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Where’s the Gaza Gay Parade? Liberals want to know.
A Column for the Queers.
Part of the work of decolonizing is busting myths and propaganda. There might not be a Gay Pride Parade in Gaza because of Israel’s punishing siege and occupation, but make no mistake, there is a lot of queerness there. One tactic the Occupation uses to dehumanize Palestinians is to convince the world that queer Palestinians do not exist, in Gaza particularly. To paint Gaza as savage and backwards and hostile, where modern liberal freedoms like a Pride parade couldn’t possibly exist. While in many cases, queer people in Gaza have had incredibly challenging lives because of the circumstances, it is misleading to believe that Palestinians are inherently more homophobic than their occupiers. In fact, Gaza is just as queer and problematic as the rest of the world. Our EIP journalist talks to “Adam,” a 20-something queer Gazan who lived in the enclave his whole life before getting evacuated to escape the genocide earlier this year. Adam is using a pseudonym to protect his identity. His story is not meant to represent every queer story in Gaza. But we do want to create a space in “Everything is Political” dedicated to documenting as many queer stories from the region as we can. It is our personal Pride Parade.
ADAM: I was lucky that my dad, while really religious, is really open-minded and cultured. He treats me differently than any other family member or son of his because he knows how different I am. He knows. And my family raised me knowing that I’m different.
EIP: When you use the word “different” — that your dad knew you were different – what does different mean? And then what do you mean “they knew”? Did you talk to them about that differentness?
ADAM: No, it’s not something you talk about because it’s not something that you can feel with your hand. It’s something that you can see and notice, you can know about this and you just let it happen, it’s simple if you want it to be. You either support it or just leave it. And I was lucky to have a really different family than religious Middle Eastern families. They were super supportive– it’s really uncommon in a religious community, in any religion.
EIP: Can you tell me a bit about your family?
ADAM: Sure. My family used to live on the border between Egypt and Gaza. Like the checkpoint on the border before they removed everything and just made up a border back in the day! And part of my family is in Egypt and part of the other part is in Gaza. I’m the youngest in the family. My grandma’s side of the family is Lebanese, from Tyre, South Lebanon. The other part of my dad’s family is from Tulkarim and I have family in Jenin, West Bank. So imagine being me dealing with what’s happening in Gaza, dealing with my family in Jenin, and dealing with my other side of the family in Lebanon. It is like the ultimate situation.
EIP: So are you stressed out?
ADAM: I was raised religious so I don’t really worry. Thanks to religion and being raised Muslim, I do not worry about anything because I believe anything that happens in the world is happening for a reason. One way or another, it will turn out good for you if you let things take its flow and believe it happened for a reason. So I think if anything may happen to any of my family members anywhere in the world, I would get emotional of course, I would be sad for a few days. But then I would move on quickly.
EIP: You’d say you’re still pretty religious?
ADAM: I was born and raised religious. I memorized the whole Qur’an at 12. And then at 13 I hit puberty, and had new thoughts. And I looked for answers to my questions and found peace quickly. All religions are carrying the same message in a different text and I appreciate all of them but I believe I don’t need to be under a specific religion to be more Human.
LOVE
ADAM: I was always aware of my preferences, and I was vocal about it my whole life, teaching myself and others that love is love. At 13, I started experiencing life as a queer person at school. There was a lot of making out and a lot of cuddling but at the same time a lot of harassing — Like, when I’d be walking home, and some boys would be like “you’re such a sexy bitch come do this and that to me oh my god I wanna do this and that to you” even though they are pretty much straight – as they describe themselves but I highly doubt it – and they would sometimes spank me or just do weird shit I didn’t like.
EIP: Can you remember one of your first gay experiences in Gaza?
‘We were kids, he wasn’t Hamas back then, he became Hamas after they bombed his house.’ —Adam
ADAM: There was a friend I went to kindergarten with. He was from a family who were our neighbors and our friends. I met him and he was one year older than me. He was super nice. And we just found ourselves … kissing and things developed from there obviously. And he became someone who I hooked up with all the time. I’m talking about having sex every day for three months at some point. We were teenagers. I think I used all [my] fun back then.
EIP: How gay could you be in Gaza?
ADAM: In schools, being gay is like completely there – you can see it and teachers can see it. If you know, you know. I’ve seen people hugging, kissing and cuddling in class. I’ve done it myself in the class, outside of the class, everywhere. And I was the nice, respectful kid, by the way. I was the teacher’s pet and I had high grades mostly.
EIP: That’s interesting and pretty relatable. What was it like being religious and gay for you then?
ADAM: Well, it’s my whole perspective. I was religious until I was 12 and I remember at 13, everything changed because I figured out that there’s a part of religion that people are too scared to say: the more religious you get, the weirder you get. I got touched by people who were teaching me Qur’an, I got touched in the mosque — I understood that this is not the religion (Islam), it’s the people. But, it also opened something in my head that made me say: “okay, so if this is something that people really want, even religious people want, why is it illegal in my religion?” So trust me, religious people, and even people from Hamas, some fighters actually, some of them are gay, and in the new generations it’s way more common than what you would think. One of them was trying to link up with me. He actually got martyred years ago. I didn’t know he was a fighter until he got martyred.
EIP: Can you tell me a story about one of your relationships in Gaza?
ADAM: There was this one dude who I grew up with, our families are similar, we came from a similar mindset. But we were so different from others, and he knew he was different. And I knew I was different. But we kept it to ourselves. One day, we’re playing football and that day nobody was there except for me and him, and I was just sitting and he was just sitting next to me near the street. The streets were empty by the way. There weren’t many people in their cars, especially in the afternoon because people in Gaza nap. He was so sweet, so respectful, so nice. And he moved a little closer to me and just put his hand on my thigh and just left it there. And I look at him and he looks at me. We both were attracted to each other. I always like to tell gay jokes or sexual jokes. It makes it easier to recognize gay people. It’s just natural. And our love– with this dude– me and him, was natural too. So he starts touching me and I just, I hold his hand– we hold hands and I touch him back. In public! Then I told him, “hey, we’re in the street. Do you want to go inside or something? I don’t want you to get caught.” I was more worried about him than I was for myself.
EIP: Because he was in Hamas?
ADAM: We were kids, he wasn’t Hamas back then, he became Hamas after they bombed his house, but he was very religious. So, anyways, we just go inside, and we’re just walking there, we start making out. An hour and a half of making out. So we went inside, we just started moving forward and kissing and making out and stripping each other and just cuddling with each other. I was eating him out and then Al Maghreb prayer just started and he was like “Can you stop?” and I was like “What?” and he was like “I have to go to pray at the mosque.” His family is dead now and I think he’s gone too now, himself. We were in our early teens in love at the time. Making out with him was something that until this very day I don’t think I will ever have something like that because it was genuine and true, true, true, true, true authentic love before anything and it came from someone I know, he was an honest and a respectful young man.
EIP: Wow. Everybody kind of imagines Gaza as extremely conservative only.
ADAM: It is conservative, what’s the issue with that? But these things are natural. These things you don’t hear of because you don’t need to hear of them.
EIP: Ya, queer life finds a way no matter what.
ADAM: We were together for two months and he stopped seeing me because he’s super religious and he started feeling bad about himself. You have no idea how brave that was from him to take this decision to make out with me to to do all of this with me. It takes a very brave and genuine man to do such a thing, especially when you’re from a conservative family and you’re super religious.
EIP: Do you believe you can be gay and Muslim?
ADAM: You can combine religion and sexuality. Yes, you can. Yes, yes. In General; People will tell you you can’t. It’s just the people who have less understanding of life, very zoomed in and biased towards a specific idea.
‘So trust me, religious people, and even people from Hamas, some fighters actually, some of them are gay, and in the new generations it’s way more common than what you would think. One of them was trying to link up with me. He actually got martyred years ago. I didn’t know he was a fighter until he got martyred.’ —Adam
THE GENOCIDE
In October 2023, Adam was studying. He was also working on his dream on the side, his own clothing line and the start of him getting into fashion. He had been making money from the line while studying at a university in Deir al Balah. At the time, Adam was getting ready to start an apprenticeship in culinary arts in Gaza.
ADAM: That was the 5th of October. Then the 7th of October happened. And everything is gone. The restaurants, the whole square in Gaza, Hay al Rimal. If you know Hay al Rimal in Gaza, it is one of the most beautiful neighborhoods in Gaza. It’s gone completely.
In fact, I know a family of 25 that got completely, like, they vanished, the family vanished, and this family fucking hated Hamas, they were literally Athiests, and weren’t huge fan of religion even, but they got bombed. That’s how you know it’s not about Hamas, it’s about the land and whoever is on top of it.
EIP: Can you explain your experience during the last year?
ADAM: We moved to my sister’s house three days in, and I couldn’t really stand it. My oldest brother, who lives with us, went back to our house. And then my dad followed him and I followed my dad. That’s like three days after it started, so we just stayed at home for a while. Later on, I spent a month in Khan Younis because I just wasn’t comfortable in my area anymore. I felt like I’m gonna die any second because death was literally around me everywhere. Like it was too much. So I just went to Khan Younis because my uncle’s area was safe. It’s a bunch of potheads and a bunch of hippies who don’t care about anything. So that was like a nice place. I went there, I spent a month there, went back to Rafah and I stayed there. The third month people started getting displaced from the north to our neighborhood. And everyone was like, oh, this is “the safest spot in Gaza now.” Well, it wasn’t by the way. Imagine waking up every day to an airstrike in your neighborhood and this is “the safest spot in Gaza.” That’s how wild, how insane the amount of airstrikes there were. Every day from 10 at night to 5 in the morning, there were airstrikes everywhere, and you could hear it. And our house was in the middle of it, and I heard what’s happening everywhere, north, south, west, east, all of it. So it was really hard for me. I would fall asleep and I was looking at the ceiling and waiting for the rocket and thinking of how the rocket is gonna penetrate the ceiling. I was thinking, okay I’m gonna get sucked into the other room, I’m gonna be under this wall, maybe buried underground by all these walls blah, blah, blah. Or an explosive, I’m gonna be thrown somewhere else.
EIP: Were you guys in a high rise, or what was your living situation?
ADAM: We were on the second floor, and it was in Rafah. That’s why we were able to hear everything. I covered most of this from my window, but I was so scared to post anything or talk about anything until the third month of the genocide, actually, because they [Israelis] can and will kill you if you do this. So the third month of the genocide, people got displaced from the north. Our neighborhood was 5000 people at first, maybe 10,000 people. It became 50,000 people all of a sudden. And it’s a bunch of people who seem really privileged. But by the time they came…they didn’t have money to get a haircut. They barely had food. They didn’t have clothes. Nobody was supporting them. And there was way too many of them to a point where they opened governmental schools for them.
I said to my dad – we are really close by the way– “okay, listen, what do you think we could help them with?” He said, “they lack basics first, water, they don’t have water, they don’t have food, they have nothing.” I was like, okay, listen, “how much money do you have?” I told him that I still had all the money from my clothing brand. We started helping them with what we could until people from the neighborhood shared what they could with them. Later on, we started cooking for them from our own pocket money, from the profits I made from my clothing brand. Meat was really expensive. It was 100 shekels I remember. Now, it’s even way more, but yeah, those people hadn’t had protein in two months, and it was so sad, so fucking sad, and we were in the same boat, us and them. So me and my family were like, you may die any second, so let’s just spend all our money, fuck it. Like, let’s be good. We spent like a high percentage of our money on cooking for them. I think the second week I started cooking, I started posting stories for the first time, and I had really bad social anxiety– insane. I’m diagnosed with general anxiety disorder, and my anxiety was really bad.
EIP: I cannot fathom what you were dealing with. How did you eventually get out?
ADAM: So yeah, later on, people started donating to me. And I had a GoFundMe. A GoFundMe for evacuating because my knee was really hurting. When I was cooking for three months, I was, like, feeling pain in my left knee. I put all the pressure on my right knee. Then both knees got fucked up. So I needed to heal. And I needed to evacuate to heal. There wasn’t much in Gaza. No medications even. No painkillers. I wasn’t able to sleep because of the pain. So I evacuated on my own [without my family]. It was a tough decision but I needed it and the pain was increasing. I feel the pain right now as I talk about it, it’s just muscle memory.
EIP: Around when did you get out?
ADAM: It was two weeks before the borders got closed. Like April.
EIP: Woah. You were pretty lucky to get out then. Do you feel lucky?
ADAM: I am very lucky to be alive, PTSD, trauma and all.
EIP: You’re in Egypt now. Do you feel hopeful about the future?
ADAM: Oh, I have nothing but positive thoughts about the future., I’m aiming for 1 million dollars this year from the clothing brand. Really, nobody else can help my family or build their destroyed houses other than me. They’re depending on me. So this year I will work very hard.
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{
"article":
{
"title" : "Where’s the Gaza Gay Parade? Liberals want to know.",
"author" : "Afeef Nessouli",
"category" : "interviews",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/wheres-the-gaza-gay-parade-liberals-want-to-know",
"date" : "2024-11-01 13:42:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/2012_12_EIP_18_GayParade_1.jpg",
"excerpt" : "A Column for the Queers.",
"content" : "A Column for the Queers.Part of the work of decolonizing is busting myths and propaganda. There might not be a Gay Pride Parade in Gaza because of Israel’s punishing siege and occupation, but make no mistake, there is a lot of queerness there. One tactic the Occupation uses to dehumanize Palestinians is to convince the world that queer Palestinians do not exist, in Gaza particularly. To paint Gaza as savage and backwards and hostile, where modern liberal freedoms like a Pride parade couldn’t possibly exist. While in many cases, queer people in Gaza have had incredibly challenging lives because of the circumstances, it is misleading to believe that Palestinians are inherently more homophobic than their occupiers. In fact, Gaza is just as queer and problematic as the rest of the world. Our EIP journalist talks to “Adam,” a 20-something queer Gazan who lived in the enclave his whole life before getting evacuated to escape the genocide earlier this year. Adam is using a pseudonym to protect his identity. His story is not meant to represent every queer story in Gaza. But we do want to create a space in “Everything is Political” dedicated to documenting as many queer stories from the region as we can. It is our personal Pride Parade.ADAM: I was lucky that my dad, while really religious, is really open-minded and cultured. He treats me differently than any other family member or son of his because he knows how different I am. He knows. And my family raised me knowing that I’m different.EIP: When you use the word “different” — that your dad knew you were different – what does different mean? And then what do you mean “they knew”? Did you talk to them about that differentness?ADAM: No, it’s not something you talk about because it’s not something that you can feel with your hand. It’s something that you can see and notice, you can know about this and you just let it happen, it’s simple if you want it to be. You either support it or just leave it. And I was lucky to have a really different family than religious Middle Eastern families. They were super supportive– it’s really uncommon in a religious community, in any religion.EIP: Can you tell me a bit about your family?ADAM: Sure. My family used to live on the border between Egypt and Gaza. Like the checkpoint on the border before they removed everything and just made up a border back in the day! And part of my family is in Egypt and part of the other part is in Gaza. I’m the youngest in the family. My grandma’s side of the family is Lebanese, from Tyre, South Lebanon. The other part of my dad’s family is from Tulkarim and I have family in Jenin, West Bank. So imagine being me dealing with what’s happening in Gaza, dealing with my family in Jenin, and dealing with my other side of the family in Lebanon. It is like the ultimate situation.EIP: So are you stressed out?ADAM: I was raised religious so I don’t really worry. Thanks to religion and being raised Muslim, I do not worry about anything because I believe anything that happens in the world is happening for a reason. One way or another, it will turn out good for you if you let things take its flow and believe it happened for a reason. So I think if anything may happen to any of my family members anywhere in the world, I would get emotional of course, I would be sad for a few days. But then I would move on quickly.EIP: You’d say you’re still pretty religious?ADAM: I was born and raised religious. I memorized the whole Qur’an at 12. And then at 13 I hit puberty, and had new thoughts. And I looked for answers to my questions and found peace quickly. All religions are carrying the same message in a different text and I appreciate all of them but I believe I don’t need to be under a specific religion to be more Human.LOVEADAM: I was always aware of my preferences, and I was vocal about it my whole life, teaching myself and others that love is love. At 13, I started experiencing life as a queer person at school. There was a lot of making out and a lot of cuddling but at the same time a lot of harassing — Like, when I’d be walking home, and some boys would be like “you’re such a sexy bitch come do this and that to me oh my god I wanna do this and that to you” even though they are pretty much straight – as they describe themselves but I highly doubt it – and they would sometimes spank me or just do weird shit I didn’t like.EIP: Can you remember one of your first gay experiences in Gaza?‘We were kids, he wasn’t Hamas back then, he became Hamas after they bombed his house.’ —AdamADAM: There was a friend I went to kindergarten with. He was from a family who were our neighbors and our friends. I met him and he was one year older than me. He was super nice. And we just found ourselves … kissing and things developed from there obviously. And he became someone who I hooked up with all the time. I’m talking about having sex every day for three months at some point. We were teenagers. I think I used all [my] fun back then.EIP: How gay could you be in Gaza?ADAM: In schools, being gay is like completely there – you can see it and teachers can see it. If you know, you know. I’ve seen people hugging, kissing and cuddling in class. I’ve done it myself in the class, outside of the class, everywhere. And I was the nice, respectful kid, by the way. I was the teacher’s pet and I had high grades mostly.EIP: That’s interesting and pretty relatable. What was it like being religious and gay for you then?ADAM: Well, it’s my whole perspective. I was religious until I was 12 and I remember at 13, everything changed because I figured out that there’s a part of religion that people are too scared to say: the more religious you get, the weirder you get. I got touched by people who were teaching me Qur’an, I got touched in the mosque — I understood that this is not the religion (Islam), it’s the people. But, it also opened something in my head that made me say: “okay, so if this is something that people really want, even religious people want, why is it illegal in my religion?” So trust me, religious people, and even people from Hamas, some fighters actually, some of them are gay, and in the new generations it’s way more common than what you would think. One of them was trying to link up with me. He actually got martyred years ago. I didn’t know he was a fighter until he got martyred.EIP: Can you tell me a story about one of your relationships in Gaza?ADAM: There was this one dude who I grew up with, our families are similar, we came from a similar mindset. But we were so different from others, and he knew he was different. And I knew I was different. But we kept it to ourselves. One day, we’re playing football and that day nobody was there except for me and him, and I was just sitting and he was just sitting next to me near the street. The streets were empty by the way. There weren’t many people in their cars, especially in the afternoon because people in Gaza nap. He was so sweet, so respectful, so nice. And he moved a little closer to me and just put his hand on my thigh and just left it there. And I look at him and he looks at me. We both were attracted to each other. I always like to tell gay jokes or sexual jokes. It makes it easier to recognize gay people. It’s just natural. And our love– with this dude– me and him, was natural too. So he starts touching me and I just, I hold his hand– we hold hands and I touch him back. In public! Then I told him, “hey, we’re in the street. Do you want to go inside or something? I don’t want you to get caught.” I was more worried about him than I was for myself.EIP: Because he was in Hamas?ADAM: We were kids, he wasn’t Hamas back then, he became Hamas after they bombed his house, but he was very religious. So, anyways, we just go inside, and we’re just walking there, we start making out. An hour and a half of making out. So we went inside, we just started moving forward and kissing and making out and stripping each other and just cuddling with each other. I was eating him out and then Al Maghreb prayer just started and he was like “Can you stop?” and I was like “What?” and he was like “I have to go to pray at the mosque.” His family is dead now and I think he’s gone too now, himself. We were in our early teens in love at the time. Making out with him was something that until this very day I don’t think I will ever have something like that because it was genuine and true, true, true, true, true authentic love before anything and it came from someone I know, he was an honest and a respectful young man.EIP: Wow. Everybody kind of imagines Gaza as extremely conservative only.ADAM: It is conservative, what’s the issue with that? But these things are natural. These things you don’t hear of because you don’t need to hear of them.EIP: Ya, queer life finds a way no matter what.ADAM: We were together for two months and he stopped seeing me because he’s super religious and he started feeling bad about himself. You have no idea how brave that was from him to take this decision to make out with me to to do all of this with me. It takes a very brave and genuine man to do such a thing, especially when you’re from a conservative family and you’re super religious.EIP: Do you believe you can be gay and Muslim?ADAM: You can combine religion and sexuality. Yes, you can. Yes, yes. In General; People will tell you you can’t. It’s just the people who have less understanding of life, very zoomed in and biased towards a specific idea.‘So trust me, religious people, and even people from Hamas, some fighters actually, some of them are gay, and in the new generations it’s way more common than what you would think. One of them was trying to link up with me. He actually got martyred years ago. I didn’t know he was a fighter until he got martyred.’ —AdamTHE GENOCIDEIn October 2023, Adam was studying. He was also working on his dream on the side, his own clothing line and the start of him getting into fashion. He had been making money from the line while studying at a university in Deir al Balah. At the time, Adam was getting ready to start an apprenticeship in culinary arts in Gaza.ADAM: That was the 5th of October. Then the 7th of October happened. And everything is gone. The restaurants, the whole square in Gaza, Hay al Rimal. If you know Hay al Rimal in Gaza, it is one of the most beautiful neighborhoods in Gaza. It’s gone completely.In fact, I know a family of 25 that got completely, like, they vanished, the family vanished, and this family fucking hated Hamas, they were literally Athiests, and weren’t huge fan of religion even, but they got bombed. That’s how you know it’s not about Hamas, it’s about the land and whoever is on top of it.EIP: Can you explain your experience during the last year?ADAM: We moved to my sister’s house three days in, and I couldn’t really stand it. My oldest brother, who lives with us, went back to our house. And then my dad followed him and I followed my dad. That’s like three days after it started, so we just stayed at home for a while. Later on, I spent a month in Khan Younis because I just wasn’t comfortable in my area anymore. I felt like I’m gonna die any second because death was literally around me everywhere. Like it was too much. So I just went to Khan Younis because my uncle’s area was safe. It’s a bunch of potheads and a bunch of hippies who don’t care about anything. So that was like a nice place. I went there, I spent a month there, went back to Rafah and I stayed there. The third month people started getting displaced from the north to our neighborhood. And everyone was like, oh, this is “the safest spot in Gaza now.” Well, it wasn’t by the way. Imagine waking up every day to an airstrike in your neighborhood and this is “the safest spot in Gaza.” That’s how wild, how insane the amount of airstrikes there were. Every day from 10 at night to 5 in the morning, there were airstrikes everywhere, and you could hear it. And our house was in the middle of it, and I heard what’s happening everywhere, north, south, west, east, all of it. So it was really hard for me. I would fall asleep and I was looking at the ceiling and waiting for the rocket and thinking of how the rocket is gonna penetrate the ceiling. I was thinking, okay I’m gonna get sucked into the other room, I’m gonna be under this wall, maybe buried underground by all these walls blah, blah, blah. Or an explosive, I’m gonna be thrown somewhere else.EIP: Were you guys in a high rise, or what was your living situation?ADAM: We were on the second floor, and it was in Rafah. That’s why we were able to hear everything. I covered most of this from my window, but I was so scared to post anything or talk about anything until the third month of the genocide, actually, because they [Israelis] can and will kill you if you do this. So the third month of the genocide, people got displaced from the north. Our neighborhood was 5000 people at first, maybe 10,000 people. It became 50,000 people all of a sudden. And it’s a bunch of people who seem really privileged. But by the time they came…they didn’t have money to get a haircut. They barely had food. They didn’t have clothes. Nobody was supporting them. And there was way too many of them to a point where they opened governmental schools for them.I said to my dad – we are really close by the way– “okay, listen, what do you think we could help them with?” He said, “they lack basics first, water, they don’t have water, they don’t have food, they have nothing.” I was like, okay, listen, “how much money do you have?” I told him that I still had all the money from my clothing brand. We started helping them with what we could until people from the neighborhood shared what they could with them. Later on, we started cooking for them from our own pocket money, from the profits I made from my clothing brand. Meat was really expensive. It was 100 shekels I remember. Now, it’s even way more, but yeah, those people hadn’t had protein in two months, and it was so sad, so fucking sad, and we were in the same boat, us and them. So me and my family were like, you may die any second, so let’s just spend all our money, fuck it. Like, let’s be good. We spent like a high percentage of our money on cooking for them. I think the second week I started cooking, I started posting stories for the first time, and I had really bad social anxiety– insane. I’m diagnosed with general anxiety disorder, and my anxiety was really bad.EIP: I cannot fathom what you were dealing with. How did you eventually get out?ADAM: So yeah, later on, people started donating to me. And I had a GoFundMe. A GoFundMe for evacuating because my knee was really hurting. When I was cooking for three months, I was, like, feeling pain in my left knee. I put all the pressure on my right knee. Then both knees got fucked up. So I needed to heal. And I needed to evacuate to heal. There wasn’t much in Gaza. No medications even. No painkillers. I wasn’t able to sleep because of the pain. So I evacuated on my own [without my family]. It was a tough decision but I needed it and the pain was increasing. I feel the pain right now as I talk about it, it’s just muscle memory.EIP: Around when did you get out?ADAM: It was two weeks before the borders got closed. Like April.EIP: Woah. You were pretty lucky to get out then. Do you feel lucky?ADAM: I am very lucky to be alive, PTSD, trauma and all.EIP: You’re in Egypt now. Do you feel hopeful about the future?ADAM: Oh, I have nothing but positive thoughts about the future., I’m aiming for 1 million dollars this year from the clothing brand. Really, nobody else can help my family or build their destroyed houses other than me. They’re depending on me. So this year I will work very hard."
}
,
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{
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"author" : "Sarah Sinno",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/ecocide-lebanon-chemical-warfare",
"date" : "2026-02-25 15:16:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/PHOTO-2026-02-25-13-34-24%202.jpg",
"excerpt" : "",
"content" : "Photo Credit: Sarah SinnoOn February 2, the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL)issued a statement announcing that Israeli occupation forces had instructed their personnel to remain under cover near the border between south Lebanon and occupied Palestine. They were ordered to keep their distance because the IOF had planned aerial activity involving the release of a “non-toxic substance.” Samples collected and analyzed by Lebanon’s Ministries of Agriculture and Environment, in coordination with the Lebanese Army and UNIFIL, confirmed that the substance sprayed by Israel was the herbicide, glyphosate. Laboratory results showed that, in some locations, concentration levels were 20 to 30 times higher than normal. Not to mention, this is not the first instance of herbicide spraying over southern Lebanon, nor is the practice confined to Lebanon. Similar tactics have been documented in Gaza, the West Bank, and Quneitra in Syria.While the IOF didn’t provide further explanation as to its purpose, these operations are part of a broader Israeli strategy to establish so-called “buffer zones” by dismantling the ecological foundations upon which communities depend. The deployment of chemical agents kills vegetation, producing de facto “security” no-go areas that empty entire regions of their Indigenous inhabitants. Cultivated fields are deliberately destroyed, soil fertility declines, and water systems become polluted. Farmers lose their livelihoods, and communities are forcibly uprooted. Demographic realities are reshaped, and space is incrementally cleared for future settlers. Simply put, these tactics function as a mechanism of displacement, dispossession, and elimination—and are importantly part of a long history of this kind of colonial territorial engineering.Glyphosate and Ecological HarmFor decades, glyphosate has been marketed as a formulation designed to kill weeds only and increase crop yields. But the consequences of its use on humans and the environment cannot be ignored: In 2015, Glyphosate was classified by the International Agency for Research on Cancer (IARC) as “probably carcinogenic to humans,” and it has been associated with a range of additional health risks, including endocrine disruption, potential harm to reproductive health, as well as liver and kidney damage. In November of last year, the scientific journal Regulatory Toxicology and Pharmacology formally withdrew a study published in 2000 that had asserted the chemical’s safety.Beyond its human health implications, glyphosate is ecologically harmful. Studies have shown that it degrades soil microorganisms; others have linked it to increased plant vulnerability to disease. It can also leach into water systems, contaminating surface and groundwater sources. Exposure may be lethal to certain species like bees. Even when it does not cause immediate mortality, glyphosate eliminates vegetation that provides habitat and shelter for bees, birds, and other animals, disrupting food webs and ecological balance. What’s more, research indicates that glyphosate can alter animal behavior, affecting foraging and feeding patterns, anti-predator responses, reproduction, learning and memory, and social interactions.Despite a growing body of scientific literature highlighting its risks to both human health and the environment, and bearing in mind that corporate giants manufacturing such products have been known to fund and even ghostwrite research to promote the opposite, glyphosate remains the most widely used herbicide globally.The Monsanto ModelTo understand how it became so deeply entrenched, normalized within agriculture systems in some contexts, and used as a weapon of war in others, it is necessary to look more closely at the corporation responsible for its global expansion: Monsanto.Founded in 1901, Monsanto’s corporate history reflects a longstanding pattern of chemical production linked to environmental devastation. Over the past century, the corporation has manufactured products later proven harmful and has faced tens of thousands of lawsuits, resulting in billions of dollars in settlements.Among the products it manufactured were polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs), synthetic industrial chemicals that were eventually banned worldwide due to their toxicity. Through their production and disposal, including the discharge of millions of pounds of PCBs into waterways and landfills, Monsanto contributed to some of the most enduring chemical contamination crises in modern history, the consequences of which continue to reverberate today.One of the most notorious cases unfolded in Anniston, Ala., where Monsanto’s chemical factory polluted the entire town from 1935 through the 1970s, causing widespread harm to the community. Despite being fully aware of the toxic effects of PCBs, the company concealed evidence, according to internal documents, a conduct that reflects a longstanding pattern of disregard for both environmental care and human health. Whether in the case of PCBs or glyphosate, the underlying logic remains consistent: ecological systems and communities are harmed in order to prioritize profit and, at times, territorial expansion.Monsanto also became the world’s largest seed company. Through the enforcement of restrictive patents on genetically modified seeds, the corporation consolidated unprecedented control over global food systems. By prohibiting seed saving, a practice upheld by farmers and Indigenous communities for millennia, it undermined seed sovereignty and compelled farmers to purchase new seeds each season rather than replanting from their own harvests. What had long functioned as part of the commons since the origins of human civilization, the foundational basis of food and life itself, was privatized. Monsanto transferred control over seeds from cultivators to corporations, further creating systems of structural dependency.What was once embedded in reciprocal relationships between land, seed, and cultivator is now controlled by the same chemical-producing corporations implicated in the degradation of land—as is the case of what is unfolding in southern Lebanon. Power is thus consolidated within an industrial architecture that, at times, prohibits the exchange and regeneration of seeds and, at other times, renders the land uninhabitable. In both cases, it undermines the ability to grow food and remain rooted in the land, thereby threatening the conditions necessary for survival.Chemical WarfareAlongside its record of manufacturing carcinogenic products, dumping hazardous chemicals into the environment, and contributing to the destruction of agricultural systems, Monsanto has also been linked to chemical warfare. During the Vietnam War (1962–1971), it was among the U.S. military contractors that manufactured Agent Orange, a defoliant used to strip forests and destroy crops that provided cover and food to Vietnamese communities.The chemical contained dioxin, one of the most toxic compounds known, contributing to the defoliation of millions of acres of forest and farmland. It has been associated with hundreds of thousands of deaths and long-term illnesses, including cancers and birth defects.Although acts of ecocide long predated this period, well before the term itself was coined, it was in the aftermath of Agent Orange that the word “ecocide” was first used to describe the deliberate destruction of ecosystems and began to enter political and legal discourse.The Vietnam War exposed a structural link between chemical production, corporate power, and a military doctrine in which ecosystems and farmlands are targeted precisely because they sustain human life. Nature, because it nourished, protected, and anchored Indigenous communities, was treated as an obstacle to military and imperial control. As a result, it became a battlefield in its own right.Capital and RuinThis historical precedent continues to reverberate today in Lebanon, Palestine, and Syria. Decades apart, these are not isolated acts of ecological destruction but part of a continuous trajectory carried out by the same imperial, corporate, and financial machinery.In 2018, Monsanto was acquired by Bayer. Bayer’s largest institutional shareholders include BlackRock and Vanguard, the world’s two largest asset management firms.Both firms have been identified in reports, including those by UN Special Rapporteur Francesca Albanese, as major investors in corporations linked to Israel’s occupation apparatus, military industry, and surveillance infrastructure. These include Palantir Technologies, Lockheed Martin, Caterpillar Inc., Microsoft, Amazon, and Elbit Systems.Mapping these financial linkages reveals how ecocide is structurally embedded within broader systems of violence that are deeply entrenched and mutually reinforcing. Ecocide and genocide are financed through overlapping capital networks that connect chemical production, militarization, and territorial control.The spraying of glyphosate over agricultural land in southern Lebanon must therefore be situated within this historical continuum. The same corporate-financial structure that profits from destructive chemicals and agricultural control is interwoven with the industries that maintain a settler-colonial stronghold."
}
,
{
"title" : "Nothing Is ”Apolitical”: Why I Refused to Exhibit at the Venice Biennale",
"author" : "Céline Semaan",
"category" : "",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/nothing-is-apolitical",
"date" : "2026-02-24 15:51:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Cover_EIP_Apolitical_Venice_Biennale-19ed6f.jpg",
"excerpt" : "After October 2023, the art world felt comfortable discriminating against Arab artists and dehumanizing us when Israel began carpet bombing Gaza leading to a genocide . For a few years since that moment, many Arab artists saw their work rejected, refused, or cancelled from shows, publications, and galleries. But in 2025, the propaganda against Arabs began to be debunked and the world recognized that Israel was in fact a colonial military occupation decimating Indigenous people, and curiously, we started receiving invitations to participate in the art world again.",
"content" : "After October 2023, the art world felt comfortable discriminating against Arab artists and dehumanizing us when Israel began carpet bombing Gaza leading to a genocide . For a few years since that moment, many Arab artists saw their work rejected, refused, or cancelled from shows, publications, and galleries. But in 2025, the propaganda against Arabs began to be debunked and the world recognized that Israel was in fact a colonial military occupation decimating Indigenous people, and curiously, we started receiving invitations to participate in the art world again.In the middle of last year, I was invited to exhibit my work at the Venice Biennale as part of their Personal Structures art exhibition. But unfortunately, I found myself needing to decline the invitation due to their separation between artistic practice and political reality: An expectation, stated and implied, that the work remain “apolitical.”For many artists, this is understood as an important recognition in one’s art career, a symbolic entrance into contemporary art history. Venice confers legitimacy, visibility, and, for many of us, validation from a historically extractive, colonial arts system. It also functions, like all major biennials, as an instrument of cultural diplomacy, soft power, and geopolitical storytelling. So a representation at the Venice Biennale as a Lebanese artist means a lot on a political scale.The word “apolitical” was used as part of a response that the Venice Biennale curator sent to justify their position regarding centering Israeli artists. It was an attempt to make explicit that engaging with the ongoing violence shaping the present moment, including the mass killing and destruction in Gaza, is a personal choice. That art exists without consequence, an elevated ideal that has the privilege of existing outside reality.I couldn’t tolerate pretending art was separated from politics, when Israel continues to bomb Lebanon daily, erase and sell Gaza, and murders Palestinians almost on a daily basis. Not when, just this February, Israel proposed to install a death penalty for the abducted Palestinians in Israeli jails with complete immunity. We are living through a time in which bombardment, starvation, displacement, and civilian death are documented in real time. Images circulate instantly; testimony is archived before bodies are buried. The evidence is not obscured by distance or ambiguity, but rather, is immediate, relentless, and impossible to ignore. Yet cultural institutions claim ignorance or worse, voluntary exclusion. In such a context, neutrality is not a passive stance but an alignment with injustice.Moral clarity is non-negotiable for me. It is my anchor in a time where global forces are unveiling their corruption for the world to see. In shock and despair, overwhelmed by the intensity of the crimes, many remain silent. Motionless. Like deers in the headlights. Hence, the safe label of remaining apolitical.But the myth of the apolitical artist has always depended on their proximity to power. It is a luxury position historically afforded to those whose bodies are not directly threatened by the carceral order. For many artists—particularly those shaped by colonization, occupation, exile, or racial violence—the political is not a thematic choice. It is the ground of existence itself.Arab women artists have shown me the path to moral clarity, integrity, and honor. The Palestinian American painter Samia Halaby has long argued that all art is political in its relation to society, whether acknowledged or not. For instance, Mona Hatoum’s sculptural language, often read through the lens of minimalism, is inseparable from histories of displacement and surveillance. The body remains present even when absent, reminding viewers that aesthetics do not transcend geopolitics.The Egyptian feminist writer Nawal El Saadawi warned with unmistakable clarity: “Neutrality in situations of injustice is siding with the oppressor.” Her words emerged from lived confrontation with imprisonment, censorship, and patriarchal state violence. Neutrality was never theoretical to her, it was lethal.Black feminist artists and thinkers have articulated the same truth. Audre Lorde’s assertion—“Your silence will not protect you”—dismantles the illusion that withholding speech preserves safety. Silence is participation in the maintenance of power. Lorraine O’Grady’s performances exposed how cultural institutions erase entire populations while claiming universality, revealing that visibility itself can be a political rupture. These perspectives converge on a single recognition: Art does not exist outside power structures. It either interrogates them or reinforces them.We remember artists who refused neutrality because their work altered the moral imagination of their time. Artists like Ai Weiwei, whose work centers politics and identity, go as far as putting their own bodies in danger. We remember the cultural boycott of apartheid South Africa, when artists refused lucrative opportunities rather than legitimize a racist regime. We remember Nina Simone transforming grief and rage into sonic resistance. We remember the Black Arts Movement insisting that aesthetics could not be detached from liberation.We also remember the artists who accommodated power. History is rarely generous toward them. The contemporary art world often performs political engagement while it structurally protects capital, donors, and institutional relationships behind closed doors. Calls for “complexity” or “nuance” frequently operate as ways to avoid taking positions that might threaten funding streams or geopolitical alliances. Requests for artists to remain apolitical are risk-management strategies that prioritize donors’ comfort.The insistence that artists claim they “do not know enough” to speak while mass civilian death unfolds is abdication. It mirrors political rhetoric that justifies violence through ideology, nationalism, or divine authority. Both rely on belief systems that absolve responsibility. The role of the artist is not to decorate power. It is to feel reality—to alchemize collective experiences into forms that expand perception rather than sterilize it.Art is essential precisely because we are living through rupture. But essential art is not decorative. It is not institutional ornamentation detached from consequence. It does not require erasing humanity in exchange for belonging to elite cultural circuits. Refusing the Biennale was not a heroic gesture. In fact, I had no desire to write this piece to begin with. It was just a form of moral clarity. Moral clarity some can live without, but unlike them, I refuse to become numb. I want to exist with a deep connection to my own humanity, and to feel it all.Including this moment that forces us to reckon with our own privileges and position. No exhibition, no platform, no symbolic prestige outweighs the responsibility of responding honestly to the conditions shaping our world. Participation under forced neutrality in accepting the presence of genocidal entities such as Israel would have required fragmentation — an agreement to pretend that art exists outside the systems producing suffering, including settler colonial violence and military occupation.It does not. And I cannot fake it."
}
,
{
"title" : "ICE Attacks Are a Food Sovereignty Issue",
"author" : "Jill Damatac",
"category" : "essay",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/ice-interference-is-a-food-sovereignty-issue",
"date" : "2026-02-24 11:26:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/ice_food_soveriegnty.jpg",
"excerpt" : "Food inequality, like the carceral state, is not a bug, but a feature.",
"content" : "Food inequality, like the carceral state, is not a bug, but a feature.California National Guard troops face off with protestors during a federal immigration raid on Glass House Farms in Camarillo, Calif. on July 10, 2025. Photo Credit: Blake Fagan via AFPIn June 2025, ICE agents walked into Glenn Valley Foods, a meat plant in Omaha, Neb. and detained roughly half the workforce. Production sagged to a fraction of normal: Producers were already strained by drought, thinned herds, and high cattle prices. On paper and in headlines, the Trump administration claimed an enforcement success; on the plant floor, workers stayed home, choosing to lose wages rather than risk returning. Beef processors warned that if raids became routine, they would buy fewer animals, and bottlenecks would pinch slaughterhouses and feedlots. The systemic shock emerged in the price of ground beef, which edged, at one point, towards seven dollars a pound. Still, raids were sold to voters as proof of control, even as they paid more for food and meals.ICE actions against food workers, already exhausted and criminally underpaid, have a demonstrable effect on sky-high food prices and our tax dollars: Raids further strain an already fragile, extractive food production and service system by not only further funding violent carceral systems, but also our fiscal ability to put food on the table. And while it’s clear that much needs to be changed when it comes to how we treat food workers–from livable wages and health insurance to legal protections and affordable housing –one thing has not been properly acknowledged. ICE interference shapes how we eat and our ability to have food sovereignty.By definition, food sovereignty is, first and foremost, a claim to power. It is the right of communities, including immigrant food workers, to decide how food is grown, who profits from it, and what it costs. True self-determination means the land and our labor serve everyone, rather than corporations or government agencies. It means the price of food stays low and steady enough that working-class households eat well, that profits are shared so that small farmers, migrant workers, and food workers can live with dignity and comfort. But this is far from the reality we face today: with grocery and restaurant bills rising and food workers one threat away from deportation, what we are left with is a food system benefiting corporate interests, flanked by a carceral force wearing a false claim to justice as a mask.Immigrant food workers carry the nation’s appetite on their shoulders: According to a 2020 study by the American Immigrant Council, over 20% of food industry workers are immigrants. Within agriculture, 40-50% of workers are undocumented on any given year, while in the restaurant industry, undocumented immigrants are 10-15% of the workforce. Their work is in our carts, fridges, and pantries, on our restaurant tables, takeout counters, and drive-throughs. Workers are keenly aware that ICE knows exactly where to detainthem to hit their arrest quota: in fruit orchards and vegetable farms, meat processing plants, egg barns, dairy plants, grocery stores, restaurant kitchens, and even the parking lots where they gather at dawn, hoping to find work for the day. With agents detaining and deporting workers regardless of immigration status or criminal record, workers are scared into staying home, giving up precious income just to live another day. Meanwhile, fields go unpicked, stores scramble to cover shifts, and kitchens stall. Crews thin out rather than risk being taken, or, as in the case of Jaime Alanís García, are killed while fleeing an ICE farm raid.These calculations between fear and courage in the face of aggression are not abstract to me; they’re personal. My father was an undocumented immigrant who worked nights stocking a cereal aisle. He was given thirty-two hours a week, just shy of full-time, so the grocery store could avoid providing health insurance. When a new manager began to ask employees for identification, my dad and other undocumented co-workers quit, leaving the store scrambling to find people willing to work for minimum wage, nearly full-time, with no healthcare. These violent acts move through the food chain under the guise of “rising prices,” a surcharge in our grocery carts and restaurant bills.The U.S. government has played with the lives of immigrant food workers many times before. Under President Herbert Hoover during the Great Depression, “Mexican repatriation” campaigns deported hundreds of thousands of Mexicans and Mexican Americans, many of them farmworkers recruited in boom years, as officials caved to white workers, who were both unwilling to cede the work to immigrants or to take on the low-paying farm jobs themselves. Filipino farmworkers, known as the Manongs, were treated similarly: in the 1920s and 30s, Filipino workers slept in crowded bunkhouses, were paid low wages, worked through illnesses such as tuberculosis, and were given no path to citizenship, even though the Philippines was then a U.S. territory. In January 1930, white mobs in Watsonville, Calif. hunted Filipino men, beat them, threw them off bridges, and shot and lynched them. Soon after, California banned marriage between Filipinos and white people, and Congress slashed Filipino immigration to a token quota. The food industry has long built itself on brown people’s labor while the law denied them basic human rights. At the root of it all is a sinister plantation logic: a nation’s wealth and abundance built on enslaved Black people’s labor and deprivation. It’s just new bodies in the fields, now.Today’s arrests and deportations are a continuation of this very logic: exploited migrant workers are still denied basic rights and protections while the food industry that employs them grows, year on year. Many lack legal status; many more live in mixed-status families. Using the excuse of “border security,” ICE and DHS agents press on that vulnerability by design. As a result, fear of ICE enforcement becomes a cost itself, narrowing what people can afford and where they can eat. These enforcements, carried out without input the food industry or local communities, and often against their will, directly impact our food sovereignty—how people determine the way food is grown, distributed, made, and served, as well as how workers within the food industry are paid and treated.Take summer 2025 as an example: ICE raids swept through produce fields around Oxnard in California’s Ventura County, arriving in unmarked vehicles (and sometimes helicopters) at the height of harvest. The raids spread, so crews went into hiding: one Ventura County grower estimated that roughly 70% of workers vanished from the rows almost overnight, leaving farms heavy with rotting produce and no one to pick it. Economists modeling removals of migrant farmworkers from California estimate that growers could lose up to 40% of their workforce, wiping out billions of dollars in crop value and raising produce prices by as much as 10%.These losses are passed on to communities and households, obfuscating why and how the increases happened in the first place. The American consumer is consequently exploited, too, absorbing the real labor cost of detentions and deportations. In Los Angeles, immigration sweeps in June 2025 hit downtown produce markets and surrounding eateries; vendors called business “worse than COVID” as customers vanished and supplies wasted away in storage. In January 2026, along Lake Street in south Minneapolis, immigrant-run spots like Lito’s Burritos and stalls at Midtown Global Market, a popular food hall in downtown Minneapolis, saw revenue plunge due to ICE enforcement, forcing them to cut hours, or close altogether. In nearby St. Paul, Minn., El Burrito Mercado shut down after its owner watched agents circle the building “like a hunting ground.” Meanwhile, four ICE agents ate at El Tapatio, a restaurant in Willmar, Mn. Hours later, they returned after closing time to arrest the owners and a dishwasher. Hmong restaurants and Mexican groceries across the Twin Cities have gone dark for days or weeks at a time, suffocating the local economy, leaving consumers with shrinking access to food, and small business owners with no revenue while their employees go unpaid.If food sovereignty means real control over how food is grown, distributed, and accessed, it must begin with the safety of the workers holding the system up. Workers’ wellbeing is not ornamental: it is the precondition for steady harvests, stable prices, and an affordable Main Street. Federal and state legislation must build strict firewalls between labor and immigration enforcement so that workers can file complaints, call inspectors, or take a sick day without fear. Laws can enforce and extend safety protections, wage standards, and the right to unionize. This can only happen with comprehensive immigration reform: A durable legal status and a path to citizenship for food and farmworkers would help immigrant families break the old pattern of being extracted for labor while being denied the basic right to stability.There are also infrastructures that must be abolished to truly achieve food sovereignty: specifically, the burgeoning immigration detention industrial complex. The Big Beautiful Bill allocated $75 billion dollars, spread over four years, to ICE, funding the expansion of private prison facilities. Alongside the nation’s existing prison industrial complex, the immigration detention industrial complex has become a key economic driver, albeit one that benefits only a few, such as shareholders in CoreCivic and Geo Group, two of the nation’s biggest private prison companies.Food inequality and lack of food sovereignty, like the carceral state, are not bugs, but features: soaring food, housing, and healthcare costs, voter discontent, and public unrest form a feedback loop, reinforcing the manufactured narrative scapegoating immigrant and migrant workers. If enough Americans believe that immigrants are to blame for the high prices in grocery stores and restaurants, no one will pause long enough to scrutinize the corporations (and owners) who stand to profit.Should legislators have the courage to change the infrastructure that allows these inequities to occur, the hands that harvest, pack, cook, serve, and wash would be fairly recognized as part of the nation they feed. Because fear and imprisonment should never be priced into the dinner table. Everyone can—and should be able to—eat."
}
]
}