new United Nations? Or do we need to build something entirely different — a system of global governance that serves the people, not the powerful?"
}
,
{
"title" : "France in Revolt: Debt, Uranium, and the Costs of Macron-ism",
"author" : "EIP Editors",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/france-in-revolt",
"date" : "2025-09-14 22:39:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Bloquons-Tout.jpg",
"excerpt" : "France is burning again—not only on the streets of Paris but in the brittle foundations of its political economy. What began as a mass revolt against austerity and public-service cuts has become a national convulsion: roads blocked, train stations occupied, workplaces shut down under the call to “Bloquons Tout” (Let’s Block Everything). The collapse of François Bayrou’s government is only the latest symptom. At the root of the crisis is a political project: Macronism—the steady, decade-long tilt toward pro-business reforms, tax cuts for the wealthy, and austerity by default—that has hollowed out public revenue and narrowed citizens’ options.",
"content" : "France is burning again—not only on the streets of Paris but in the brittle foundations of its political economy. What began as a mass revolt against austerity and public-service cuts has become a national convulsion: roads blocked, train stations occupied, workplaces shut down under the call to “Bloquons Tout” (Let’s Block Everything). The collapse of François Bayrou’s government is only the latest symptom. At the root of the crisis is a political project: Macronism—the steady, decade-long tilt toward pro-business reforms, tax cuts for the wealthy, and austerity by default—that has hollowed out public revenue and narrowed citizens’ options.Tax Cuts, Corporate Giveaways, and Rising DebtSince Emmanuel Macron took office in 2017, his administration rolled out a suite of pro-market reforms: the abolition of the broad wealth tax (ISF), replaced by a narrower property wealth tax (IFI); a sustained reduction of the corporate tax rate to about 25%; and a raft of tax measures framed as competitiveness fixes for companies and investors. Economists now estimate that Macron’s tax cuts account for a significant share of France’s rising public debt; his reforms helped widen deficits even before pandemic and energy-shock spending pushed them higher. Today France’s public debt sits near 113–114% of GDP, and ratings agencies and markets are watching closely. (Le Monde.fr)These policies did not produce the promised boom in broadly shared prosperity. Investment did not surge enough to offset lost revenue, and growth remained sluggish. The political consequence was predictable: when the state has less to spend, the burden of balancing budgets falls on cuts to pensions, healthcare, and social programs—measures that overwhelmingly hurt working-class and vulnerable communities. (Financial Times)Pension Reform, Social Fracture, and the Limits of ConsentMacron’s government pushed a controversial pension reform—raising the retirement age from 62 to 64—which sparked nationwide strikes and mass protests in 2023. The reform illustrated a defining feature of Macronism: when public consent falters, the state still presses forward with market-oriented restructuring, deepening social fracture and anger. The pension fight didn’t create the crisis so much as expose it. (Al Jazeera)Colonial Hangover: Uranium, Energy, and GeopoliticsFrance’s energy model has long rested on nuclear power—once a source of national pride for its emission-free nature, and geopolitical independence. Behind that story, however, is another: the colonial era’s extraction of uranium in places like Niger, where French companies (notably Orano/former Areva) secured resource access under unequal terms. As Niger reasserted sovereignty over its resources after the 2023 coup and pushed back on French access, the illusion of seamless “energy independence” began to crack. Losing preferential access to Nigerien uranium has widened France’s energy insecurity and amplified the fiscal squeeze: higher energy costs, the need to secure new supply chains, and political pressure to maintain subsidies for households. The politics of extraction are now returning home. (Le Monde.fr)Climate, Austerity, and the Moral EconomyAdd the climate emergency to the mix—record heatwaves, floods, and wildfires—and the picture becomes even more bleak. Infrastructure strain and rising costs of climate adaptation demand public investment, yet the government’s posture has been to trim and reprioritize spending to satisfy markets. In practice, that means the people least responsible for climate harm—low-income communities, migrants, and precarious workers—are asked to pay the price. The result is a moral and political rupture: climate vulnerability plus fiscal austerity equals radicalized grievance. (Financial Times)A Convergence of FailuresThis is why the current uprising cannot be reduced to a single grievance. It is the convergence of multiple failures: Economic: tax policy that favored the wealthy while starving the public purse; rising debt and cuts that fall on the poor. (Financial Times) Colonial: the unraveling of extractive arrangements that once propped up French energy and power. (Le Monde.fr) Ecological: climate shocks that amplify social need even as public services are stripped back. (Financial Times) The revolt has therefore drawn a broad constituency—students, unions, public-sector workers, and neighborhoods long marginalized by austerity. It is not merely a labor dispute; it is a crisis of legitimacy for a model of governance that privatized gains and socialized pain.What Macronism Tells Us About the Global MomentFrance is a cautionary tale for democracies worldwide. When political leaders prioritize tax breaks for capital and cut public goods to placate markets, they borrow political stability against the future. The bill eventually comes due—in rising debt, in weakened social cohesion, and in violent backlash. Where resource dependencies meet neoliberal retrenchment, the risk of social rupture grows.Three Questions for What Comes Next Will the French state return to a redistributive project—taxing wealth, reclaiming revenues, and investing in climate resilience—or double down on austerity? Can movements translate street power into institutional change that addresses colonial legacies (resource sovereignty) as well as domestic inequality? Will climate policy be woven into social policy—so that adaptation and justice go hand in hand—or will they remain separate priorities, deepening vulnerability? France stands at a crossroads: continue a model that funnels benefit to capital while exposing citizens to climate and economic shocks—or imagine a social contract rooted in redistribution, de-colonial resource politics, and ecological justice. The choice will not be made in the Élysée alone. It is being argued in the streets, in workplaces, and across borders where the costs of extraction were first paid.Everything is Political—and in France today, that truth has never been clearer."
}
]
}