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Where’s the Gaza Gay Parade? Liberals want to know.
A Column for the Queers.
Part of the work of decolonizing is busting myths and propaganda. There might not be a Gay Pride Parade in Gaza because of Israel’s punishing siege and occupation, but make no mistake, there is a lot of queerness there. One tactic the Occupation uses to dehumanize Palestinians is to convince the world that queer Palestinians do not exist, in Gaza particularly. To paint Gaza as savage and backwards and hostile, where modern liberal freedoms like a Pride parade couldn’t possibly exist. While in many cases, queer people in Gaza have had incredibly challenging lives because of the circumstances, it is misleading to believe that Palestinians are inherently more homophobic than their occupiers. In fact, Gaza is just as queer and problematic as the rest of the world. Our EIP journalist talks to “Adam,” a 20-something queer Gazan who lived in the enclave his whole life before getting evacuated to escape the genocide earlier this year. Adam is using a pseudonym to protect his identity. His story is not meant to represent every queer story in Gaza. But we do want to create a space in “Everything is Political” dedicated to documenting as many queer stories from the region as we can. It is our personal Pride Parade.
ADAM: I was lucky that my dad, while really religious, is really open-minded and cultured. He treats me differently than any other family member or son of his because he knows how different I am. He knows. And my family raised me knowing that I’m different.
EIP: When you use the word “different” — that your dad knew you were different – what does different mean? And then what do you mean “they knew”? Did you talk to them about that differentness?
ADAM: No, it’s not something you talk about because it’s not something that you can feel with your hand. It’s something that you can see and notice, you can know about this and you just let it happen, it’s simple if you want it to be. You either support it or just leave it. And I was lucky to have a really different family than religious Middle Eastern families. They were super supportive– it’s really uncommon in a religious community, in any religion.
EIP: Can you tell me a bit about your family?
ADAM: Sure. My family used to live on the border between Egypt and Gaza. Like the checkpoint on the border before they removed everything and just made up a border back in the day! And part of my family is in Egypt and part of the other part is in Gaza. I’m the youngest in the family. My grandma’s side of the family is Lebanese, from Tyre, South Lebanon. The other part of my dad’s family is from Tulkarim and I have family in Jenin, West Bank. So imagine being me dealing with what’s happening in Gaza, dealing with my family in Jenin, and dealing with my other side of the family in Lebanon. It is like the ultimate situation.
EIP: So are you stressed out?
ADAM: I was raised religious so I don’t really worry. Thanks to religion and being raised Muslim, I do not worry about anything because I believe anything that happens in the world is happening for a reason. One way or another, it will turn out good for you if you let things take its flow and believe it happened for a reason. So I think if anything may happen to any of my family members anywhere in the world, I would get emotional of course, I would be sad for a few days. But then I would move on quickly.
EIP: You’d say you’re still pretty religious?
ADAM: I was born and raised religious. I memorized the whole Qur’an at 12. And then at 13 I hit puberty, and had new thoughts. And I looked for answers to my questions and found peace quickly. All religions are carrying the same message in a different text and I appreciate all of them but I believe I don’t need to be under a specific religion to be more Human.
LOVE
ADAM: I was always aware of my preferences, and I was vocal about it my whole life, teaching myself and others that love is love. At 13, I started experiencing life as a queer person at school. There was a lot of making out and a lot of cuddling but at the same time a lot of harassing — Like, when I’d be walking home, and some boys would be like “you’re such a sexy bitch come do this and that to me oh my god I wanna do this and that to you” even though they are pretty much straight – as they describe themselves but I highly doubt it – and they would sometimes spank me or just do weird shit I didn’t like.
EIP: Can you remember one of your first gay experiences in Gaza?
‘We were kids, he wasn’t Hamas back then, he became Hamas after they bombed his house.’ —Adam
ADAM: There was a friend I went to kindergarten with. He was from a family who were our neighbors and our friends. I met him and he was one year older than me. He was super nice. And we just found ourselves … kissing and things developed from there obviously. And he became someone who I hooked up with all the time. I’m talking about having sex every day for three months at some point. We were teenagers. I think I used all [my] fun back then.
EIP: How gay could you be in Gaza?
ADAM: In schools, being gay is like completely there – you can see it and teachers can see it. If you know, you know. I’ve seen people hugging, kissing and cuddling in class. I’ve done it myself in the class, outside of the class, everywhere. And I was the nice, respectful kid, by the way. I was the teacher’s pet and I had high grades mostly.
EIP: That’s interesting and pretty relatable. What was it like being religious and gay for you then?
ADAM: Well, it’s my whole perspective. I was religious until I was 12 and I remember at 13, everything changed because I figured out that there’s a part of religion that people are too scared to say: the more religious you get, the weirder you get. I got touched by people who were teaching me Qur’an, I got touched in the mosque — I understood that this is not the religion (Islam), it’s the people. But, it also opened something in my head that made me say: “okay, so if this is something that people really want, even religious people want, why is it illegal in my religion?” So trust me, religious people, and even people from Hamas, some fighters actually, some of them are gay, and in the new generations it’s way more common than what you would think. One of them was trying to link up with me. He actually got martyred years ago. I didn’t know he was a fighter until he got martyred.
EIP: Can you tell me a story about one of your relationships in Gaza?
ADAM: There was this one dude who I grew up with, our families are similar, we came from a similar mindset. But we were so different from others, and he knew he was different. And I knew I was different. But we kept it to ourselves. One day, we’re playing football and that day nobody was there except for me and him, and I was just sitting and he was just sitting next to me near the street. The streets were empty by the way. There weren’t many people in their cars, especially in the afternoon because people in Gaza nap. He was so sweet, so respectful, so nice. And he moved a little closer to me and just put his hand on my thigh and just left it there. And I look at him and he looks at me. We both were attracted to each other. I always like to tell gay jokes or sexual jokes. It makes it easier to recognize gay people. It’s just natural. And our love– with this dude– me and him, was natural too. So he starts touching me and I just, I hold his hand– we hold hands and I touch him back. In public! Then I told him, “hey, we’re in the street. Do you want to go inside or something? I don’t want you to get caught.” I was more worried about him than I was for myself.
EIP: Because he was in Hamas?
ADAM: We were kids, he wasn’t Hamas back then, he became Hamas after they bombed his house, but he was very religious. So, anyways, we just go inside, and we’re just walking there, we start making out. An hour and a half of making out. So we went inside, we just started moving forward and kissing and making out and stripping each other and just cuddling with each other. I was eating him out and then Al Maghreb prayer just started and he was like “Can you stop?” and I was like “What?” and he was like “I have to go to pray at the mosque.” His family is dead now and I think he’s gone too now, himself. We were in our early teens in love at the time. Making out with him was something that until this very day I don’t think I will ever have something like that because it was genuine and true, true, true, true, true authentic love before anything and it came from someone I know, he was an honest and a respectful young man.
EIP: Wow. Everybody kind of imagines Gaza as extremely conservative only.
ADAM: It is conservative, what’s the issue with that? But these things are natural. These things you don’t hear of because you don’t need to hear of them.
EIP: Ya, queer life finds a way no matter what.
ADAM: We were together for two months and he stopped seeing me because he’s super religious and he started feeling bad about himself. You have no idea how brave that was from him to take this decision to make out with me to to do all of this with me. It takes a very brave and genuine man to do such a thing, especially when you’re from a conservative family and you’re super religious.
EIP: Do you believe you can be gay and Muslim?
ADAM: You can combine religion and sexuality. Yes, you can. Yes, yes. In General; People will tell you you can’t. It’s just the people who have less understanding of life, very zoomed in and biased towards a specific idea.
‘So trust me, religious people, and even people from Hamas, some fighters actually, some of them are gay, and in the new generations it’s way more common than what you would think. One of them was trying to link up with me. He actually got martyred years ago. I didn’t know he was a fighter until he got martyred.’ —Adam
THE GENOCIDE
In October 2023, Adam was studying. He was also working on his dream on the side, his own clothing line and the start of him getting into fashion. He had been making money from the line while studying at a university in Deir al Balah. At the time, Adam was getting ready to start an apprenticeship in culinary arts in Gaza.
ADAM: That was the 5th of October. Then the 7th of October happened. And everything is gone. The restaurants, the whole square in Gaza, Hay al Rimal. If you know Hay al Rimal in Gaza, it is one of the most beautiful neighborhoods in Gaza. It’s gone completely.
In fact, I know a family of 25 that got completely, like, they vanished, the family vanished, and this family fucking hated Hamas, they were literally Athiests, and weren’t huge fan of religion even, but they got bombed. That’s how you know it’s not about Hamas, it’s about the land and whoever is on top of it.
EIP: Can you explain your experience during the last year?
ADAM: We moved to my sister’s house three days in, and I couldn’t really stand it. My oldest brother, who lives with us, went back to our house. And then my dad followed him and I followed my dad. That’s like three days after it started, so we just stayed at home for a while. Later on, I spent a month in Khan Younis because I just wasn’t comfortable in my area anymore. I felt like I’m gonna die any second because death was literally around me everywhere. Like it was too much. So I just went to Khan Younis because my uncle’s area was safe. It’s a bunch of potheads and a bunch of hippies who don’t care about anything. So that was like a nice place. I went there, I spent a month there, went back to Rafah and I stayed there. The third month people started getting displaced from the north to our neighborhood. And everyone was like, oh, this is “the safest spot in Gaza now.” Well, it wasn’t by the way. Imagine waking up every day to an airstrike in your neighborhood and this is “the safest spot in Gaza.” That’s how wild, how insane the amount of airstrikes there were. Every day from 10 at night to 5 in the morning, there were airstrikes everywhere, and you could hear it. And our house was in the middle of it, and I heard what’s happening everywhere, north, south, west, east, all of it. So it was really hard for me. I would fall asleep and I was looking at the ceiling and waiting for the rocket and thinking of how the rocket is gonna penetrate the ceiling. I was thinking, okay I’m gonna get sucked into the other room, I’m gonna be under this wall, maybe buried underground by all these walls blah, blah, blah. Or an explosive, I’m gonna be thrown somewhere else.
EIP: Were you guys in a high rise, or what was your living situation?
ADAM: We were on the second floor, and it was in Rafah. That’s why we were able to hear everything. I covered most of this from my window, but I was so scared to post anything or talk about anything until the third month of the genocide, actually, because they [Israelis] can and will kill you if you do this. So the third month of the genocide, people got displaced from the north. Our neighborhood was 5000 people at first, maybe 10,000 people. It became 50,000 people all of a sudden. And it’s a bunch of people who seem really privileged. But by the time they came…they didn’t have money to get a haircut. They barely had food. They didn’t have clothes. Nobody was supporting them. And there was way too many of them to a point where they opened governmental schools for them.
I said to my dad – we are really close by the way– “okay, listen, what do you think we could help them with?” He said, “they lack basics first, water, they don’t have water, they don’t have food, they have nothing.” I was like, okay, listen, “how much money do you have?” I told him that I still had all the money from my clothing brand. We started helping them with what we could until people from the neighborhood shared what they could with them. Later on, we started cooking for them from our own pocket money, from the profits I made from my clothing brand. Meat was really expensive. It was 100 shekels I remember. Now, it’s even way more, but yeah, those people hadn’t had protein in two months, and it was so sad, so fucking sad, and we were in the same boat, us and them. So me and my family were like, you may die any second, so let’s just spend all our money, fuck it. Like, let’s be good. We spent like a high percentage of our money on cooking for them. I think the second week I started cooking, I started posting stories for the first time, and I had really bad social anxiety– insane. I’m diagnosed with general anxiety disorder, and my anxiety was really bad.
EIP: I cannot fathom what you were dealing with. How did you eventually get out?
ADAM: So yeah, later on, people started donating to me. And I had a GoFundMe. A GoFundMe for evacuating because my knee was really hurting. When I was cooking for three months, I was, like, feeling pain in my left knee. I put all the pressure on my right knee. Then both knees got fucked up. So I needed to heal. And I needed to evacuate to heal. There wasn’t much in Gaza. No medications even. No painkillers. I wasn’t able to sleep because of the pain. So I evacuated on my own [without my family]. It was a tough decision but I needed it and the pain was increasing. I feel the pain right now as I talk about it, it’s just muscle memory.
EIP: Around when did you get out?
ADAM: It was two weeks before the borders got closed. Like April.
EIP: Woah. You were pretty lucky to get out then. Do you feel lucky?
ADAM: I am very lucky to be alive, PTSD, trauma and all.
EIP: You’re in Egypt now. Do you feel hopeful about the future?
ADAM: Oh, I have nothing but positive thoughts about the future., I’m aiming for 1 million dollars this year from the clothing brand. Really, nobody else can help my family or build their destroyed houses other than me. They’re depending on me. So this year I will work very hard.
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{
"article":
{
"title" : "Where’s the Gaza Gay Parade? Liberals want to know.",
"author" : "Afeef Nessouli",
"category" : "interviews",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/wheres-the-gaza-gay-parade-liberals-want-to-know",
"date" : "2024-11-01 13:42:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/2012_12_EIP_18_GayParade_1.jpg",
"excerpt" : "A Column for the Queers.",
"content" : "A Column for the Queers.Part of the work of decolonizing is busting myths and propaganda. There might not be a Gay Pride Parade in Gaza because of Israel’s punishing siege and occupation, but make no mistake, there is a lot of queerness there. One tactic the Occupation uses to dehumanize Palestinians is to convince the world that queer Palestinians do not exist, in Gaza particularly. To paint Gaza as savage and backwards and hostile, where modern liberal freedoms like a Pride parade couldn’t possibly exist. While in many cases, queer people in Gaza have had incredibly challenging lives because of the circumstances, it is misleading to believe that Palestinians are inherently more homophobic than their occupiers. In fact, Gaza is just as queer and problematic as the rest of the world. Our EIP journalist talks to “Adam,” a 20-something queer Gazan who lived in the enclave his whole life before getting evacuated to escape the genocide earlier this year. Adam is using a pseudonym to protect his identity. His story is not meant to represent every queer story in Gaza. But we do want to create a space in “Everything is Political” dedicated to documenting as many queer stories from the region as we can. It is our personal Pride Parade.ADAM: I was lucky that my dad, while really religious, is really open-minded and cultured. He treats me differently than any other family member or son of his because he knows how different I am. He knows. And my family raised me knowing that I’m different.EIP: When you use the word “different” — that your dad knew you were different – what does different mean? And then what do you mean “they knew”? Did you talk to them about that differentness?ADAM: No, it’s not something you talk about because it’s not something that you can feel with your hand. It’s something that you can see and notice, you can know about this and you just let it happen, it’s simple if you want it to be. You either support it or just leave it. And I was lucky to have a really different family than religious Middle Eastern families. They were super supportive– it’s really uncommon in a religious community, in any religion.EIP: Can you tell me a bit about your family?ADAM: Sure. My family used to live on the border between Egypt and Gaza. Like the checkpoint on the border before they removed everything and just made up a border back in the day! And part of my family is in Egypt and part of the other part is in Gaza. I’m the youngest in the family. My grandma’s side of the family is Lebanese, from Tyre, South Lebanon. The other part of my dad’s family is from Tulkarim and I have family in Jenin, West Bank. So imagine being me dealing with what’s happening in Gaza, dealing with my family in Jenin, and dealing with my other side of the family in Lebanon. It is like the ultimate situation.EIP: So are you stressed out?ADAM: I was raised religious so I don’t really worry. Thanks to religion and being raised Muslim, I do not worry about anything because I believe anything that happens in the world is happening for a reason. One way or another, it will turn out good for you if you let things take its flow and believe it happened for a reason. So I think if anything may happen to any of my family members anywhere in the world, I would get emotional of course, I would be sad for a few days. But then I would move on quickly.EIP: You’d say you’re still pretty religious?ADAM: I was born and raised religious. I memorized the whole Qur’an at 12. And then at 13 I hit puberty, and had new thoughts. And I looked for answers to my questions and found peace quickly. All religions are carrying the same message in a different text and I appreciate all of them but I believe I don’t need to be under a specific religion to be more Human.LOVEADAM: I was always aware of my preferences, and I was vocal about it my whole life, teaching myself and others that love is love. At 13, I started experiencing life as a queer person at school. There was a lot of making out and a lot of cuddling but at the same time a lot of harassing — Like, when I’d be walking home, and some boys would be like “you’re such a sexy bitch come do this and that to me oh my god I wanna do this and that to you” even though they are pretty much straight – as they describe themselves but I highly doubt it – and they would sometimes spank me or just do weird shit I didn’t like.EIP: Can you remember one of your first gay experiences in Gaza?‘We were kids, he wasn’t Hamas back then, he became Hamas after they bombed his house.’ —AdamADAM: There was a friend I went to kindergarten with. He was from a family who were our neighbors and our friends. I met him and he was one year older than me. He was super nice. And we just found ourselves … kissing and things developed from there obviously. And he became someone who I hooked up with all the time. I’m talking about having sex every day for three months at some point. We were teenagers. I think I used all [my] fun back then.EIP: How gay could you be in Gaza?ADAM: In schools, being gay is like completely there – you can see it and teachers can see it. If you know, you know. I’ve seen people hugging, kissing and cuddling in class. I’ve done it myself in the class, outside of the class, everywhere. And I was the nice, respectful kid, by the way. I was the teacher’s pet and I had high grades mostly.EIP: That’s interesting and pretty relatable. What was it like being religious and gay for you then?ADAM: Well, it’s my whole perspective. I was religious until I was 12 and I remember at 13, everything changed because I figured out that there’s a part of religion that people are too scared to say: the more religious you get, the weirder you get. I got touched by people who were teaching me Qur’an, I got touched in the mosque — I understood that this is not the religion (Islam), it’s the people. But, it also opened something in my head that made me say: “okay, so if this is something that people really want, even religious people want, why is it illegal in my religion?” So trust me, religious people, and even people from Hamas, some fighters actually, some of them are gay, and in the new generations it’s way more common than what you would think. One of them was trying to link up with me. He actually got martyred years ago. I didn’t know he was a fighter until he got martyred.EIP: Can you tell me a story about one of your relationships in Gaza?ADAM: There was this one dude who I grew up with, our families are similar, we came from a similar mindset. But we were so different from others, and he knew he was different. And I knew I was different. But we kept it to ourselves. One day, we’re playing football and that day nobody was there except for me and him, and I was just sitting and he was just sitting next to me near the street. The streets were empty by the way. There weren’t many people in their cars, especially in the afternoon because people in Gaza nap. He was so sweet, so respectful, so nice. And he moved a little closer to me and just put his hand on my thigh and just left it there. And I look at him and he looks at me. We both were attracted to each other. I always like to tell gay jokes or sexual jokes. It makes it easier to recognize gay people. It’s just natural. And our love– with this dude– me and him, was natural too. So he starts touching me and I just, I hold his hand– we hold hands and I touch him back. In public! Then I told him, “hey, we’re in the street. Do you want to go inside or something? I don’t want you to get caught.” I was more worried about him than I was for myself.EIP: Because he was in Hamas?ADAM: We were kids, he wasn’t Hamas back then, he became Hamas after they bombed his house, but he was very religious. So, anyways, we just go inside, and we’re just walking there, we start making out. An hour and a half of making out. So we went inside, we just started moving forward and kissing and making out and stripping each other and just cuddling with each other. I was eating him out and then Al Maghreb prayer just started and he was like “Can you stop?” and I was like “What?” and he was like “I have to go to pray at the mosque.” His family is dead now and I think he’s gone too now, himself. We were in our early teens in love at the time. Making out with him was something that until this very day I don’t think I will ever have something like that because it was genuine and true, true, true, true, true authentic love before anything and it came from someone I know, he was an honest and a respectful young man.EIP: Wow. Everybody kind of imagines Gaza as extremely conservative only.ADAM: It is conservative, what’s the issue with that? But these things are natural. These things you don’t hear of because you don’t need to hear of them.EIP: Ya, queer life finds a way no matter what.ADAM: We were together for two months and he stopped seeing me because he’s super religious and he started feeling bad about himself. You have no idea how brave that was from him to take this decision to make out with me to to do all of this with me. It takes a very brave and genuine man to do such a thing, especially when you’re from a conservative family and you’re super religious.EIP: Do you believe you can be gay and Muslim?ADAM: You can combine religion and sexuality. Yes, you can. Yes, yes. In General; People will tell you you can’t. It’s just the people who have less understanding of life, very zoomed in and biased towards a specific idea.‘So trust me, religious people, and even people from Hamas, some fighters actually, some of them are gay, and in the new generations it’s way more common than what you would think. One of them was trying to link up with me. He actually got martyred years ago. I didn’t know he was a fighter until he got martyred.’ —AdamTHE GENOCIDEIn October 2023, Adam was studying. He was also working on his dream on the side, his own clothing line and the start of him getting into fashion. He had been making money from the line while studying at a university in Deir al Balah. At the time, Adam was getting ready to start an apprenticeship in culinary arts in Gaza.ADAM: That was the 5th of October. Then the 7th of October happened. And everything is gone. The restaurants, the whole square in Gaza, Hay al Rimal. If you know Hay al Rimal in Gaza, it is one of the most beautiful neighborhoods in Gaza. It’s gone completely.In fact, I know a family of 25 that got completely, like, they vanished, the family vanished, and this family fucking hated Hamas, they were literally Athiests, and weren’t huge fan of religion even, but they got bombed. That’s how you know it’s not about Hamas, it’s about the land and whoever is on top of it.EIP: Can you explain your experience during the last year?ADAM: We moved to my sister’s house three days in, and I couldn’t really stand it. My oldest brother, who lives with us, went back to our house. And then my dad followed him and I followed my dad. That’s like three days after it started, so we just stayed at home for a while. Later on, I spent a month in Khan Younis because I just wasn’t comfortable in my area anymore. I felt like I’m gonna die any second because death was literally around me everywhere. Like it was too much. So I just went to Khan Younis because my uncle’s area was safe. It’s a bunch of potheads and a bunch of hippies who don’t care about anything. So that was like a nice place. I went there, I spent a month there, went back to Rafah and I stayed there. The third month people started getting displaced from the north to our neighborhood. And everyone was like, oh, this is “the safest spot in Gaza now.” Well, it wasn’t by the way. Imagine waking up every day to an airstrike in your neighborhood and this is “the safest spot in Gaza.” That’s how wild, how insane the amount of airstrikes there were. Every day from 10 at night to 5 in the morning, there were airstrikes everywhere, and you could hear it. And our house was in the middle of it, and I heard what’s happening everywhere, north, south, west, east, all of it. So it was really hard for me. I would fall asleep and I was looking at the ceiling and waiting for the rocket and thinking of how the rocket is gonna penetrate the ceiling. I was thinking, okay I’m gonna get sucked into the other room, I’m gonna be under this wall, maybe buried underground by all these walls blah, blah, blah. Or an explosive, I’m gonna be thrown somewhere else.EIP: Were you guys in a high rise, or what was your living situation?ADAM: We were on the second floor, and it was in Rafah. That’s why we were able to hear everything. I covered most of this from my window, but I was so scared to post anything or talk about anything until the third month of the genocide, actually, because they [Israelis] can and will kill you if you do this. So the third month of the genocide, people got displaced from the north. Our neighborhood was 5000 people at first, maybe 10,000 people. It became 50,000 people all of a sudden. And it’s a bunch of people who seem really privileged. But by the time they came…they didn’t have money to get a haircut. They barely had food. They didn’t have clothes. Nobody was supporting them. And there was way too many of them to a point where they opened governmental schools for them.I said to my dad – we are really close by the way– “okay, listen, what do you think we could help them with?” He said, “they lack basics first, water, they don’t have water, they don’t have food, they have nothing.” I was like, okay, listen, “how much money do you have?” I told him that I still had all the money from my clothing brand. We started helping them with what we could until people from the neighborhood shared what they could with them. Later on, we started cooking for them from our own pocket money, from the profits I made from my clothing brand. Meat was really expensive. It was 100 shekels I remember. Now, it’s even way more, but yeah, those people hadn’t had protein in two months, and it was so sad, so fucking sad, and we were in the same boat, us and them. So me and my family were like, you may die any second, so let’s just spend all our money, fuck it. Like, let’s be good. We spent like a high percentage of our money on cooking for them. I think the second week I started cooking, I started posting stories for the first time, and I had really bad social anxiety– insane. I’m diagnosed with general anxiety disorder, and my anxiety was really bad.EIP: I cannot fathom what you were dealing with. How did you eventually get out?ADAM: So yeah, later on, people started donating to me. And I had a GoFundMe. A GoFundMe for evacuating because my knee was really hurting. When I was cooking for three months, I was, like, feeling pain in my left knee. I put all the pressure on my right knee. Then both knees got fucked up. So I needed to heal. And I needed to evacuate to heal. There wasn’t much in Gaza. No medications even. No painkillers. I wasn’t able to sleep because of the pain. So I evacuated on my own [without my family]. It was a tough decision but I needed it and the pain was increasing. I feel the pain right now as I talk about it, it’s just muscle memory.EIP: Around when did you get out?ADAM: It was two weeks before the borders got closed. Like April.EIP: Woah. You were pretty lucky to get out then. Do you feel lucky?ADAM: I am very lucky to be alive, PTSD, trauma and all.EIP: You’re in Egypt now. Do you feel hopeful about the future?ADAM: Oh, I have nothing but positive thoughts about the future., I’m aiming for 1 million dollars this year from the clothing brand. Really, nobody else can help my family or build their destroyed houses other than me. They’re depending on me. So this year I will work very hard."
}
,
"relatedposts": [
{
"title" : "From Sabra & Shatila to Gaza: The UN’s Century of Failure and the Rise of Alternatives",
"author" : "Collis Browne",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/from-sabra-and-shatila-to-gaza",
"date" : "2025-09-16 10:47:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/2025_9_16_UN_Genocide_1.jpg",
"excerpt" : "On the 43rd anniversary of the massacres committed under Israeli authority at Sabra and Shatila camps in Beirut in 1982, a United Nations Commission Of Inquiry has concluded, as would any rational observer, that Israel has been committing genocide in Gaza since October 2023.",
"content" : "On the 43rd anniversary of the massacres committed under Israeli authority at Sabra and Shatila camps in Beirut in 1982, a United Nations Commission Of Inquiry has concluded, as would any rational observer, that Israel has been committing genocide in Gaza since October 2023.This is not news. It could, however, be a turning point, . The UN’s declaration cracks open the conservative West’s long-standing wall of denial about the genocidal intentions and actions of the U.S.–Israel military machine. What happens next matters.A Century of Genocidal IntentFor those who have been watching Palestine with clarity long before 2023, this genocide is not an aberration — it is the project itself. From its inception, every major Zionist leader and Israeli politician has openly articulated the goal of erasing the Indigenous people of Palestine, whether through forced expulsion or mass murder.More than a hundred years of speeches, policies, and massacres testify to this intent. The so-called “War on Gaza” is simply the most visible and livestreamed stage of an ongoing colonial project.The UN’s Empty WordsIs this UN report different? The UN has made declarative statements for decades with no action or enforcement. In 1975, the UN declared Zionism is racism, citing the “unholy alliance” between apartheid South Africa and Israel. Yet Zionists continued to enjoy privileged status across Western institutions. Since 1967, the UN has passed resolution after resolution denouncing illegal Israeli settlements on stolen Palestinian land. Still, the theft continues unchecked. In December 2022, the UN General Assembly demanded Israel end its “unlawful presence” in the Occupied Territories within one year. That deadline expires this week, September 18, 2025. Israel has ignored it completely, as expected — with no consequences. Declarations without enforcement are not justice. They are fig leaves for impunity.What Good Is the UN?The Geneva Convention obliges all states to intervene to stop and punish genocide. Yet no country has deployed forces to resist Israel’s military slaughter in Gaza. No sanctions. No accountability.If the UN cannot stop one of its own member states from carrying out genocide in full public view — in “4K” as the world watches live — then what is the UN for?The Rise of AlternativesThe cracks are widening. The government of China has announced a new Global Governance initiative, already backed by dozens of countries. Without illusions about its motivations, the concept paper at least addresses three of the UN’s structural failures: Underrepresentation of the Global South — redressing centuries of colonial imbalance. Erosion of authoritativeness — restoring the credibility of international law. Urgent need for effectiveness — accelerating stalled progress on global commitments like the UN’s 2030 Agenda. The question is not whether the UN will reform. It is whether it can survive its own irrelevance.Toward a New Global OrderFrom Sabra and Shatila to Gaza, the UN has failed to prevent — or even meaningfully resist — genocide. Its reports and resolutions pile up, while the graves in Palestine multiply.If the international body tasked with “peace and security” cannot act against the most televised genocide in history, then the world has to ask: do we need a new United Nations? Or do we need to build something entirely different — a system of global governance that serves the people, not the powerful?"
}
,
{
"title" : "France in Revolt: Debt, Uranium, and the Costs of Macron-ism",
"author" : "EIP Editors",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/france-in-revolt",
"date" : "2025-09-14 22:39:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Bloquons-Tout.jpg",
"excerpt" : "France is burning again—not only on the streets of Paris but in the brittle foundations of its political economy. What began as a mass revolt against austerity and public-service cuts has become a national convulsion: roads blocked, train stations occupied, workplaces shut down under the call to “Bloquons Tout” (Let’s Block Everything). The collapse of François Bayrou’s government is only the latest symptom. At the root of the crisis is a political project: Macronism—the steady, decade-long tilt toward pro-business reforms, tax cuts for the wealthy, and austerity by default—that has hollowed out public revenue and narrowed citizens’ options.",
"content" : "France is burning again—not only on the streets of Paris but in the brittle foundations of its political economy. What began as a mass revolt against austerity and public-service cuts has become a national convulsion: roads blocked, train stations occupied, workplaces shut down under the call to “Bloquons Tout” (Let’s Block Everything). The collapse of François Bayrou’s government is only the latest symptom. At the root of the crisis is a political project: Macronism—the steady, decade-long tilt toward pro-business reforms, tax cuts for the wealthy, and austerity by default—that has hollowed out public revenue and narrowed citizens’ options.Tax Cuts, Corporate Giveaways, and Rising DebtSince Emmanuel Macron took office in 2017, his administration rolled out a suite of pro-market reforms: the abolition of the broad wealth tax (ISF), replaced by a narrower property wealth tax (IFI); a sustained reduction of the corporate tax rate to about 25%; and a raft of tax measures framed as competitiveness fixes for companies and investors. Economists now estimate that Macron’s tax cuts account for a significant share of France’s rising public debt; his reforms helped widen deficits even before pandemic and energy-shock spending pushed them higher. Today France’s public debt sits near 113–114% of GDP, and ratings agencies and markets are watching closely. (Le Monde.fr)These policies did not produce the promised boom in broadly shared prosperity. Investment did not surge enough to offset lost revenue, and growth remained sluggish. The political consequence was predictable: when the state has less to spend, the burden of balancing budgets falls on cuts to pensions, healthcare, and social programs—measures that overwhelmingly hurt working-class and vulnerable communities. (Financial Times)Pension Reform, Social Fracture, and the Limits of ConsentMacron’s government pushed a controversial pension reform—raising the retirement age from 62 to 64—which sparked nationwide strikes and mass protests in 2023. The reform illustrated a defining feature of Macronism: when public consent falters, the state still presses forward with market-oriented restructuring, deepening social fracture and anger. The pension fight didn’t create the crisis so much as expose it. (Al Jazeera)Colonial Hangover: Uranium, Energy, and GeopoliticsFrance’s energy model has long rested on nuclear power—once a source of national pride for its emission-free nature, and geopolitical independence. Behind that story, however, is another: the colonial era’s extraction of uranium in places like Niger, where French companies (notably Orano/former Areva) secured resource access under unequal terms. As Niger reasserted sovereignty over its resources after the 2023 coup and pushed back on French access, the illusion of seamless “energy independence” began to crack. Losing preferential access to Nigerien uranium has widened France’s energy insecurity and amplified the fiscal squeeze: higher energy costs, the need to secure new supply chains, and political pressure to maintain subsidies for households. The politics of extraction are now returning home. (Le Monde.fr)Climate, Austerity, and the Moral EconomyAdd the climate emergency to the mix—record heatwaves, floods, and wildfires—and the picture becomes even more bleak. Infrastructure strain and rising costs of climate adaptation demand public investment, yet the government’s posture has been to trim and reprioritize spending to satisfy markets. In practice, that means the people least responsible for climate harm—low-income communities, migrants, and precarious workers—are asked to pay the price. The result is a moral and political rupture: climate vulnerability plus fiscal austerity equals radicalized grievance. (Financial Times)A Convergence of FailuresThis is why the current uprising cannot be reduced to a single grievance. It is the convergence of multiple failures: Economic: tax policy that favored the wealthy while starving the public purse; rising debt and cuts that fall on the poor. (Financial Times) Colonial: the unraveling of extractive arrangements that once propped up French energy and power. (Le Monde.fr) Ecological: climate shocks that amplify social need even as public services are stripped back. (Financial Times) The revolt has therefore drawn a broad constituency—students, unions, public-sector workers, and neighborhoods long marginalized by austerity. It is not merely a labor dispute; it is a crisis of legitimacy for a model of governance that privatized gains and socialized pain.What Macronism Tells Us About the Global MomentFrance is a cautionary tale for democracies worldwide. When political leaders prioritize tax breaks for capital and cut public goods to placate markets, they borrow political stability against the future. The bill eventually comes due—in rising debt, in weakened social cohesion, and in violent backlash. Where resource dependencies meet neoliberal retrenchment, the risk of social rupture grows.Three Questions for What Comes Next Will the French state return to a redistributive project—taxing wealth, reclaiming revenues, and investing in climate resilience—or double down on austerity? Can movements translate street power into institutional change that addresses colonial legacies (resource sovereignty) as well as domestic inequality? Will climate policy be woven into social policy—so that adaptation and justice go hand in hand—or will they remain separate priorities, deepening vulnerability? France stands at a crossroads: continue a model that funnels benefit to capital while exposing citizens to climate and economic shocks—or imagine a social contract rooted in redistribution, de-colonial resource politics, and ecological justice. The choice will not be made in the Élysée alone. It is being argued in the streets, in workplaces, and across borders where the costs of extraction were first paid.Everything is Political—and in France today, that truth has never been clearer."
}
,
{
"title" : "Nepal’s New Reckoning",
"author" : "Tulsi Rauniyar",
"category" : "",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/nepal-reckoning",
"date" : "2025-09-11 18:11:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/nepal1-IMG_5694.jpg",
"excerpt" : "From September 8-11, 2025, a massive popular uprising has taken place in Nepal, forcing the resignation of the Prime Minister and much of the government. We present some description and first reflections on the protests and riots, which were sparked by a social media ban and anger over government corruption and nepotism.",
"content" : "From September 8-11, 2025, a massive popular uprising has taken place in Nepal, forcing the resignation of the Prime Minister and much of the government. We present some description and first reflections on the protests and riots, which were sparked by a social media ban and anger over government corruption and nepotism.September 8In the white glare of a late summer morning, the broad avenues of Kathmandu, Nepal’s modern capital, are usually thrumming with traffic and smog. But on this sweltering day, the streets were crowded with chanting protesters, all of them demonstrating against the government of KP Sharma Oli. The largest crowd by far was made up of Gen-Z youth, most in their twenties, many still in school and college uniforms.For Nepal, such eruptions aren’t new: generations have risen before—against Rana autocrats in the 1950s, against royal rule in 1990, against King Gyanendra’s coup in 2005—only to watch hard-won freedoms erode. But for many of the protestors I spoke to, this was likely their first gathering. Their mission, organised on Instagram, Facebook, and Discord, was grand. They had gathered to protest the dismal state of the country, where the powerful and their children lived in luxury while countless Nepalis laboured abroad in countries like Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and Malaysia, sending remittances home to sustain their families. They marched in loose coordination, some singing protest songs, others dancing to drumbeats, and many chanting slogans. Handmade signs bore slogans carefully daubed in black paint.The last straw had come days earlier when the government imposed a blanket ban on social media platforms, cutting off main channels through which young Nepalis expressed frustration and organised politically. Tensions were already high, fueled in part by viral chatter about “nepo-babies,” the young faces that have long been symbols of privilege fast-tracked into positions of power because of their family connections. For Nepal’s youth, social media became a stage to mock them, question their merit, and call out a system where politics often feels like a family business.As the protesters pushed past the barricades outside Parliament, the police unexpectedly fell back rather than delivering the usual baton charge. A few tear gas canisters hissed through the air, and a lone water cannon swept the crowd, but the confrontation seemed restrained. People snapped selfies amid the haze, their chants echoing off the old brick walls, and for a brief moment, it felt almost ordinary, as if the protest might remain just another turbulent day in Kathmandu.According to reports, a cluster of older men mumbled about storming Parliament, while a few young riders, adrenaline surging, tore recklessly through the crowd on motorbikes, shouting insults. Near the complex itself, the energy shifted, protesters began hammering at the outer walls, some scrambling up the gates as flames flickered near the main entrance. The Armed Police Force advanced, their body armour and riot shields glinting under the dimming light, first launching tear gas canisters, then rubber bullets. In moments, the demonstration’s creative, almost celebratory tone disintegrated. Rocks and debris flew back toward the police lines. Gunfire—allegedly live rounds—cracked above the din. Chaos engulfed Kathmandu’s political heart.Videos soon flooded social media of unarmed students in school uniforms bleeding from head wounds, men collapsing unconscious, and disturbing claims that security forces had even fired tear gas into hospital grounds and beat the injured. What began as students chanting against corruption was quickly slipping into something far more volatile.By nightfall, nineteen people were dead in Kathmandu—a toll that already exceeded the casualties from Nepal’s 2006 People’s Movement, which had taken nineteen days to claim thirteen lives. Hospitals across the capital struggled with hundreds of injured protesters, many still in school uniforms. Blood banks reported critical shortages as medical staff worked through the night, treating gunshot wounds and head injuries from what had begun, just hours earlier, as a peaceful demonstration. Across the rest of Nepal, deaths and injuries were also reported, though full numbers remain unrecorded as events continue to unfold.The scale of the violence was unprecedented in Nepal’s modern democratic history. Even during the monarchy’s final, desperate attempts to maintain power nearly two decades earlier, the state had not deployed lethal force with such devastating efficiency against its own citizens. For a generation that had known only the republic, however flawed, the sight of young people bleeding in the streets represented a profound rupture in their understanding of what their government was capable of.To understand why thousands of teenagers and twenty-somethings would brave tear gas and rubber bullets, one must consider a long history of frustrated hopes for reform. Nearly two decades after the civil war ended, Prachanda, the former Maoist insurgent, once seemed a beacon of change. Millions voted for him, hoping for a fairer voice for the marginalised, a more just Nepal. But hope gave way to compromise, personal gain, and the slow churn of the same familiar leaders. The constitution, progressive on paper, was watered down. A new constitution, progressive in Nepal’s historical context, was stalled and diluted, and subsequent elections delivered a familiar cycle. The same discredited leaders rotating through power, swapped like pieces on a chessboard, their promises of reform fading with each turn.Public services remain poor. Tax burdens are high. Corruption scandals implicating politicians, bureaucrats, and businessmen piled up like grim milestones in the failure of the state. For decades, Nepal’s elites had looted land, siphoned public funds, and promised reforms that never came, leaving ordinary citizens disillusioned.It is this long pattern of systemic rot that now fuels the anger spilling onto Kathmandu’s streets—the young protesters demanding, in word and in action, that Nepal finally deliver on the change that generations have been promised but never seen.September 9The smell hit you first—acrid smoke from burning tires laced with petrol, hanging in Kathmandu’s September air like a toxic fog. Dawn on September 9th brought no respite. If anything, the deaths of nineteen protesters had transformed grief into something more volatile. Thousands defied hastily imposed curfews, emerging into streets still lingering with smoke from the previous day’s violence. What had begun as a youth-led movement against corruption now metastasised into something broader and more destructive—an utter rejection of Nepal’s political establishment.The targets were systematic. Party offices, politicians’ residences, and government buildings all came under attack. By afternoon, thick columns of smoke rose across the Kathmandu Valley, and the tint in the sky shifted from clear blue to a smoky haze that hung over the entire capital. Tribhuvan International Airport suspended operations, diverting flights as the capital descended into chaos. In the newer ministerial quarters south of the city, helicopters shuttled back and forth, evacuating officials in what appeared to be a tacit admission that the government could no longer hold pressure.The political collapse was swift and total. Ministers resigned in cascading waves, following the home minister, who had tendered his resignation the previous evening. Opposition parliamentarians abandoned their posts en masse, demanding fresh elections. By three o’clock in the afternoon, even K.P. Sharma Oli, in his third stint as prime minister and renowned for his political durability, announced his resignation and fled to Dubai.But resignation could not restore order. As the day moved, things spiralled completely out of control.This was no longer the Gen Z protestors of the previous day. In their place, an unruly mob surged through the streets. Outside Singha Durbar, Kathmandu’s sprawling government hub, protesters smashed windows, looted buildings, and seized weapons from the police as they pushed deeper into the complex. In the chaos, prisoners were freed, fires consumed the President’s residence, the Supreme Court alongside Parliament, and police stations burned alongside shops. The line between symbol and target had vanished. In just forty-eight hours, Nepal had witnessed its bloodiest civil unrest in modern memory, and the civilian government had unravelled before the nation’s eyes.“This is not us,” the Gen-Z groups leading the movement, Hami Nepal, posted on their social media. “Our struggle is for justice, dignity, and a better Nepal, not for chaos and theft.”Only well into the night, the Army chief appeared, urging restraint and calm. The military would be deployed to restore order.September 10All this upheaval would have been unimaginable even a month ago.A heavy, almost unnatural silence hung over the city. Curfew had been imposed, the streets were empty, and the Army patrolled in rigid lines. The roar of burning tires, the chants that shook walls, and the smoke that had choked the air yesterday had faded, leaving only a lingering haze and the metallic tang of uncertainty. Sunlight struggled through the smog, casting the streets in a dim, uneasy glow. The city felt suspended, caught between yesterday’s chaos and whatever tomorrow might bring, and we awoke with nothing but questions and the weight of uncertainty pressing down on every corner.The Nepal Army still mans checkpoints across Kathmandu, its soldiers stationed at every major intersection. Any gathering of more than a handful of people is broken up, an officer steps forward, offers an unmistakable “move on,” and the cluster dissolves.Questions hung in the air with the smoke. Who would answer for the bloodshed? Who now held authority? And in the absence of clear leadership, how would life move forward? The deaths of more than thirty protesters could not go unanswered. Yet even among those who had demanded change, the scale of destruction stirred unease. Nobody could say who truly held power, or what would come next.The revolution’s fever has broken; now comes the harder, less visible work. The only institutions left standing, the Presidency and the Army, have invited Gen-Z representatives to the table to sketch a path forward. But even in these early overtures, the Army’s hand is visible, its preferences for who might lead flickering through measured, strategic negotiation.Gen-Z in Nepal remains unmoored, bound more by digital fluency than by shared leadership or vision. Amid the chaos of Discord debates and clashing ideas, the movement is experimenting with ways to assert influence in a leaderless uprising. On a bustling Discord server, young protesters held their own vote for an interim leader, selecting Sushila Karki, Nepal’s first female Chief Justice. The proposal followed an extensive discussion on the platform, lasting nearly five hours, where over 10,000 participants shared their opinions. The server buzzed with debate, dissent, and deliberation, a digital agora where ideas clashed and alliances formed, revealing both the potential and uncertainties of a leaderless uprising. Other names, such as Balen Shah, Kathmandu’s independent mayor who rose from rapper to reform-minded politician, and Harka Sampang, Dharan’s grassroots-focused mayor, also surfaced in discussions, signalling the generation’s appetite for leaders who break from the recycled elite and embody accountability, visibility, and boldness. Though no formal appointment has been made, these debates offer a glimpse of a generation seeking new pathways, negotiating authority and vision in real time.This is the third great convulsion to shake South Asia since 2022—after Sri Lanka and Bangladesh—prompting some observers to whisper of a ‘South-Asian Spring,’ a phrase that carries the echo of the Arab Spring’s long shadow. The Nepali youth-led uprising has even borrowed the aesthetics of dissent from Indonesia as protesters waved the Straw Hat Pirates flag from One Piece, an emblem that has become a shared shorthand for rebellion in both countries. In Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina’s government fell to similar youth-led protests just months earlier; in Sri Lanka, the 2022 uprising forced out the Rajapaksa dynasty. The same fault line ran across the region, crooked governments, restless citizens, and revolt spread across borders.Yet across and within these territories, the road ahead remains murky, the outcomes anything but certain. Bangladesh’s interim government struggles to reform entrenched systems. Sri Lanka’s new leadership has already retreated from promises that once stirred hope. These movements have excelled at toppling regimes but have struggled to build lasting alternatives.Nepal now faces the same daunting test its neighbours have confronted, struggling to turn a swell of popular fury into durable political reform rather than merely swapping one weary cadre of power brokers for another. Whether this generational uprising can finally crack the cycle of disappointment that has long defined South Asian politics, or whether it will join the list of movements that changed everything and nothing at all.September 11By Thursday morning, steady rain slicked Kathmandu’s streets, but the scars of upheaval were impossible to miss. Charred cars leaned against curbs, and the husks of looted buildings smouldered faintly under the drizzle. The capital was calm, almost eerily so, yet the quiet felt provisional, like a held breath. With the prime minister and his cabinet gone, Parliament effectively leaderless, and ministries shuttered, Nepal now stands without a functioning civilian government. The President and the Army, the only intact institutions, continue to act as de facto authorities, signalling interest in forming an interim arrangement. The old guard has vanished, leaving a power vacuum that multiple actors with competing interests are eager to fill. Political parties that seemed fractured just days ago are quietly regrouping, issuing statements of solidarity with Gen Z to distance themselves from their past complicity. Opportunists linger in the shadows, hoping to redirect the uprising’s momentum for personal gain. At the same time, misinformation spreads online, clouding clarity and amplifying confusion. Former Chief Justice Sushila Karki is seen as a frontrunner. Still, no consensus has been reached among protest groups, leaving the country in a state of suspended expectation.The old guard has vanished, leaving a power vacuum that multiple actors with competing interests are eager to fill. Political parties that seemed fractured just days ago are quietly regrouping, issuing statements of solidarity with Gen Z to distance themselves from their past complicity. Opportunists linger in the shadows, hoping to redirect the uprising’s momentum for personal gain. At the same time, misinformation spreads online, clouding clarity and amplifying confusion. After days of silence, Nepal’s President Ram Chandra Paudel issued a statement on Thursday assuring citizens that every effort is being made to navigate the crisis and find a way forward within the constitutional framework. Former Chief Justice Sushila Karki is seen as a frontrunner, but no consensus has been reached among protest groups, leaving the country in a state of suspended expectation."
}
]
}