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From Exile to Empowerment
Rima Hassan on the Fight for Justice and Representation
CÉLINE: My grandfather is a “Nakba survivor.” He comes from Palestine, but we identify as Lebanese because we have lived in Lebanon for a very long time. In fact, the Lebanese and Palestinians are one people, along with the Syrians as well. So, we’ve lost this connection.
Rima, what an honor, what an honor to be with you. The American people don’t know you. So, in your own words, I’d like you to explain who you are, what led you to do the work you do, and also how you navigate between the two worlds of art and politics
RIMA: Thank you very much for the invitation. It’s true that this allows me to step out of the Franco-French environment, which is not always healthy. I don’t know if the U.S. is any better, but at least there are some very progressive voices emerging there, and I’m glad to connect with those voices.

The question of who I am is central to all my inquiries—both activist and personal. I don’t know if I’ll ever have an answer to this question during my life. I think it’s an eternal quest. It also stems from feeling uprooted multiple times.
But I primarily define myself through my exile as a Palestinian refugee. This situates me as a descendant of the Nakba. I was born in the Nairab camp near Aleppo. I also define myself through what I’ve done and embraced because it’s linked to my story: I’m a jurist specializing in international law, and now I’m a Member of the European Parliament.
For the first time, I’m engaging with the question of exile through an artistic lens. I have a strong sense of impostor syndrome, so I struggle to call myself an artist. But I needed to explore this outside of my usual field, which is very rigid, structured, and word-specific.
As a Palestinian in international law, every word counts. A misplaced word can be a source of controversy or criticism. So I needed a more personal space. This also resonated with a time in my life when I returned to the camp for the first time. There were 20 years between when I left the camp at age 10 and when I returned. I reconnected with my father and other family members. From the moment I set foot in the Nairab camp again, I experienced almost a rebirth in terms of identity. I needed to continue visiting the camps and discovering these wandering fragments of Palestine. I call the camps “pieces of wandering Palestine.” Each camp recreates a part of Palestine, even if it’s damaged or uprooted. These are fragmented Palestines, but they still exist.
I live a dual reality: as a descendant of the Nakba, with my family’s history rooted in the camps, and as someone surviving differently in the West with this heritage. The Palestinian issue is laden with colonial, racist, and historical denial, which makes the political argumentation extremely challenging.
CÉLINE: How do you handle daily attacks? I’ve read about how you’re often labeled as a terrorist. It’s the go-to argument to delegitimize your work and the people you represent. How do you prepare for these attacks?
RIMA: I think I internalized this early on. I’ve often said I was “born angry.” As a teenager, I became aware of the injustice faced by Palestinians, especially since the Nakba. I’ve always felt the need to confront these issues.
Since my youth, I’ve heard people say, “Palestinians don’t exist; they’re not a people.” These attacks, including accusations of terrorism, reflect a hegemonic Western narrative.
I’ve even been summoned by the French police for allegedly glorifying terrorism. What keeps me going is perspective. Despite the daily pain—like watching the devastation in Jenin or the ongoing tragedies in Lebanon—I know I’m privileged. I have a voice, platforms to express myself, and the chance to speak for those I left behind. My upbringing in a camp reminds me daily of my relative privilege: I have shelter, education, and opportunities many Palestinians lack.
Those in Gaza, the West Bank, and camps face existential struggles—how to eat, move, or cross checkpoints. While I don’t face physical survival challenges, I have a responsibility to fight for the Palestinian narrative and political cause.

CÉLINE: Now in politics, it’s as if you’ve crossed another boundary—a boundary that very few manage to cross. Moving from activism to politics comes with its own sacrifices. For you, what was it like to transition from the “outside” to the “inside”? In English, we often speak of “inside” and “outside,” which is part of our desire to give you a voice for this political journal.
We believe in the alliance between “inside” and “outside,” though it’s a fragile one. Once you enter the “inside,” the criticism often comes from the communities that used to support you but might now no longer claim you.
RIMA: Yes, it’s true. The label of politics is often challenged. Some people in activist circles might say it’s a betrayal. Others might think, She’s going to change; she’s no longer going to follow the same principles she did before, and there’s a lot of distrust.
I believe it stems from a lack of faith in politicians’ ability to remain honest and uncompromised. The political sphere can offer a certain comfort compared to activism. Activism is exhausting, often involving people with limited means who give their time, energy, and effort with little income, recognition, or visibility.
In that sense, having a political platform adds another layer of privilege. But I am convinced that it’s necessary to engage in politics, bringing along one’s activist background. It’s all complementary. No cause—whether feminist, anti-racist, or human rights-focused—can remain confined to a single space. It must extend into cultural spaces while staying rooted in activist circles.
That’s why I try to remain humble, recognizing that I am part of a battle that has been fought for decades by thousands, even millions of people. It’s not about me, Rima Hassan. I had the chance to rise because of a relatively straightforward path, but I know that the visibility of our cause today is due to the tireless work of countless others.
For decades, when no one in the media spoke about it, there were always people in activist spaces keeping the cause alive. I owe a great deal to them. At the same time, I firmly believe that progress on any cause requires penetrating multiple areas of society—not just politics.
The political sphere is where the demands and formulations are materialized. If we want equality between men and women, at some point, it must pass through legislation. But there’s also the cultural dimension—embedding and normalizing these demands. For the Palestinian cause, it’s the same.
My role, through my mandate, is to act as a bridge for civil society, to inspire hope in others like me who have walked a civil society path and are now thinking, It’s possible to take this fight into politics if I feel the need or desire to do so.

CÉLINE: This reminds me of something: you come from civil society, from what we earlier called the “outside” to the “inside”. As activists, we often discuss the roles involved in collective liberation. There are so many roles people can play. It’s not just about protesting in the streets or taking direct action.
You can contribute in other ways—through writing, journalism, or law. We include all kinds of work in the broader concept of activism. Your political journey is part of that larger effort toward collective liberation. How would you personally describe collective liberation?
RIMA: Collective liberation is when individuals are no longer in inner conflict between their true selves and what society assigns or expects them to be. It’s when everyone feels embraced by the freedom we’ve been discussing.
However, it’s a “struggle within the struggle.” There are different aspects of these fights that require different approaches and tools. For example, coming into politics— politics here meaning everything that’s political, not just formal office—requires bringing who you are and what you have to offer. If you’re an artist, you use your platform; if you’re a journalist, it’s your writing; if you’re a lawyer, it’s your legal expertise.

CÉLINE: Your role in politics allows you to work toward systemic change. How do you define systemic change within your political journey?
RIMA: For me, systemic change is essential, and I view all struggles through this collective and systemic lens. My work in the European Parliament involves commissions on foreign affairs and human rights, as well as initiatives combating racism and Islamophobia—issues often overlooked at the European level.
You can’t address decolonial struggles, gender equality, or anti-racism without considering their systemic dimensions. For example, feminist movements must include a recognition of racism; otherwise, they exclude the lived experiences of racialized women. This necessity for intersectionality is why systemic approaches are urgent. A struggle that ignores these dimensions limits its scope and results.
CÉLINE: This idea of systemic collaboration extends across sectors. We speak a lot about the convergence of struggles, particularly the need for collaboration between politics and art. Your involvement as both a politician and an artist—acting as a curator in an artistic setting—is rare. Why is it important for you to merge art and politics, and what do you aim to achieve through this intersection?

RIMA: I had to overcome imposter syndrome, especially as someone entering the art world without being fully established in it. However, I’ve embraced the idea of letting art and politics coexist as separate branches growing from the same “trunk.” For me, the “trunk” is my Palestinian exile—my uprootedness since the Nakba of 1948 and the inherited memory of displacement. This foundational identity informs everything I do, from law (my background as a refugee rights lawyer) to politics. Art, however, allows me to express the emotional and human side of my experience—something that politics often constraints.
In politics, discussing Palestine requires being pedagogical, clear, and accessible. In art, I can explore my emotions freely, breaking the societal frames imposed on my expression. This artistic dimension is vital for my survival and personal balance. Another branch I’ve begun to explore is writing. I’m currently working on a book about my return to a refugee camp, reflecting on the Palestinian “right of return,” which we as refugees are denied.
Interestingly, when I turned 18 and got my passport, I tried to go to Palestine, but I was forced off the plane and denied entry. At Charles de Gaulle Airport, I was prevented from boarding a plane to Palestine. A document from the Israeli authorities identified me as an activist. I remember locking myself in the airport bathroom, completely overwhelmed.
This moment marked my life. At that age, all I wanted was to make this journey to heal my wounds. My family, across generations, had been dispossessed, confined to camps, denied justice and memory. It took the United Nations 75 years to recognize the Nakba—75 years of denial and humiliation.
Gaining French nationality allowed me to dream of this return. I had saved money by working at Domino’s Pizza, determined to go to Palestine for my family, for my ancestors, for all those buried in camps and forgotten. I didn’t know what this journey would repair in me, but it was for them.
When I was stopped from crossing that border, it felt as though the Nakba never ended. Despite generations passing, despite my passport, I was still an 18-year-old Palestinian woman labeled a threat. Locked in that bathroom, I felt the same immobility imposed on Palestinians confined to camps, kept stagnant, frozen in history and memory.
That experience turned me into what they feared I would become: an activist. It became the fight of my life.
CÉLINE: This is a powerful and beautiful conclusion that perfectly captures the link between your political engagement and your humanity. It also demonstrates how art and politics are deeply connected—both rooted in the same quest for meaning and justice. Art is political, just as activism is.
Your story is an inspiration: living in your truth and fullness is an immense strength. Thank you, Rima.

In Conversation:
Photography by:
Rima Hassan is a Palestinian-French politician, lawyer, and artist. She was born in a refugee camp near Aleppo and later became a prominent Member of the European Parliament. Her journey as both a legal expert and a public figure has been deeply intertwined with her Palestinian heritage and the struggles faced by displaced populations.
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{
"article":
{
"title" : "From Exile to Empowerment: Rima Hassan on the Fight for Justice and Representation",
"author" : "Rima Hassan, Céline Semaan",
"category" : "interviews",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/rima-hassan-justice-representation",
"date" : "2024-12-11 14:33:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/rima-hassan-3.jpg",
"excerpt" : "CÉLINE: My grandfather is a “Nakba survivor.” He comes from Palestine, but we identify as Lebanese because we have lived in Lebanon for a very long time. In fact, the Lebanese and Palestinians are one people, along with the Syrians as well. So, we’ve lost this connection.",
"content" : "CÉLINE: My grandfather is a “Nakba survivor.” He comes from Palestine, but we identify as Lebanese because we have lived in Lebanon for a very long time. In fact, the Lebanese and Palestinians are one people, along with the Syrians as well. So, we’ve lost this connection.Rima, what an honor, what an honor to be with you. The American people don’t know you. So, in your own words, I’d like you to explain who you are, what led you to do the work you do, and also how you navigate between the two worlds of art and politicsRIMA: Thank you very much for the invitation. It’s true that this allows me to step out of the Franco-French environment, which is not always healthy. I don’t know if the U.S. is any better, but at least there are some very progressive voices emerging there, and I’m glad to connect with those voices.The question of who I am is central to all my inquiries—both activist and personal. I don’t know if I’ll ever have an answer to this question during my life. I think it’s an eternal quest. It also stems from feeling uprooted multiple times.But I primarily define myself through my exile as a Palestinian refugee. This situates me as a descendant of the Nakba. I was born in the Nairab camp near Aleppo. I also define myself through what I’ve done and embraced because it’s linked to my story: I’m a jurist specializing in international law, and now I’m a Member of the European Parliament.For the first time, I’m engaging with the question of exile through an artistic lens. I have a strong sense of impostor syndrome, so I struggle to call myself an artist. But I needed to explore this outside of my usual field, which is very rigid, structured, and word-specific.As a Palestinian in international law, every word counts. A misplaced word can be a source of controversy or criticism. So I needed a more personal space. This also resonated with a time in my life when I returned to the camp for the first time. There were 20 years between when I left the camp at age 10 and when I returned. I reconnected with my father and other family members. From the moment I set foot in the Nairab camp again, I experienced almost a rebirth in terms of identity. I needed to continue visiting the camps and discovering these wandering fragments of Palestine. I call the camps “pieces of wandering Palestine.” Each camp recreates a part of Palestine, even if it’s damaged or uprooted. These are fragmented Palestines, but they still exist.I live a dual reality: as a descendant of the Nakba, with my family’s history rooted in the camps, and as someone surviving differently in the West with this heritage. The Palestinian issue is laden with colonial, racist, and historical denial, which makes the political argumentation extremely challenging.CÉLINE: How do you handle daily attacks? I’ve read about how you’re often labeled as a terrorist. It’s the go-to argument to delegitimize your work and the people you represent. How do you prepare for these attacks?RIMA: I think I internalized this early on. I’ve often said I was “born angry.” As a teenager, I became aware of the injustice faced by Palestinians, especially since the Nakba. I’ve always felt the need to confront these issues.Since my youth, I’ve heard people say, “Palestinians don’t exist; they’re not a people.” These attacks, including accusations of terrorism, reflect a hegemonic Western narrative.I’ve even been summoned by the French police for allegedly glorifying terrorism. What keeps me going is perspective. Despite the daily pain—like watching the devastation in Jenin or the ongoing tragedies in Lebanon—I know I’m privileged. I have a voice, platforms to express myself, and the chance to speak for those I left behind. My upbringing in a camp reminds me daily of my relative privilege: I have shelter, education, and opportunities many Palestinians lack.Those in Gaza, the West Bank, and camps face existential struggles—how to eat, move, or cross checkpoints. While I don’t face physical survival challenges, I have a responsibility to fight for the Palestinian narrative and political cause.CÉLINE: Now in politics, it’s as if you’ve crossed another boundary—a boundary that very few manage to cross. Moving from activism to politics comes with its own sacrifices. For you, what was it like to transition from the “outside” to the “inside”? In English, we often speak of “inside” and “outside,” which is part of our desire to give you a voice for this political journal.We believe in the alliance between “inside” and “outside,” though it’s a fragile one. Once you enter the “inside,” the criticism often comes from the communities that used to support you but might now no longer claim you.RIMA: Yes, it’s true. The label of politics is often challenged. Some people in activist circles might say it’s a betrayal. Others might think, She’s going to change; she’s no longer going to follow the same principles she did before, and there’s a lot of distrust.I believe it stems from a lack of faith in politicians’ ability to remain honest and uncompromised. The political sphere can offer a certain comfort compared to activism. Activism is exhausting, often involving people with limited means who give their time, energy, and effort with little income, recognition, or visibility.In that sense, having a political platform adds another layer of privilege. But I am convinced that it’s necessary to engage in politics, bringing along one’s activist background. It’s all complementary. No cause—whether feminist, anti-racist, or human rights-focused—can remain confined to a single space. It must extend into cultural spaces while staying rooted in activist circles.That’s why I try to remain humble, recognizing that I am part of a battle that has been fought for decades by thousands, even millions of people. It’s not about me, Rima Hassan. I had the chance to rise because of a relatively straightforward path, but I know that the visibility of our cause today is due to the tireless work of countless others.For decades, when no one in the media spoke about it, there were always people in activist spaces keeping the cause alive. I owe a great deal to them. At the same time, I firmly believe that progress on any cause requires penetrating multiple areas of society—not just politics.The political sphere is where the demands and formulations are materialized. If we want equality between men and women, at some point, it must pass through legislation. But there’s also the cultural dimension—embedding and normalizing these demands. For the Palestinian cause, it’s the same.My role, through my mandate, is to act as a bridge for civil society, to inspire hope in others like me who have walked a civil society path and are now thinking, It’s possible to take this fight into politics if I feel the need or desire to do so.CÉLINE: This reminds me of something: you come from civil society, from what we earlier called the “outside” to the “inside”. As activists, we often discuss the roles involved in collective liberation. There are so many roles people can play. It’s not just about protesting in the streets or taking direct action.You can contribute in other ways—through writing, journalism, or law. We include all kinds of work in the broader concept of activism. Your political journey is part of that larger effort toward collective liberation. How would you personally describe collective liberation?RIMA: Collective liberation is when individuals are no longer in inner conflict between their true selves and what society assigns or expects them to be. It’s when everyone feels embraced by the freedom we’ve been discussing.However, it’s a “struggle within the struggle.” There are different aspects of these fights that require different approaches and tools. For example, coming into politics— politics here meaning everything that’s political, not just formal office—requires bringing who you are and what you have to offer. If you’re an artist, you use your platform; if you’re a journalist, it’s your writing; if you’re a lawyer, it’s your legal expertise.CÉLINE: Your role in politics allows you to work toward systemic change. How do you define systemic change within your political journey?RIMA: For me, systemic change is essential, and I view all struggles through this collective and systemic lens. My work in the European Parliament involves commissions on foreign affairs and human rights, as well as initiatives combating racism and Islamophobia—issues often overlooked at the European level.You can’t address decolonial struggles, gender equality, or anti-racism without considering their systemic dimensions. For example, feminist movements must include a recognition of racism; otherwise, they exclude the lived experiences of racialized women. This necessity for intersectionality is why systemic approaches are urgent. A struggle that ignores these dimensions limits its scope and results.CÉLINE: This idea of systemic collaboration extends across sectors. We speak a lot about the convergence of struggles, particularly the need for collaboration between politics and art. Your involvement as both a politician and an artist—acting as a curator in an artistic setting—is rare. Why is it important for you to merge art and politics, and what do you aim to achieve through this intersection?RIMA: I had to overcome imposter syndrome, especially as someone entering the art world without being fully established in it. However, I’ve embraced the idea of letting art and politics coexist as separate branches growing from the same “trunk.” For me, the “trunk” is my Palestinian exile—my uprootedness since the Nakba of 1948 and the inherited memory of displacement. This foundational identity informs everything I do, from law (my background as a refugee rights lawyer) to politics. Art, however, allows me to express the emotional and human side of my experience—something that politics often constraints.In politics, discussing Palestine requires being pedagogical, clear, and accessible. In art, I can explore my emotions freely, breaking the societal frames imposed on my expression. This artistic dimension is vital for my survival and personal balance. Another branch I’ve begun to explore is writing. I’m currently working on a book about my return to a refugee camp, reflecting on the Palestinian “right of return,” which we as refugees are denied.Interestingly, when I turned 18 and got my passport, I tried to go to Palestine, but I was forced off the plane and denied entry. At Charles de Gaulle Airport, I was prevented from boarding a plane to Palestine. A document from the Israeli authorities identified me as an activist. I remember locking myself in the airport bathroom, completely overwhelmed.This moment marked my life. At that age, all I wanted was to make this journey to heal my wounds. My family, across generations, had been dispossessed, confined to camps, denied justice and memory. It took the United Nations 75 years to recognize the Nakba—75 years of denial and humiliation.Gaining French nationality allowed me to dream of this return. I had saved money by working at Domino’s Pizza, determined to go to Palestine for my family, for my ancestors, for all those buried in camps and forgotten. I didn’t know what this journey would repair in me, but it was for them.When I was stopped from crossing that border, it felt as though the Nakba never ended. Despite generations passing, despite my passport, I was still an 18-year-old Palestinian woman labeled a threat. Locked in that bathroom, I felt the same immobility imposed on Palestinians confined to camps, kept stagnant, frozen in history and memory.That experience turned me into what they feared I would become: an activist. It became the fight of my life.CÉLINE: This is a powerful and beautiful conclusion that perfectly captures the link between your political engagement and your humanity. It also demonstrates how art and politics are deeply connected—both rooted in the same quest for meaning and justice. Art is political, just as activism is.Your story is an inspiration: living in your truth and fullness is an immense strength. Thank you, Rima."
}
,
"relatedposts": [
{
"title" : "Trump’s attack on Venezuela: An Exemplary Punishment",
"author" : "Simón Rodriguez",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/trumps-attack-on-venezuela-an-exemplary-punishment",
"date" : "2026-01-14 10:13:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Uncle_Sam_Straddles_the_Americas_Cartoon.jpg",
"excerpt" : "After four months of maritime siege in which the US military killed more than 100 people in alleged anti-drug trafficking operations and seized oil tankers, as well as the bombing of a small dock in northwestern Venezuela, Trump launched a large-scale attack and kidnapped de facto ruler Nicolás Maduro and his wife Cilia Flores, who were in Fuerte Tiuna, the country’s main military complex in Caracas.",
"content" : "After four months of maritime siege in which the US military killed more than 100 people in alleged anti-drug trafficking operations and seized oil tankers, as well as the bombing of a small dock in northwestern Venezuela, Trump launched a large-scale attack and kidnapped de facto ruler Nicolás Maduro and his wife Cilia Flores, who were in Fuerte Tiuna, the country’s main military complex in Caracas.The invaders attacked civilian targets such as the port of La Guaira, the Venezuelan Institute for Scientific Research, the Charallave airport, and electrical transmission infrastructure, as well as military installations in Caracas, Maracay, and Higuerote. The preliminary toll is around 80 dead and more than a hundred wounded. The US government claims that it suffered no casualties and that it had the support of infiltrators working for the CIA. This internal collaboration was crucial to the success of the attack.The Venezuelan military defeat has political causes, beyond US technical superiority. Chavismo has prioritized coup-proofing over military effectiveness, going so far as to have one of the highest rates of generals per capita in the world, who have been given control of various economic sectors for cronyism. Furthermore, the government lacks a military strategy for asymmetric resistance to imperialist aggression.During Chávez’s administration, in 2007, there was debate over which military model to adopt. Retired General Müller Rojas criticized the large investments in sophisticated military equipment, proposed by then-Defense Minister Raúl Isaías Baduel, proposing instead a doctrine of popular resistance and asymmetric warfare. Chávez settled the debate in Baduel’s favor, and in the following years, the Venezuelan government spent billions of dollars on arms purchases from Russia and China. This equipment proved useless in the face of the US attack, as the late Müller Rojas predicted, but it was part of the patronage system that enriched the Chavista military. Ironically, Baduel died as a political prisoner in 2021.A corrupt military may be useful for repressing workers, students, or indigenous peoples, but it can easily be bribed. Maduro himself does not seem to have had much confidence in the military, having entrusted his security largely to Cuban personnel, 32 of whom died in the US attack.Vice President Delcy Rodríguez assumed the interim presidency. She declared a state of emergency to avoid the constitutional requirement to call elections in the event of the head of state’s absence. The US government has stated that, through the continuation of the naval blockade and the threat of a second attack, it hopes to ensure that the Venezuelan government serves US interests. When asked on January 4 whether they would use this pressure to demand the release of political prisoners, Trump responded emphatically that he is interested in oil, and everything else can wait. In spite of this, the Venezuelan government announced on January 8 the unilateral release of an unspecified number of political prisoners. Human rights NGOs estimate there are around 800 political prisoners.The rights of Venezuelans have never interested Trump, as demonstrated not only by his lack of interest in democratic rights in Venezuela, but also by the racist persecution of Venezuelan immigrants in the US, stigmatized by Trump as criminals and mentally ill people allegedly sent by Maduro to “invade” the country, a fascistic discourse endorsed by the Venezuelan right-wing leader María Corina Machado. Thousands of Venezuelans have been deported to Venezuela, while hundreds have been sent to the CECOT, Latin America’s largest torture center, run by the dictatorship of El Salvador, under false accusations of belonging to the Tren de Aragua, a gang classified as a terrorist organization by Trump.Delcy Rodríguez has reportedly already reached an agreement with Trump to deliver between 30 and 50 million barrels of oil. The US government would sell the oil, establishing offshore accounts for this purpose outside the control of its own Treasury Department; part of the petrodollars generated would be used to pay debtors, and payments in kind would be made to the Venezuelan state, including equipment and supplies for oil production itself, as well as food and medicine.This policy bears similarities to the “Oil for food” program applied as part of the sanctions regime of the 1990s against Iraq. That program became a huge source of corruption in the UN. We can expect something similar or worse from Trump’s corrupt government. Chevron, which already is the main oil extractor in Venezuela, is lobbying for a privileged role in Trump’s plans for oil theft, enforced through a naval blockade and threats of new attacks, as the stock capacity on land or in ships off the Venezuelan coast reached their limit and the alternative was to stop production. On January 9, Trump met executives from Chevron, Conoco-Phillips, Exxon-Mobil, among other oil companies, to lay out the profits opportunities in Venezuela enhanced by military intervention.We are facing a new version of imperialist “gunboat diplomacy” and the methods of the “Roosevelt Corollary,” on which the US based its invasion of Latin American and Caribbean countries in the first half of the 20th century, taking control of their customs, as in the cases of the Dominican Republic, Haiti, and Nicaragua.Rodríguez’s capitulation has been interpreted by some as evidence that her rise to power was agreed with Trump, as startlingly quickly negotiations for the restoration of diplomatic relations, which were severed since 2019, have begun. For this purpose, a US delegation visited Caracas on January 9. Certainly, Chavismo’s anti-imperialism was always rather performative, it did not even nationalize the oil industry, and the US maintained an important presence through Chevron. The US remained Venezuela’s main trading partner until at least 2024.The regime is cooperating with the extortionist Trump, not resisting. The traditional right-wing opposition, which celebrated the January 3 attack (describing it as the beginning of Venezuela’s liberation), welcomes Trump’s measures. Not even Trump’s humiliation of Machado, when he declared she lacked “support” and “respect” within Venezuela, has led Venezuelan Trumpists to regain a modicum of sobriety. Their entire political strategy, after Maduro’s 2024 electoral fraud, has been solely to wait for Trump to hand them power.Trump’s priorities are different, although they could converge in the future with Machado: to distract attention from recently published documents reflecting his friendship with the criminal Jeffrey Epstein; to enhance his foreign policy based on extortion, refuting the Democratic slogan “Trump Always Chickens Out”, and to manage billions of petrodollars at the service of his business circle. And finally, in a more strategic sense, it represents the application of the new National Security doctrine, which gives priority to absolute US control of the hemisphere, expelling its imperialist competitors, China and Russia. Venezuela represented the most vulnerable point in the hemisphere for spectacular and exemplary military action. After the attack on Venezuela, threats against Colombia, Mexico, and even Greenland follow.Chavismo itself largely created its own vulnerability after years of anti-popular and anti-worker policies, such as imposing a minimum wage of less than USD$5 per month, eliminating workers’ freedom of association, persecuting indigenous peoples, defunding public health and education, and forcing the migration of 8 million Venezuelan workers, all while favoring the emergence of a new Bolivarian bourgeoisie through rampant corruption, creating new chasms of social inequality.Until 2015, Chavismo ruled with the support of electoral majorities. After its defeat in that year’s parliamentary elections, it took a dictatorial turn, relying on repression and electoral fraud, while bleeding the economy dry to pay off foreign debt, creating hellish hyperinflation. The economy contracted by around 80% between 2013 and 2021, most of this before US sanctions. The destruction was such that the export of scrap metal, obtained from the dismantling of abandoned industries, became one of Venezuela’s largest exports.It is illustrative to recall the cables from the US embassy in Caracas to the State Department, published by Wikileaks, which asked the Obama administration not to publicly confront Chávez, as this would strengthen him in the context of widespread popular rejection of the US. The current situation is different, with many Venezuelans cynically accepting US domination. Opposing imperialist intervention, on the other hand, does not save dissidents from persecution either. The presidential candidate backed by the Communist Party of Venezuela in 2024, Enrique Márquez, has been in prison for 10 months without formal charges.The humiliation to which the Venezuelan people are subjected today, under the double yoke of a dictatorship and a US siege, is brutal. The policy of aggression against Latin America and the Caribbean, the perceived sphere of US dominance, gains momentum with this attack. In the face of this we need a continental response, to defend the possibility of a free and dignified future for Venezuela and for all of Latin America and the Caribbean."
}
,
{
"title" : "A Lone Protester, Rain or Shine: One Man’s Daily Act of Dissent in Japan",
"author" : "Yumiko Sakuma",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/a-lone-protester-rain-or-shine",
"date" : "2026-01-13 10:00:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Cover_EIP_Lone_Gaza_Japan.jpg",
"excerpt" : "Photographs by Chisato Hikita",
"content" : "Photographs by Chisato HikitaThe way Japan’s grassroots activism has shown up for the people of Palestine has been nothing short of extraordinary. In a country known for its low political engagement, I’ve met countless newly woken activists who not only joined the international movement but have also incorporated direct action into their daily lives through street protests, fundraising events and content creation, writing campaigns, etc. Many of them express frustration that demonstrations in Japan aren’t as large as those abroad, or that their efforts seem to yield little visible change, but their persistence and quiet stubbornness are unlike anything I’ve ever seen.One of the figures who has emerged from this movement is Yusuke Furusawa, who has taken to the streets every single day, seven days a week, for more than two years, usually for an hour or so each time. I came across him on social media and reached out while I was in Tokyo.The day we met was an excruciatingly hot Saturday in July. On my way to meet him near Shinjuku Station, a sprawling terminal of train lines, subways, and shopping complexes, he messaged to say he’d had to relocate because of a nearby Uyoku (right-wing nationalist) presence. As I exited one wing of the station, I passed a large crowd gathered around Uryu Hirano, a young hardline activist who had just lost her bid for a national council seat.Then I found Furusawa, delivering a monologue about what the Palestinian people have been enduring, about the complicity of the Japanese government, and about the tangled relationship between the U.S. military-industrial complex and the Israeli state. He stood in the middle of two opposing streams of foot traffic, turning every few seconds to address people coming from both directions, waving a large flag and holding a sign that read “Stop GAZA Genocide.”In October 2023, he had been home-bound for Covid. “I was frustrated because I wanted to go to the protests but couldn’t. Finally, feeling restless, I eventually stumbled out holding a placard, that’s how it all began. When I thought about how I’ve never really taken any actions on this issue while seeing these terrible situations unfolding every day, I just couldn’t sort out my feelings.”Furusawa makes his living as a prop maker for a broadcasting company while occasionally getting gigs as a theater actor. He wasn’t particularly political until a few years ago when he joined a local grass-roots movement to elect Satoko Kishimoto, an environmental activist and water rights activist who had lived in Belgium, to be Suginami Ward mayor against the pro-business, pro-development incumbent. Especially, he was inspired by the Hitori Gaisen, solo street demonstration, movement which was triggered by one person who decided to campaign by standing quietly on the street with a sign, which spread like a wild fire and resulted in a win by Kishimoto, a move viewed as a victory of the People, who were determined to stop the over development and gentrification.'I’m not really good at group activities, so rallies and marches aren’t really my thing. I get too tired trying too hard to chant or keep up with everyone else.” Previously, he had been suffering from depression. “This has been helpful like as a daily rehabilitation activity.”Thus, he stands alone, daily and consistently. As I watched him speak under the glaring sun, I was struck by how most people don’t even look up, or notice him, seemingly so self-absorbed or focused on where they are going. Occasionally, non-Japanese people stop and take pictures of/with him. While I was there, a mother and a kid from Turkey stopped him to thank him through a translation app on her phone. She had tears in her eyes. Furusawa said he does get yelled at a few times a day and was once even choked by a person who identified as an IDF personnel.This was a few days after July 20th, when Japan had a national council election where more than 8 million people voted for candidates from the Sansei Party, which ran on “Japanese First” platform and a far-right, nationalist political messaging. Furusawa says, a few Japanese people who walk up to him with encouraging signs tend to be ultra nationalists and conservatives. “A lot of times, these guys who say to me ‘you are great for standing against the United States,’ are far right people, which makes me feel defeated.” And there are younger ones who mock him or laugh at him.Do you have an idea as to how long you’d be doing this? I asked him. Furusawa told me about the time an Aljazeela crew came to his apartment to shoot a segment on him. When he told them, “I will stop if Israel stopped bombing Gaza,” the reporter said, “That is how Japanese people forget about the Middle East.” Furusawa thinks about this episode daily. “I realized I hadn’t understood anything at all, and I felt this helplessness like all my actions over the past four months were being erased in an instant. That’s when I made the decision to do it every day. Those words swirled around me daily.”After I came back to New York, I procrastinated writing this story. I tried writing it many times in my head, but between being disappointed in the surge of xenophobia and racism in Japan, dealing with medical issues and being scared as an immigrant, my head was not in the right place to give a proper ending to this story. Then, so called “ceasefire” was announced. I thought of him and reached out.I apologized to him for not writing a story sooner. “I didn’t know how to write the story without glorifying the protest movements.”He told me attacks by people from Israel were happening increasingly, probably like three times more, especially after the UK recognized the state of Palestine. “They come at me with anger. I’ve also met a few people from Palestine thanking me with tears for what I do. I feel l need to keep a distance from these emotions because what I am really protesting against is the illegal occupation and apartheid of Palestine and how we are not really facing it.”He hadn’t stopped his protests, still standing out there every day with a flag and a sign, delivering his monologue. He does so because, for one, he did not trust the “ceasefire,” but also because what he stands against is not just the current wave of assaults, bombing, starvation, etc.“I want to keep going until we seriously tackle the issue, not just go through the superficial motions of Palestine’s state recognition. It isn’t about just stopping the war. It is about getting people to care so that nations collectively help them. I am not talking about months, more like years because it is going to take time.”Lately, after spending an hour on anti-genocide protest, he stands with another sign for 30 minutes or so before he goes home. The sign says “Delusion of Hate.” That is because he thinks Japan’s xenophobia and hatred come from delusions. “A mix of victim mentality and inferiority complex, plus delusions inflated by conspiracy theories that don’t even exist.”That is when I realized what he is really fighting is indifference. He went on, “Some might find my style of protests noisy, annoying, or unpleasant. I want them to reject it. I want to get on their nerves, or talk to their hearts. Maybe that is how we can break through the indifference. That is going to take time, like years of time.”"
}
,
{
"title" : "Sanctions are a Tool of Empire",
"author" : "Collis Browne",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/sanctions-are-a-tool-of-empire",
"date" : "2026-01-13 08:35:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Cover_EIP_Sanctions.jpg",
"excerpt" : "Sanctions & Embargoes only Hurt the People",
"content" : "Sanctions & Embargoes only Hurt the PeopleIn light of the economic collapse and ongoing social and political unrest in Venezuela and Iran, we must examine U.S. economic sanctions and how they contribute to and exacerbate these dynamics.Although framed as something much more innocuous or even righteous, sanctions are a form of economic warfare used to enforce U.S. & Western empire.What Sanctions AreSanctions block a country’s sovereign ability to act freely in a global world. They restrict trade, banking, investment, and access to global markets.Despite the myth of “free markets,” sanctions show how capitalism really works: Markets are only free when they serve power.They are usually installed against nations that show signs of independence from US and Western (capitalist) interests, such as any meaningful socialist policies, nationalizing resources or limiting foreign ownership or resources or property.Although the claim is usually around “punishing” a government for human rights abuses, There are plenty of governments that commit egregious human rights abuses that are never sanctioned because of favorable business policies towards US interests (global western capital), The US is itself guilty of grave human rights abuses both at home and abroad, so cannot claim to have any moral authority, and Many of the abuses are either exaggerated, outright fabricated, or are simply scapegoats to cover the real motives. To be clear: this does not excuse human rights abuses by any government, but sanctions are never the answer: they are never driven by a moral imperative, and are never successful in improving the materials conditions of the people of the countries affected.How Sanctions are UsedUS foreign policy uses sanctions as a key part of a familiar playbook: Claim that a government is a “dictatorship” or “threat” to democracy or security Cut the country off from trade and money Cause shortages, inflation, and unemployment People suffer — food, medicine, fuel become scarce Blame the suffering on the government, not the sanctions Further stir up unrest by covert actions on the ground agitating dissent and violence Often, provide material support for right-wing political opposition that favors US intervention and resource privatizationThe goal is pressure, chaos, and instability.The End GoalSanctions are a foundational step in a long-term campaign to destabilize a country or region by creating enough pain to force one of the following outcomes: Install a pro-U.S. government Enable or justify a coup Pave the way for military interventionAll of these are about resource extraction and unfettered access for multinational and Western corporations.Fact 1: Sanctions Don’t WorkSanctions Don’t Achieve Their Stated Political GoalsSince 1970, nearly 90% of sanctions have failed — meaning they did not force the target government to change its behavior or leadership. Report after report show that sanctions don’t produce freedom, democracy or peace, they produce suffering.Fact 2: Sanctions Punish PeopleSanctions Hurt the People, Not LeadersAcross 32 empirical studies*, sanctions were shown to: Increase poverty Increase inequality Increase mortality Worsen human rights outcomesRegional oligarchs and elites adapt, while ordinary people pay the price.Example: IraqIraq (1990s) Sanctions destroyed water, food, and healthcare systems Hundreds of thousands of civilians — many of them children — died as a direct result Saddam Hussein retained power, up until the eventual US invasionSanctions weakened the population, not the ruler.Example: VenezuelaVenezuela (2010s–present) Oil and banking sanctions collapsed imports and currency Medicine and food shortages surged Tens of thousands of excess deaths Massive emigration as millions fled the countryThe government survived. The people suffered. If anything, the sanctions contributed to the rise of the right-wing opposition against the strong socialist base of support.Example: SyriaSyria (2011–present) Sanctions began early in the conflict and intensified economic collapse They worsened shortages, unemployment, and infrastructure failure Economic destabilization deepened social fragmentation and displacementSanctions did not overthrow the government, but they amplified collapse, suffering, and long-term instability, making recovery and reconstruction nearly impossible.Example: IranIran (since 1979, and especially 2018–present) Sanctions targeted oil exports and global banking access Iran was cut off from foreign currency earnings The rial collapsed; inflation surged sharplySanctions directly restrict access to dollars and euros — forcing rapid currency devaluation, import inflation, and rising prices for basics even when goods are technically “allowed.”Inflation hits civilians first.Sanctions are a Tool of EmpireSanctions are a tool of global capitalist imperialism, and movements against US intervention must include a call against sanctions. They do not bring freedom or democracy. They enrich global financial elites, preserve imperial control, and devastate everyday people — again and again."
}
]
}