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Trump and McCarthyism
Political Deportations in Context
The Trump administration’s ramping up of political deportations is reminiscent of McCarthyism/Red Scare tactics; this is why the social movement left in this nation must insist on a consciousness of internationalism.
Even among all of Trump’s illegal and repressive acts, his targeting of students who are against the ongoing genocide of Palestinians in Gaza stands out. It is not too early to say that the persecution of people for their political beliefs is a defining feature of the second Trump administration, as it is for all authoritarian states.
The list of pro-Palestine students singled out by the administration has grown exponentially. It includes multiple Columbia students: Mahmoud Khalil and Leqaa Kordia are in ICE detention, undergrad Yungseo Chung is fighting deportation, and PhD student Ranjani Srinivasan self-deported to Canada after her visa was revoked. Cornell student organizer Momodou Taal has announced that he has also left the country rather than surrender to ICE and face an arduous legal battle. Tufts PhD student Rumeysa Ozturk, ambushed by federal agents, is incarcerated in Louisiana, as is University of Alabama PhD student Alireza Doroudi. Georgetown visiting scholar Badar Khan Suri is still in detention after being accused by a Department of Homeland Security official of “spreading terrorist propaganda” due to his wife’s Palestinian identity and his solidarity with the Palestinian cause. As of April 25th, 2025, the Trump administration has reversed its earlier decision to revoke the legal status of thousands of international students yet warns of potential visa revocations for students in the future.
While aspects of this particular sociopolitical moment are unique, this form of state violence is not new to this country. During World War I, those dissenters who criticized U.S. involvement in the war—more often than not anti-draft pacifists, anarchists, and communists—were criminalized for expressing their opposition and faced arrest or imprisonment under the 1917 Espionage Act and 1918 Sedition Act. The politically motivated persecution of leftists further increased amid capitalist anxieties over the establishment of the Soviet Union. Under the 1918 Immigration Act, the government began to arrest alleged “subversive” individuals who had immigrated to the United States. Not long after the passing of that particular legislation, the 1919 Palmer Raids, helmed by J. Edgar Hoover in one of his first assignments at the Bureau of Investigation, led to the mass deportation of hundreds of socialists deemed dangerous agitators by federal law enforcement.
Throughout the Red Scare, foreign-born activists who espoused socialist views and organized against racism, patriarchy, capitalism, and imperialism in the United States found themselves particularly vulnerable to repression. The vicious witch hunt against radical leftists in the United States reached its second peak at the height of the McCarthy era in the mid-1950s. Roy Cohn, Joseph McCarthy’s chief counsel during the 1954 hearings in which he investigated suspected communists, was also, famously, a young Donald Trump’s lawyer and mentor.
At the same time, the Red Scare was a campaign to quash the momentum of the Black freedom struggle during a time of legalized racial segregation throughout the Southern United States. The Smith Act of 1940 required all non-citizen adults to register with the federal government, which then used the law to prosecute hundreds of leftists for allegedly wanting to overthrow the government. Under the Smith Act, Trinidad-born Black radical and Communist Party USA leader Claudia Jones was coerced into a voluntary removal to England in December 1955 after a lengthy legal battle, conviction, and debilitating incarceration. The introduction of the 1952 Immigration and Nationality Act, which the Trump administration is using today to justify its targeting of students, led to the rescinding of the U.S. passports of Black activists like Paul Robeson. In response to Robeson’s refusal to sign an affidavit denying membership in the Communist Party, the government prevented him from traveling outside the United States from 1950 to 1958, doing much to destroy his career as an actor and singer.
Although the mass anti-socialist persecution and paranoia receded, the state never stopped surveilling and restricting the political activities of those who advocated for an end to labor exploitation, structural racism, gender oppression, and all other hierarchies of dominance in U.S. society. The current assault on the Palestinian solidarity movement is particularly far-reaching and systematic, and the Trump regime is seeking to sow terror by snatching activists off the street and from their homes. But we should remember that during his first term, Trump dispatched federal agents in unmarked cars to abduct protesters at Black Lives Matter mobilizations. The difference is one of degree, not category.
The U.S. government capitalizes on moments of crisis to expand its capacity for violence, which it inevitably turns against those it perceives as political threats. After 9/11, under the pretext of fighting terrorism, the Bush administration created the immigrant enforcement system that Trump is now using both to target students and carry out mass summary deportations. In the following years, the Biden and Obama administrations maintained and employed this system, even as they, unlike Trump, sought to hide from the public the cruel force they used to maintain nation-state borders. In 2012, the federal government spent $18 billion on immigration enforcement, which allowed for the dramatic increase in removals that led to Obama receiving the nickname “deporter-in-chief” from immigrants’ rights advocates. Repressive and racist in their own right, the Democratic Party handed Trump a loaded gun.
Defending the rights of student organizers is not high on the Democratic Party’s agenda. Party leaders have been likewise muted in their defense of deported Venezuelan immigrants as they endure multiple layers of brutality. As always, it falls to the left to resist fascism and stand in defense of the communities bearing the brunt of reactionary ideologies, and we must make it as clear as possible at this moment that we see all our fights as interconnected. The political clarity present in Mahmoud Khalil’s March 18th letter from ICE detention, in which he links his fate to that of a detained Senegalese man, should be internalized; the entire prison-industrial complex is unjust, and it is just one link in a chain of oppression that binds us all.
As the executive order to dismantle the Department of Education demonstrates, this administration wants U.S. citizens to be politically ignorant, isolated, and unable to see the world for what it really is. Historically, when Black organizers have participated in delegations throughout the Global South, they’ve connected their struggles as internally colonized people to those of oppressed people worldwide. The Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee sent delegations to recently decolonized African nations so that members could learn and exchange strategies for communal self-determination.
Now more than ever, a politics that holds a tenet of internationalism is the antidote to the rising tide of xenophobia, anti-intellectualism, and imperialist propaganda in this country. We must insist upon seeing these borders that work to keep us apart as unnatural in the face of the state’s repression and abusive immigration practices. Only through global consciousness and solidarity will we achieve a world in which the autonomy of all living beings is respected, and power is not used to silence those fighting for justice.
{
"article":
{
"title" : "Trump and McCarthyism: Political Deportations in Context",
"author" : "maya finoh",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/trump-mccartyism-political-deportations",
"date" : "2025-05-11 12:49:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/mahmoud.jpg",
"excerpt" : " The Trump administration’s ramping up of political deportations is reminiscent of McCarthyism/Red Scare tactics; this is why the social movement left in this nation must insist on a consciousness of internationalism.",
"content" : " The Trump administration’s ramping up of political deportations is reminiscent of McCarthyism/Red Scare tactics; this is why the social movement left in this nation must insist on a consciousness of internationalism.Even among all of Trump’s illegal and repressive acts, his targeting of students who are against the ongoing genocide of Palestinians in Gaza stands out. It is not too early to say that the persecution of people for their political beliefs is a defining feature of the second Trump administration, as it is for all authoritarian states.The list of pro-Palestine students singled out by the administration has grown exponentially. It includes multiple Columbia students: Mahmoud Khalil and Leqaa Kordia are in ICE detention, undergrad Yungseo Chung is fighting deportation, and PhD student Ranjani Srinivasan self-deported to Canada after her visa was revoked. Cornell student organizer Momodou Taal has announced that he has also left the country rather than surrender to ICE and face an arduous legal battle. Tufts PhD student Rumeysa Ozturk, ambushed by federal agents, is incarcerated in Louisiana, as is University of Alabama PhD student Alireza Doroudi. Georgetown visiting scholar Badar Khan Suri is still in detention after being accused by a Department of Homeland Security official of “spreading terrorist propaganda” due to his wife’s Palestinian identity and his solidarity with the Palestinian cause. As of April 25th, 2025, the Trump administration has reversed its earlier decision to revoke the legal status of thousands of international students yet warns of potential visa revocations for students in the future.While aspects of this particular sociopolitical moment are unique, this form of state violence is not new to this country. During World War I, those dissenters who criticized U.S. involvement in the war—more often than not anti-draft pacifists, anarchists, and communists—were criminalized for expressing their opposition and faced arrest or imprisonment under the 1917 Espionage Act and 1918 Sedition Act. The politically motivated persecution of leftists further increased amid capitalist anxieties over the establishment of the Soviet Union. Under the 1918 Immigration Act, the government began to arrest alleged “subversive” individuals who had immigrated to the United States. Not long after the passing of that particular legislation, the 1919 Palmer Raids, helmed by J. Edgar Hoover in one of his first assignments at the Bureau of Investigation, led to the mass deportation of hundreds of socialists deemed dangerous agitators by federal law enforcement.Throughout the Red Scare, foreign-born activists who espoused socialist views and organized against racism, patriarchy, capitalism, and imperialism in the United States found themselves particularly vulnerable to repression. The vicious witch hunt against radical leftists in the United States reached its second peak at the height of the McCarthy era in the mid-1950s. Roy Cohn, Joseph McCarthy’s chief counsel during the 1954 hearings in which he investigated suspected communists, was also, famously, a young Donald Trump’s lawyer and mentor.At the same time, the Red Scare was a campaign to quash the momentum of the Black freedom struggle during a time of legalized racial segregation throughout the Southern United States. The Smith Act of 1940 required all non-citizen adults to register with the federal government, which then used the law to prosecute hundreds of leftists for allegedly wanting to overthrow the government. Under the Smith Act, Trinidad-born Black radical and Communist Party USA leader Claudia Jones was coerced into a voluntary removal to England in December 1955 after a lengthy legal battle, conviction, and debilitating incarceration. The introduction of the 1952 Immigration and Nationality Act, which the Trump administration is using today to justify its targeting of students, led to the rescinding of the U.S. passports of Black activists like Paul Robeson. In response to Robeson’s refusal to sign an affidavit denying membership in the Communist Party, the government prevented him from traveling outside the United States from 1950 to 1958, doing much to destroy his career as an actor and singer.Although the mass anti-socialist persecution and paranoia receded, the state never stopped surveilling and restricting the political activities of those who advocated for an end to labor exploitation, structural racism, gender oppression, and all other hierarchies of dominance in U.S. society. The current assault on the Palestinian solidarity movement is particularly far-reaching and systematic, and the Trump regime is seeking to sow terror by snatching activists off the street and from their homes. But we should remember that during his first term, Trump dispatched federal agents in unmarked cars to abduct protesters at Black Lives Matter mobilizations. The difference is one of degree, not category.The U.S. government capitalizes on moments of crisis to expand its capacity for violence, which it inevitably turns against those it perceives as political threats. After 9/11, under the pretext of fighting terrorism, the Bush administration created the immigrant enforcement system that Trump is now using both to target students and carry out mass summary deportations. In the following years, the Biden and Obama administrations maintained and employed this system, even as they, unlike Trump, sought to hide from the public the cruel force they used to maintain nation-state borders. In 2012, the federal government spent $18 billion on immigration enforcement, which allowed for the dramatic increase in removals that led to Obama receiving the nickname “deporter-in-chief” from immigrants’ rights advocates. Repressive and racist in their own right, the Democratic Party handed Trump a loaded gun.Defending the rights of student organizers is not high on the Democratic Party’s agenda. Party leaders have been likewise muted in their defense of deported Venezuelan immigrants as they endure multiple layers of brutality. As always, it falls to the left to resist fascism and stand in defense of the communities bearing the brunt of reactionary ideologies, and we must make it as clear as possible at this moment that we see all our fights as interconnected. The political clarity present in Mahmoud Khalil’s March 18th letter from ICE detention, in which he links his fate to that of a detained Senegalese man, should be internalized; the entire prison-industrial complex is unjust, and it is just one link in a chain of oppression that binds us all.As the executive order to dismantle the Department of Education demonstrates, this administration wants U.S. citizens to be politically ignorant, isolated, and unable to see the world for what it really is. Historically, when Black organizers have participated in delegations throughout the Global South, they’ve connected their struggles as internally colonized people to those of oppressed people worldwide. The Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee sent delegations to recently decolonized African nations so that members could learn and exchange strategies for communal self-determination.Now more than ever, a politics that holds a tenet of internationalism is the antidote to the rising tide of xenophobia, anti-intellectualism, and imperialist propaganda in this country. We must insist upon seeing these borders that work to keep us apart as unnatural in the face of the state’s repression and abusive immigration practices. Only through global consciousness and solidarity will we achieve a world in which the autonomy of all living beings is respected, and power is not used to silence those fighting for justice."
}
,
"relatedposts": [
{
"title" : "100+ Years of Genocidal Intent in Palestine",
"author" : "Collis Browne",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/100-years-of-genocidal-intent",
"date" : "2025-10-07 18:01:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/1920-jerusalem.jpg",
"excerpt" : "Every single Israeli prime minister, president, and major Zionist leader has voiced clear intent to erase the Palestinian people from their lands, either by forced expulsion, or military violence. From Herzl and Chaim Weizmann to Ben-Gurion to Netanyahu, the record is not ambiguous:",
"content" : "Every single Israeli prime minister, president, and major Zionist leader has voiced clear intent to erase the Palestinian people from their lands, either by forced expulsion, or military violence. From Herzl and Chaim Weizmann to Ben-Gurion to Netanyahu, the record is not ambiguous:{% for person in site.data.genocidalquotes %}{{ person.name }}{% if person.title %}<p class=\"title-xs\">{{ person.title }}</p>{% endif %}{% for quote in person.quotes %}“{{ quote.text }}”{% if quote.source %}— {{ quote.source }}{% endif %}{% endfor %}{% endfor %}"
}
,
{
"title" : "Dignity Before Stadiums:: Morocco’s Digital Uprising",
"author" : "Cheb Gado",
"category" : "",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/dignity-before-stadiums",
"date" : "2025-10-02 09:08:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/EIP_Cover_Morocco_GenZ.jpg",
"excerpt" : "No one expected a generation raised on smartphones and TikTok clips to ignite a spark of protest shaking Morocco’s streets. But Gen Z, the children of the internet and speed, have stepped forward to write a new chapter in the history of uprisings, in their own style.The wave of anger began with everyday struggles that cut deep into young people’s lives: soaring prices, lack of social justice, and the silencing of their voices in politics. They didn’t need traditional leaders or party manifestos; the movement was born out of a single hashtag that spread like wildfire, transforming individual frustration into collective momentum.",
"content" : "No one expected a generation raised on smartphones and TikTok clips to ignite a spark of protest shaking Morocco’s streets. But Gen Z, the children of the internet and speed, have stepped forward to write a new chapter in the history of uprisings, in their own style.The wave of anger began with everyday struggles that cut deep into young people’s lives: soaring prices, lack of social justice, and the silencing of their voices in politics. They didn’t need traditional leaders or party manifestos; the movement was born out of a single hashtag that spread like wildfire, transforming individual frustration into collective momentum.One of the sharpest contradictions fueling the protests was the billions poured into World Cup-related preparations, while ordinary citizens remained marginalized when it came to healthcare and education.This awareness quickly turned into chants and slogans echoing through the streets: “Dignity begins with schools and hospitals, not with putting on a show for the world.”What set this movement apart was not only its presence on the streets, but also the way it reinvented protest itself:Live filming: Phone cameras revealed events moment by moment, exposing abuses instantly.Memes and satire: A powerful weapon to dismantle authority’s aura, turning complex political discourse into viral, shareable content.Decentralized networks: No leader, no party, just small, fast-moving groups connected online, able to appear and disappear with agility.This generation doesn’t believe in grand speeches or delayed promises. They demand change here and now. Moving seamlessly between the physical and digital realms, they turn the street into a stage of revolt, and Instagram Live into an alternative media outlet.What’s happening in Morocco strongly recalls the Arab Spring of 2011, when young people flooded the streets with the same passion and spontaneity, armed only with belief in their power to spark change. But Gen Z added their own twist, digital tools, meme culture, and the pace of a hyper-connected world.Morocco’s Gen Z uprising is not just another protest, but a living experiment in how a digital generation can redefine politics itself. The spark may fade, but the mark it leaves on young people’s collective consciousness cannot be erased.Photo credits: Mosa’ab Elshamy, Zacaria Garcia, Abdel Majid Bizouat, Marouane Beslem"
}
,
{
"title" : "A Shutdown Exposes How Fragile U.S. Governance Really Is",
"author" : "EIP Editors",
"category" : "",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/a-shutdown-exposes-how-fragile-us-governance-really-is",
"date" : "2025-10-01 22:13:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/EIP_Cover_Gov_ShutDown.jpg",
"excerpt" : "Each time the federal government shutters its doors, we hear the same reassurances: essential services will continue, Social Security checks will still arrive, planes won’t fall from the sky. This isn’t the first Governmental shutdown, they’ve happened 22 times since 1976, and their toll is real.",
"content" : "Each time the federal government shutters its doors, we hear the same reassurances: essential services will continue, Social Security checks will still arrive, planes won’t fall from the sky. This isn’t the first Governmental shutdown, they’ve happened 22 times since 1976, and their toll is real.Shutdowns don’t mean the government stops functioning. They mean millions of federal workers are asked to keep the system running without pay. Air traffic controllers, border patrol agents, food inspectors — people whose jobs underpin both public safety and economic life — are told their labor matters, but their livelihoods don’t. People have to pay the price of bad bureaucracy in the world’s most powerful country, if governance is stalled, workers must pay with their salaries and their groceries.In 1995 and 1996, clashes between President Bill Clinton and House Speaker Newt Gingrich triggered two shutdowns totaling 27 days. In 2013, a 16-day standoff over the Affordable Care Act furloughed 850,000 workers. And in 2018–2019, the longest shutdown in U.S. history stretched 35 days, as President Trump refused to reopen the government without funding for a border wall. That impasse left 800,000 federal employees without paychecks and cost the U.S. economy an estimated $11 billion — $3 billion of it permanently lost.More troubling is what happens when crises strike during shutdowns. The United States is living in an age of accelerating climate disasters: historic floods in Vermont, wildfire smoke choking New York, hurricanes pounding Florida. These emergencies do not pause while Congress fights over budgets. Yet a shutdown means furloughed NOAA meteorologists, suspended EPA enforcement, and delayed FEMA programs. In the most climate-vulnerable decade of our lifetimes, we are choosing paralysis over preparedness.This vulnerability didn’t emerge overnight. For decades, the American state has been hollowed out under the logic of austerity and privatization, while military spending has remained sacrosanct. That imbalance is why budgets collapse under the weight of endless resources for war abroad, too few for resilience at home.Shutdowns send a dangerous message. They normalize instability. They tell workers they are disposable. They make clear that in our system, climate resilience and public health aren’t pillars of our democracy but rather insignificant in the face of power and greed. And each time the government closes, it becomes easier to imagine a future where this isn’t the exception but the rule.The United States cannot afford to keep running on shutdown politics. The climate crisis, economic inequality, and the challenges of sustaining democracy itself demand continuity, not collapse. We need a politics that treats stability and resilience not as partisan victories, but as basic commitments to one another. Otherwise, the real shutdown isn’t just of the government — it’s of democracy itself."
}
]
}