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Saj Issa for Art & Ecology
Saj Issa is a Palestinian-American visual artist based in North America. Her work spans across a variety of mediums including painting, performance, and sculpture. At this point of her practice, her work is anti-nationalist and anti-flag, with a larger scope focused on the land and the people instead of a government entity within art activism.
PSA-STL is a public art project that features text installations throughout St. Louis. Issa is the current artist presenting her banner install last month.
The banners say, “What Garden will you assemble when the walls are torn down?”. She uses this prompt as a metaphorical question, to have the audience think about who their community will be when we no longer have imperialist structures looming over us.
Since the start of the genocide, Issa has been making a single poppy painting a day, spending five minutes on each one. (Early in the war, the Permanent Observer of Palestine to the U.N. said that a Palestinian child is killed every five minutes in Gaza. On the backs of these paintings is written, “Return to Saj. Return to Palestine”. She believes that “whether they be Palestinians in the diaspora or fellow Palestinian activists who have never been, it’s everyone’s right to be able to visit.”
These paintings are distributed and held in marches since October. Saj specifically intends to focus on language like anti-war within her work and spaces her work is in, because she feels that Western media and society tends to shift the focus of the larger issue at hand: ecocide and genocide. Ecocide is the destruction of a land and ecosystems.
Issa’s collection of Poppy Paintings will be on display at the Contemporary Art Museum St. Louis in September on a reworked larger scale.
“The acts of war associated with Ecocide also include the use of arms of mass destruction (nuclear, biological or chemical), attempts to provoke natural disasters (volcanic eruptions, earthquakes or floods), the military use of defoliants and explosives, the leveling of forests, attempts at climate modification and the forced, permanent displacement of species for military objectives.” — Nathalie de Pompignan, 2007
The Palestinian plight is not only the genocide of the people but also the ecocide of the land, and not exclusively for Palestinians but all lands that are war torn. The genocide has included a systemic destruction of Palestine’s ecology and agricultural landscape, to prevent abundant life from existing there. Over 40% of the agricultural land previously used for food production and a third of the region’s greenhouses have been intentionally destroyed.
What does anti-nationalism mean?
Anti-nationalism is the opposition to nationalism or to the interests of a specific nation. Are you loyal to a government entity or are you loyal to humanity?
Why are you anti-flag?
“Flags tend to hold a lot of history of politics and bureaucracy that many people don’t always agree with. So if they want to distance themselves from the conflicts that a specific government has inflicted, it’s important to find ways to unite a people apart from the imperialist structure. Flags are so quick to create division amongst people, in my experience of showing up to demonstrations, it was beautiful to witness the variety of things people were able to identify with and still stand 10 toes down next to each other. I believe it doesn’t require a flag to do so.”
What symbolizes Falasteen to you outside of the flag?
My ancestors, the fertile land, aromatic jasmines, the seductive bougainvilleas that spread over railings and fences. Any and all of its beauty that emboldens nostalgia and purity.
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{
"article":
{
"title" : "Saj Issa for Art & Ecology",
"author" : "Saj Issa, Yassa Almokhamad-Sarkisian",
"category" : "interviews",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/saj-issa-art-ecology",
"date" : "2024-07-02 14:59:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/FXT58969_Palestine-Saj-Issa.jpg",
"excerpt" : "",
"content" : "Saj Issa is a Palestinian-American visual artist based in North America. Her work spans across a variety of mediums including painting, performance, and sculpture. At this point of her practice, her work is anti-nationalist and anti-flag, with a larger scope focused on the land and the people instead of a government entity within art activism.PSA-STL is a public art project that features text installations throughout St. Louis. Issa is the current artist presenting her banner install last month.The banners say, “What Garden will you assemble when the walls are torn down?”. She uses this prompt as a metaphorical question, to have the audience think about who their community will be when we no longer have imperialist structures looming over us.Since the start of the genocide, Issa has been making a single poppy painting a day, spending five minutes on each one. (Early in the war, the Permanent Observer of Palestine to the U.N. said that a Palestinian child is killed every five minutes in Gaza. On the backs of these paintings is written, “Return to Saj. Return to Palestine”. She believes that “whether they be Palestinians in the diaspora or fellow Palestinian activists who have never been, it’s everyone’s right to be able to visit.”These paintings are distributed and held in marches since October. Saj specifically intends to focus on language like anti-war within her work and spaces her work is in, because she feels that Western media and society tends to shift the focus of the larger issue at hand: ecocide and genocide. Ecocide is the destruction of a land and ecosystems.Issa’s collection of Poppy Paintings will be on display at the Contemporary Art Museum St. Louis in September on a reworked larger scale.“The acts of war associated with Ecocide also include the use of arms of mass destruction (nuclear, biological or chemical), attempts to provoke natural disasters (volcanic eruptions, earthquakes or floods), the military use of defoliants and explosives, the leveling of forests, attempts at climate modification and the forced, permanent displacement of species for military objectives.” — Nathalie de Pompignan, 2007The Palestinian plight is not only the genocide of the people but also the ecocide of the land, and not exclusively for Palestinians but all lands that are war torn. The genocide has included a systemic destruction of Palestine’s ecology and agricultural landscape, to prevent abundant life from existing there. Over 40% of the agricultural land previously used for food production and a third of the region’s greenhouses have been intentionally destroyed.What does anti-nationalism mean?Anti-nationalism is the opposition to nationalism or to the interests of a specific nation. Are you loyal to a government entity or are you loyal to humanity?Why are you anti-flag?“Flags tend to hold a lot of history of politics and bureaucracy that many people don’t always agree with. So if they want to distance themselves from the conflicts that a specific government has inflicted, it’s important to find ways to unite a people apart from the imperialist structure. Flags are so quick to create division amongst people, in my experience of showing up to demonstrations, it was beautiful to witness the variety of things people were able to identify with and still stand 10 toes down next to each other. I believe it doesn’t require a flag to do so.”What symbolizes Falasteen to you outside of the flag?My ancestors, the fertile land, aromatic jasmines, the seductive bougainvilleas that spread over railings and fences. Any and all of its beauty that emboldens nostalgia and purity."
}
,
"relatedposts": [
{
"title" : "Nepal’s New Reckoning",
"author" : "Tulsi Rauniyar",
"category" : "",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/nepal-reckoning",
"date" : "2025-09-11 18:11:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/nepal1-IMG_5694.jpg",
"excerpt" : "From September 8-11, 2025, a massive popular uprising has taken place in Nepal, forcing the resignation of the Prime Minister and much of the government. We present some description and first reflections on the protests and riots, which were sparked by a social media ban and anger over government corruption and nepotism.",
"content" : "From September 8-11, 2025, a massive popular uprising has taken place in Nepal, forcing the resignation of the Prime Minister and much of the government. We present some description and first reflections on the protests and riots, which were sparked by a social media ban and anger over government corruption and nepotism.September 8In the white glare of a late summer morning, the broad avenues of Kathmandu, Nepal’s modern capital, are usually thrumming with traffic and smog. But on this sweltering day, the streets were crowded with chanting protesters, all of them demonstrating against the government of KP Sharma Oli. The largest crowd by far was made up of Gen-Z youth, most in their twenties, many still in school and college uniforms.For Nepal, such eruptions aren’t new: generations have risen before—against Rana autocrats in the 1950s, against royal rule in 1990, against King Gyanendra’s coup in 2005—only to watch hard-won freedoms erode. But for many of the protestors I spoke to, this was likely their first gathering. Their mission, organised on Instagram, Facebook, and Discord, was grand. They had gathered to protest the dismal state of the country, where the powerful and their children lived in luxury while countless Nepalis laboured abroad in countries like Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and Malaysia, sending remittances home to sustain their families. They marched in loose coordination, some singing protest songs, others dancing to drumbeats, and many chanting slogans. Handmade signs bore slogans carefully daubed in black paint.The last straw had come days earlier when the government imposed a blanket ban on social media platforms, cutting off main channels through which young Nepalis expressed frustration and organised politically. Tensions were already high, fueled in part by viral chatter about “nepo-babies,” the young faces that have long been symbols of privilege fast-tracked into positions of power because of their family connections. For Nepal’s youth, social media became a stage to mock them, question their merit, and call out a system where politics often feels like a family business.As the protesters pushed past the barricades outside Parliament, the police unexpectedly fell back rather than delivering the usual baton charge. A few tear gas canisters hissed through the air, and a lone water cannon swept the crowd, but the confrontation seemed restrained. People snapped selfies amid the haze, their chants echoing off the old brick walls, and for a brief moment, it felt almost ordinary, as if the protest might remain just another turbulent day in Kathmandu.According to reports, a cluster of older men mumbled about storming Parliament, while a few young riders, adrenaline surging, tore recklessly through the crowd on motorbikes, shouting insults. Near the complex itself, the energy shifted, protesters began hammering at the outer walls, some scrambling up the gates as flames flickered near the main entrance. The Armed Police Force advanced, their body armour and riot shields glinting under the dimming light, first launching tear gas canisters, then rubber bullets. In moments, the demonstration’s creative, almost celebratory tone disintegrated. Rocks and debris flew back toward the police lines. Gunfire—allegedly live rounds—cracked above the din. Chaos engulfed Kathmandu’s political heart.Videos soon flooded social media of unarmed students in school uniforms bleeding from head wounds, men collapsing unconscious, and disturbing claims that security forces had even fired tear gas into hospital grounds and beat the injured. What began as students chanting against corruption was quickly slipping into something far more volatile.By nightfall, nineteen people were dead in Kathmandu—a toll that already exceeded the casualties from Nepal’s 2006 People’s Movement, which had taken nineteen days to claim thirteen lives. Hospitals across the capital struggled with hundreds of injured protesters, many still in school uniforms. Blood banks reported critical shortages as medical staff worked through the night, treating gunshot wounds and head injuries from what had begun, just hours earlier, as a peaceful demonstration. Across the rest of Nepal, deaths and injuries were also reported, though full numbers remain unrecorded as events continue to unfold.The scale of the violence was unprecedented in Nepal’s modern democratic history. Even during the monarchy’s final, desperate attempts to maintain power nearly two decades earlier, the state had not deployed lethal force with such devastating efficiency against its own citizens. For a generation that had known only the republic, however flawed, the sight of young people bleeding in the streets represented a profound rupture in their understanding of what their government was capable of.To understand why thousands of teenagers and twenty-somethings would brave tear gas and rubber bullets, one must consider a long history of frustrated hopes for reform. Nearly two decades after the civil war ended, Prachanda, the former Maoist insurgent, once seemed a beacon of change. Millions voted for him, hoping for a fairer voice for the marginalised, a more just Nepal. But hope gave way to compromise, personal gain, and the slow churn of the same familiar leaders. The constitution, progressive on paper, was watered down. A new constitution, progressive in Nepal’s historical context, was stalled and diluted, and subsequent elections delivered a familiar cycle. The same discredited leaders rotating through power, swapped like pieces on a chessboard, their promises of reform fading with each turn.Public services remain poor. Tax burdens are high. Corruption scandals implicating politicians, bureaucrats, and businessmen piled up like grim milestones in the failure of the state. For decades, Nepal’s elites had looted land, siphoned public funds, and promised reforms that never came, leaving ordinary citizens disillusioned.It is this long pattern of systemic rot that now fuels the anger spilling onto Kathmandu’s streets—the young protesters demanding, in word and in action, that Nepal finally deliver on the change that generations have been promised but never seen.September 9The smell hit you first—acrid smoke from burning tires laced with petrol, hanging in Kathmandu’s September air like a toxic fog. Dawn on September 9th brought no respite. If anything, the deaths of nineteen protesters had transformed grief into something more volatile. Thousands defied hastily imposed curfews, emerging into streets still lingering with smoke from the previous day’s violence. What had begun as a youth-led movement against corruption now metastasised into something broader and more destructive—an utter rejection of Nepal’s political establishment.The targets were systematic. Party offices, politicians’ residences, and government buildings all came under attack. By afternoon, thick columns of smoke rose across the Kathmandu Valley, and the tint in the sky shifted from clear blue to a smoky haze that hung over the entire capital. Tribhuvan International Airport suspended operations, diverting flights as the capital descended into chaos. In the newer ministerial quarters south of the city, helicopters shuttled back and forth, evacuating officials in what appeared to be a tacit admission that the government could no longer hold pressure.The political collapse was swift and total. Ministers resigned in cascading waves, following the home minister, who had tendered his resignation the previous evening. Opposition parliamentarians abandoned their posts en masse, demanding fresh elections. By three o’clock in the afternoon, even K.P. Sharma Oli, in his third stint as prime minister and renowned for his political durability, announced his resignation and fled to Dubai.But resignation could not restore order. As the day moved, things spiralled completely out of control.This was no longer the Gen Z protestors of the previous day. In their place, an unruly mob surged through the streets. Outside Singha Durbar, Kathmandu’s sprawling government hub, protesters smashed windows, looted buildings, and seized weapons from the police as they pushed deeper into the complex. In the chaos, prisoners were freed, fires consumed the President’s residence, the Supreme Court alongside Parliament, and police stations burned alongside shops. The line between symbol and target had vanished. In just forty-eight hours, Nepal had witnessed its bloodiest civil unrest in modern memory, and the civilian government had unravelled before the nation’s eyes.“This is not us,” the Gen-Z groups leading the movement, Hami Nepal, posted on their social media. “Our struggle is for justice, dignity, and a better Nepal, not for chaos and theft.”Only well into the night, the Army chief appeared, urging restraint and calm. The military would be deployed to restore order.September 10All this upheaval would have been unimaginable even a month ago.A heavy, almost unnatural silence hung over the city. Curfew had been imposed, the streets were empty, and the Army patrolled in rigid lines. The roar of burning tires, the chants that shook walls, and the smoke that had choked the air yesterday had faded, leaving only a lingering haze and the metallic tang of uncertainty. Sunlight struggled through the smog, casting the streets in a dim, uneasy glow. The city felt suspended, caught between yesterday’s chaos and whatever tomorrow might bring, and we awoke with nothing but questions and the weight of uncertainty pressing down on every corner.The Nepal Army still mans checkpoints across Kathmandu, its soldiers stationed at every major intersection. Any gathering of more than a handful of people is broken up, an officer steps forward, offers an unmistakable “move on,” and the cluster dissolves.Questions hung in the air with the smoke. Who would answer for the bloodshed? Who now held authority? And in the absence of clear leadership, how would life move forward? The deaths of more than thirty protesters could not go unanswered. Yet even among those who had demanded change, the scale of destruction stirred unease. Nobody could say who truly held power, or what would come next.The revolution’s fever has broken; now comes the harder, less visible work. The only institutions left standing, the Presidency and the Army, have invited Gen-Z representatives to the table to sketch a path forward. But even in these early overtures, the Army’s hand is visible, its preferences for who might lead flickering through measured, strategic negotiation.Gen-Z in Nepal remains unmoored, bound more by digital fluency than by shared leadership or vision. Amid the chaos of Discord debates and clashing ideas, the movement is experimenting with ways to assert influence in a leaderless uprising. On a bustling Discord server, young protesters held their own vote for an interim leader, selecting Sushila Karki, Nepal’s first female Chief Justice. The proposal followed an extensive discussion on the platform, lasting nearly five hours, where over 10,000 participants shared their opinions. The server buzzed with debate, dissent, and deliberation, a digital agora where ideas clashed and alliances formed, revealing both the potential and uncertainties of a leaderless uprising. Other names, such as Balen Shah, Kathmandu’s independent mayor who rose from rapper to reform-minded politician, and Harka Sampang, Dharan’s grassroots-focused mayor, also surfaced in discussions, signalling the generation’s appetite for leaders who break from the recycled elite and embody accountability, visibility, and boldness. Though no formal appointment has been made, these debates offer a glimpse of a generation seeking new pathways, negotiating authority and vision in real time.This is the third great convulsion to shake South Asia since 2022—after Sri Lanka and Bangladesh—prompting some observers to whisper of a ‘South-Asian Spring,’ a phrase that carries the echo of the Arab Spring’s long shadow. The Nepali youth-led uprising has even borrowed the aesthetics of dissent from Indonesia as protesters waved the Straw Hat Pirates flag from One Piece, an emblem that has become a shared shorthand for rebellion in both countries. In Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina’s government fell to similar youth-led protests just months earlier; in Sri Lanka, the 2022 uprising forced out the Rajapaksa dynasty. The same fault line ran across the region, crooked governments, restless citizens, and revolt spread across borders.Yet across and within these territories, the road ahead remains murky, the outcomes anything but certain. Bangladesh’s interim government struggles to reform entrenched systems. Sri Lanka’s new leadership has already retreated from promises that once stirred hope. These movements have excelled at toppling regimes but have struggled to build lasting alternatives.Nepal now faces the same daunting test its neighbours have confronted, struggling to turn a swell of popular fury into durable political reform rather than merely swapping one weary cadre of power brokers for another. Whether this generational uprising can finally crack the cycle of disappointment that has long defined South Asian politics, or whether it will join the list of movements that changed everything and nothing at all.September 11By Thursday morning, steady rain slicked Kathmandu’s streets, but the scars of upheaval were impossible to miss. Charred cars leaned against curbs, and the husks of looted buildings smouldered faintly under the drizzle. The capital was calm, almost eerily so, yet the quiet felt provisional, like a held breath. With the prime minister and his cabinet gone, Parliament effectively leaderless, and ministries shuttered, Nepal now stands without a functioning civilian government. The President and the Army, the only intact institutions, continue to act as de facto authorities, signalling interest in forming an interim arrangement. The old guard has vanished, leaving a power vacuum that multiple actors with competing interests are eager to fill. Political parties that seemed fractured just days ago are quietly regrouping, issuing statements of solidarity with Gen Z to distance themselves from their past complicity. Opportunists linger in the shadows, hoping to redirect the uprising’s momentum for personal gain. At the same time, misinformation spreads online, clouding clarity and amplifying confusion. Former Chief Justice Sushila Karki is seen as a frontrunner. Still, no consensus has been reached among protest groups, leaving the country in a state of suspended expectation.The old guard has vanished, leaving a power vacuum that multiple actors with competing interests are eager to fill. Political parties that seemed fractured just days ago are quietly regrouping, issuing statements of solidarity with Gen Z to distance themselves from their past complicity. Opportunists linger in the shadows, hoping to redirect the uprising’s momentum for personal gain. At the same time, misinformation spreads online, clouding clarity and amplifying confusion. After days of silence, Nepal’s President Ram Chandra Paudel issued a statement on Thursday assuring citizens that every effort is being made to navigate the crisis and find a way forward within the constitutional framework. Former Chief Justice Sushila Karki is seen as a frontrunner, but no consensus has been reached among protest groups, leaving the country in a state of suspended expectation."
}
,
{
"title" : "Yemen after the assassination: what just happened—and why it matters",
"author" : "EIP Editors",
"category" : "",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/yemen-after-the-assassination-what-just-happened-and-why-it-matters",
"date" : "2025-09-10 17:22:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/EIPCover_Yemen.jpg",
"excerpt" : "What happened Israel carried out an airstrike in Sana’a that killed Ahmed Ghaleb al-Rahawi, the prime minister of the Houthi-run (Ansar Allah) authority in northern Yemen, along with other senior officials. This is the first strike to kill top Houthi cabinet members. Reuters Al Jazeera",
"content" : "What happened Israel carried out an airstrike in Sana’a that killed Ahmed Ghaleb al-Rahawi, the prime minister of the Houthi-run (Ansar Allah) authority in northern Yemen, along with other senior officials. This is the first strike to kill top Houthi cabinet members. Reuters Al Jazeera The Houthis vowed retaliation and fired on Israel-linked shipping in the Red Sea shortly after. Reuters The New Arab ABC News The strike lands on top of an already dire crisis: health systems, ports and water infrastructure in Houthi-controlled areas have been damaged by airstrikes, and Yemen is again facing a major cholera surge. The Washington Post Why this is politically explosive Two “governments,” two realities. Yemen has an internationally recognized government (based mainly in the south) and a Houthi authority governing the capital and much of the north. Al-Rahawi was the Houthi prime minister—not the internationally recognized PM. Killing him escalates a regional war into Yemen and risks normalizing cross-border assassinations. Wikipedia Legal/rights concerns. A targeted killing on another country’s territory raises serious sovereignty and international humanitarian law issues (distinction, necessity, proportionality). Civilian-impacting strikes on ports, clinics, and water systems can constitute collective punishment and unlawful attacks on civilian infrastructure. The Washington Post Cycle of retaliation. The Houthis have launched missiles and drones at Israel and attacked commercial shipping they deem “Israel-linked,” actions that also endanger civilians and violate the laws of war. Each side points to the other’s violations to justify escalation—civilians pay the price. Wikipedia Humanitarian reality on the ground Yemen remains one of the world’s worst crises. Over half of health facilities are barely functional, and damaged water systems are fueling tens of thousands of suspected cholera cases this year. Aid access is constrained by bombing, sanctions, and hostile governance. The Washington PostWhat this means in plain terms Assassination as policy risks widening the war and shattering fragile de-escalation channels in the Red Sea. People—not just “targets”—live under these airstrikes. Hitting ministries in a dense city and degrading water/health systems heightens disease and hunger. There is no military exit from a political problem. The longer armed actors trade strikes, the further Yemen drifts from a negotiated political settlement and basic recovery. What to watch next*Red Sea escalation: Will Houthi attacks on shipping intensify—and will more states join military responses? Reuters*Civilian infrastructure: Any new strikes on ports (Hodeida), water systems, or clinics will deepen cholera and famine risks. The Washington Post*Back-channel diplomacy: Are UN-led talks or regional mediators (Oman, Saudi) still engaging both sides—or freezing contacts after the assassination? (UN Security Council tracking). Security Council ReportWhere a rights-based stance lands*Condemn attacks that harm civilians and civilian infrastructure—whoever launches them.*Demand protection of humanitarian access and the immediate safeguarding of ports, water, and health facilities.*Push for an inclusive political process that addresses accountability for abuses by all parties, not just battlefield “victories.”The U.S. and Israel are working to weaken Yemen’s sovereignty by strategically targeting a country whose oil and gas (estimated at ~3 billion barrels and ~17 trillion cubic feet, respectively) remain central to its economy. Yemen also holds vast mineral wealth—gold, silver, copper, zinc, cobalt, nickel, and industrial reserves like limestone, gypsum, and marble. Despite this, its fisheries and renewable energy potential remain underdeveloped, while a deepening water crisis—exacerbated by conflict and mismanagement—threatens the country’s future."
}
,
{
"title" : "One Year of Narrative Power, Built by Us All",
"author" : "Céline Semaan",
"category" : "",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/everything-is-political-one-year-of-narrative-power-built-by-us",
"date" : "2025-09-08 16:31:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/EIP_Cover_OneYear_1.jpg",
"excerpt" : "After a full year of independent publishing, we’re finally holding our ninth issue in hand. On the cover: Francesca Albanese, eyes closed, lips curved in a sweet, knowing smile, photographed by Misan Harriman—and this moment struck me: Everything Is Political has quietly shifted into something far more mainstream than most would admit.",
"content" : "After a full year of independent publishing, we’re finally holding our ninth issue in hand. On the cover: Francesca Albanese, eyes closed, lips curved in a sweet, knowing smile, photographed by Misan Harriman—and this moment struck me: Everything Is Political has quietly shifted into something far more mainstream than most would admit.Our week opened with a powerful wave: dozens of actors pledging not to work with studios complicit in funding Israel’s genocidal campaign in Gaza. That momentum soared when the Wembley Benefit Concert announced Portishead is reuniting for Palestine—alongside dozens more artists joining the star-studded lineup.Meanwhile, the film The Voice of Hind Rajab just won the Grand Jury Prize at the 2025 Venice Film Festival, spotlighting Hind’s mother’s desperate plea to flee Gaza amid life-threatening danger. When American media initially misrepresented Hind—a six-year-old girl—as “a woman killed in Gaza,” it was a glaring injustice. But we cannot—and will not—let Hind’s voice be silenced or distorted.These may feel like small victories against the backdrop of Israel’s ongoing, brutal onslaught. Yet when the U.S. Department of Defense even toys with rebranding itself the “Department of War,” you know there’s an abyss of militarism and empire at play. That’s precisely why cultural wins matter: culture shifts policy. In an era riddled with despair—from climate collapse to genocide in Gaza, Sudan, Congo, Syria—these cracks in the façade are profound.We see the world stirring: Indonesians setting fire to their parliament, Nepal rising against censorship, mounting humanitarian crises spurring uprisings the world over.Everything Is Political stands at the crossroads of these struggles. We’re expanding our infrastructure to safeguard free expression, cultural self-determination, and the sacredness of the First Amendment.Unlike the fragile, capitalist platforms of Silicon Valley—the whims of Patreon, GoFundMe, or even the hottest newcomers like Substack—our infrastructure is built by you. Member-funded, sovereign, resilient. Soon, we’ll be able to bring hundreds more voices into our fold without ever compromising our independence.We are a true collective—the diaspora, the displaced, the Global South at home and on the move. We print. We archive. We amplify. We connect dots where no one else will.If you haven’t already, consider joining us. A yearly membership brings you our printed issues delivered to your door—and, more critically, sustains the independent media ecosystems we all rely on.Our infrastructures matter now more than ever—your support keeps them alive."
}
]
}
