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Trans Liberation is Collective Liberation

CÉLINE SEMAAN: You wrote a memoir recently, The Risk It Takes to Bloom. What do you think is the biggest risk you’ve taken, and how did that risk become a portal for transformation?
RAQUEL WILLIS: The biggest risk I’ve taken in life is naming my truth at the risk of being misunderstood. I think we’re all called to take risks at various points throughout our lives. I don’t think it’s just a trans thing, or a queer thing, or even just a Black thing. I had a lot of different awakenings as a kid around gender norms and rules that never fit me. They never made sense to me, and it almost felt like everyone was following this script that I just could not get right. Eventually, as I got older, it got to a point where I had to decide if I was going to continue to fail at trying to follow society’s scripts, or if I was just going to shred that shit up and do my own thing and see what might happen.
CÉLINE SEMAAN: That’s so beautifully said. We’re currently experiencing a terrifying rollback of rights for trans communities. The UK Supreme Court’s ruling against trans women happened just today. How do you see your work as both personal testimony and political resistance?
RAQUEL WILLIS: My work blends storytelling and social justice at its core. I started out as a journalist in a traditional sense, and what I was primed to do in my storytelling was to uphold a status quo. There are these ideas about objectivity or being unbiased that ignore what your lens or your positionality is. In an imperialist, white supremacist, capitalist, patriarchal society, if you’re not able to articulate what you actually believe in and are willing to do that to the people your work impacts or who consume your work, then you’re probably cosigning a lot of dangerous things. There’s a piece of agency I gained from embracing community organizing and activism. Those experiences are inherently tied to my journalism and storytelling work.
I started my career as a newspaper reporter in small town, Georgia, a very conservative environment. I was essentially in the closet, not out as trans or queer. That was a choice made out of survival and sometimes fear. It was the deaths by suicide of two young trans teens, Leelah Alcorn and Blake Brockington in 2014 and 2015 that really pulled me out of this idea that I could truly do something meaningful or that lived up to my values while being silent. They were trans teens who didn’t see a future for themselves being who they were, who experienced deep issues around mental health and were facing environments that were not primed to fully accept them as who they were.

My work wasn’t doing what it needed to do to keep young trans people like them alive. I needed to speak up. I didn’t want to be a foot soldier for oppression. I started to speak out more. It was as simple as sharing more about my life, my story, my perspective on social media. It was being curious about what other people in the trans community were doing to transform the fabric of society. I started working with community organizers in Atlanta, queer and trans community organizers who were working on everything from ending the profiling of sex workers, to ending police brutality, to direct action, HIV AIDS advocacy and so much more. The personal became political because I knew in my work in journalism that stories are a universal organizing tool. We all have a story and we can figure out how to craft and shape it so that it can be used in service to getting people closer to collective liberation. There’s a place for stats and data, but the thing that I think often pulls people to be transformed is authenticity, vulnerability, and empathy,
CÉLINE SEMAAN: You’ve been named one of TIME’s 100 most influential people. What does influence mean to you when visibility can be also dangerous?
RAQUEL WILLIS: It’s an honor… and I know that influence and visibility aren’t inherently benevolent. We see every day the increasing influence of the worst actors in society, and the worst inclinations around masculinity and power and domination.
The influence and visibility piece is necessary. It’s a tool, and I think we have to be strategic about what we amplify. It never really has been enough for us to simply focus on a person’s identity or this kind of nebulous idea of representation without giving equal weight to the values attached to that representation.
CÉLINE SEMAAN: In your memoir you weave your story with collective struggle. How do you navigate the tension between individual success and collective liberation, especially within a system that wants to tokenize us?
RAQUEL WILLIS: On an individual level, we have to consistently do the work around our ego and what we are chasing in terms of validation. It’s human to want to be acknowledged, to be cherished, to be appreciated. And I think you have to figure out how to keep those things in check. As someone who believes in the power of community organizing and activism, I’m always hyper aware that my wins aren’t just solely about me or from me. I’ve received this recognition on the shoulders of people from previous eras who experienced the brunt of systems of oppression… who did not receive their flowers in their lifetimes.
I struggle often with what it means to be elevated when I know that there are so many other people doing the work, but are not seen, are not amplified, are not resourced. Whenever I can, I try to deliver on favors that can support people in getting the access they need to continue to do the work they’re doing. I like to remind people that I’m not the only Black trans person who has a voice and who is doing important, powerful work. There’s a whole constellation of us out here.

CÉLINE SEMAAN: With over 500 anti-trans bills introduced in the last few years, what do you want the next generation of movement builders to understand about organizing and fighting legislative violence?
RAQUEL WILLIS: Organizing is a creative endeavor, and the best organizing comes from identifying your lane and making change within that lane. There is often a dangerous overprioritizing in trying to track the legislation, in amplifying the legislation at the expense of amplifying the options that people can take right now to support the people most under attack. There’s not enough discussion around how we can support grassroots organizers and groups who are feeding, clothing, getting aid to, housing, folks on the margins. If people put as much energy into supporting those efforts on the ground as they do in calling out anti-trans laws, we would be in a better place. I also think we need to be urging our political leaders who claim to be on our side to stop operating simply from a place of defense… I want you to be on offense.
It’s not enough for you to call out the bad legislation. What legislation are you presenting or sponsoring to combat that restriction or that hate that is targeting people on the margins? I need you to be proactive, not just responding to the moment. What we’re seeing right now in the United States is that Democrats have conceded so much ground legislatively, but also rhetorically, to Republicans, and now they’re in a fix, because even the Liberals have to acknowledge that the Dems are not doing enough for us. We have not done enough to demand and hold accountable leaders who claim to be on the side of the people, but have not actually had a track record fully showing that.
CÉLINE SEMAAN: It seems that whenever the Democrats are in power, there is a general apathy toward organizing. It becomes a lot harder to motivate people, to hold people accountable, to get things done. Under Trump, there’s a general sense of hysteria. People are in the streets every day. Everyone is beginning to understand the consequences… How have you experienced misinformation being used as a weapon against trans people? And what’s the antidote?
RAQUEL WILLIS: There’s always been a level of misinformation and disinformation in our society. We haven’t fully acknowledged that this is not just an element of the Trump era. I grew up in the Southern US, where it was not uncommon to hear that the Civil War was about states’ rights rather than about chattel slavery, when we know it was overwhelmingly about states being able to decide whether Black people could be owned and exploited within a larger capitalistic endeavor. I use that as an example, because that is just one idea that permeates the US that has never fully been shipped away as well as the idea that the US is inherently good and pure. There’s no way this country can be all of those things with all the lives that have been taken in the name of it and continue to be taken in the name of it.
I think we’ve been consistently fed US propaganda throughout the history of this country, and so we have to understand that that’s misinformation. Misinformation is not a new phenomenon.
We will continue to struggle as long as we have to rely on big corporate media. There will continue to be a focus on what’s most profitable. We have to be investing in community led media, independent media, media that is devoted to our values. We have to continue to empower more and more people to tell their own stories on their own terms, and we have to understand that there are few outlets for people to get politically educated.
Our educational system is under attack right now by the Trump administration, but it already was a very flawed…
CÉLINE SEMAAN: What is going on now is nothing new. A lot of people are waking up today wondering what happened to trans rights, to our bodily autonomy? What happened to our reproductive rights? But these rights have been jeopardized for years, and they have not been protected even when we have a democratic administration in power.
RAQUEL WILLIS: I think if protections can be so swiftly stripped away, you can’t claim that they’re an inherent part of the society or this country. We have to acknowledge that this country was made for wealthy, privileged, cisgender, able bodied, Christian white men. You can tell a lot of about a society from the monuments that it builds… Trump and Musk floated into power because they were cosigned by Democratic leaders for decades. We see the memes. We see the photos of the Clintons with Trump. We see conversations that Obama was having with Musk about what he was supposedly building some 10-15, years ago, we have a Democratic party that’s supposed to represent the left that cannot come out against capitalism, and how damaging CEOs and millionaires and billionaires are to our society because they depend on the exact same power.
You can’t talk about a “broligarchy” or the intense militarism or territorial nature of a Trump agenda when Democratic leaders are on the exact same trip. I want to cry about him talking about taking over Greenland or cry over Putin trying to take over the Ukraine, but you have no problem with Netanyahu stealing more land from Gaza. You have no problem with territorial divides around the world, from the Congo to Sudan to Haiti, a country that is constantly being dissected despite its rich history of resistance. If you’re not going to be invested in toppling exploitation and domination across the board, you can’t actually be a healthy, worthy representative of the collective.
CÉLINE SEMAAN: So, yes, we fight, but we also dance, and we also rejoice. I know you talked in your book about joy and softness alongside rage and resistance. How do you weave the two together.
RAQUEL WILLIS: I will admit I have my cycles when I’m great at it and when I’m not so great at it. Weirdly, during the pandemic, when everything slowed down, I had so much solitude amidst the fear and everything else, but I think that there was an opening in that time for us to imagine different versions of ourselves and different versions of what our life could be. Capitalism had to slow down, probably for the first time since its inception. I yearn for that stillness. Most people know about me through my work, my politics, my activism. I tend to keep other things close to the vest, because I deserve to do that. My heart hurts for folks who have built careers out of and followings out of chipping off this piece and that of their personal lives and giving it away. I think that is what capitalism and social media primes us to do. They want to take more and more of our thoughts and our interests and feed them into their algorithms and machines and make more money off of us than we ever could imagine. We have to be aware of that.
I take breaks from social media. I’m selective about what I share, because I want my values to always be as clear as possible. Those boundaries come from carving out time to do CrossFit, to bike, to visit family, and to just enjoy being around my mom and my siblings and my niblings (*gender neutral niece/nephew) and just be a daughter and a sister and an auntie and not have to be Raquel, the activist or writer or icon, as some people want to say. The narrative around queer and trans people continues to be focused on tragedy or the attacks, and honestly, queer and trans people are some of the most creative and joyful people I know. You don’t get ballroom culture or drag culture or dance music or the best of plays and theater and musicals and fashion without queer and trans people having to consistently imagine a different way of living.
CÉLINE SEMAAN: What can we do to create more solidarity? I believe in solidarity as the antidote to corruption. How can we build solidarity when our needs are not met all the time, when we are running in survival mode? How do we build solidarity that is stronger. How do we offer unwavering support for one another?
RAQUEL WILLIS: I think we already do some of the work of solidarity, we just don’t think of it that way. And I think if we lean into ideas of mutual aid, collective support, our power will only be stronger. When I think about poor folks, Black and Brown folks, migrant folks, queer and trans folks… we’ve always been creative about how we live out of a sense of survival, whether it’s sending funds to a family member, or the queer and trans parents who take in the street kids, or even the grandma who says, “I’m going to live with you and help you take care of your kids, because who can afford a nanny.” I think those kinds of things are an element of what we need to beef up in terms of how we support each other and seeing our lives as more interconnected. It’s not just biological, it’s not just identity. It’s about really seeing each other as a thread in a larger tapestry.
I also think nobody needs to be donating to most of these politicians. There are politicians who may represent your values, who are grassroots, who are not funded by the PACS who do need your support. But there are plenty of folks out there who are sending funds to the National Democratic Party who could be funding grassroots efforts that could be funding the organizers on the ground in their local communities. We need more of that when we’re talking about civic duty, that should be a part of it.
We’re getting a lot of signals right now that the government is not inherently on our side. If they demolish the Department of Education, what are our alternatives to that? What schools are we building, what platforms are we building so we can educate not just the kids, but everyone, about how to be more critically minded. How are we investing in platforms like Slow Factory to do the work that our educational system isn’t and wasn’t doing? How are we transforming the institutions we’re a part of—whether they are our places of worship or our Greek organizations or our workplaces—to live up to our collective values? Are you just laying people off willy nilly, or are you figuring out how to lessen the harm of that?
I’ve been building a gender liberation movement, a new organization with my co-founder, Elliot Cruz, focused on how we can create a broader understanding of gender and how it impacts everyone in the world. We’re focusing on making the connections around bodily autonomy, particularly the attacks on access to gender affirming care, and the attacks on abortion access and reproductive justice. But in general, we’re building media, holding existing media accountable, creating cultural events and direct actions and developing policy that speaks to the wholeness of our lives.

In Conversation:
Photography by:
{
"article":
{
"title" : "Trans Liberation is Collective Liberation",
"author" : "Raquel Willis, Céline Semaan",
"category" : "interviews",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/raquel-willis",
"date" : "2025-06-21 14:26:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/47-DSCF1752.jpg",
"excerpt" : "",
"content" : "CÉLINE SEMAAN: You wrote a memoir recently, The Risk It Takes to Bloom. What do you think is the biggest risk you’ve taken, and how did that risk become a portal for transformation?RAQUEL WILLIS: The biggest risk I’ve taken in life is naming my truth at the risk of being misunderstood. I think we’re all called to take risks at various points throughout our lives. I don’t think it’s just a trans thing, or a queer thing, or even just a Black thing. I had a lot of different awakenings as a kid around gender norms and rules that never fit me. They never made sense to me, and it almost felt like everyone was following this script that I just could not get right. Eventually, as I got older, it got to a point where I had to decide if I was going to continue to fail at trying to follow society’s scripts, or if I was just going to shred that shit up and do my own thing and see what might happen.CÉLINE SEMAAN: That’s so beautifully said. We’re currently experiencing a terrifying rollback of rights for trans communities. The UK Supreme Court’s ruling against trans women happened just today. How do you see your work as both personal testimony and political resistance?RAQUEL WILLIS: My work blends storytelling and social justice at its core. I started out as a journalist in a traditional sense, and what I was primed to do in my storytelling was to uphold a status quo. There are these ideas about objectivity or being unbiased that ignore what your lens or your positionality is. In an imperialist, white supremacist, capitalist, patriarchal society, if you’re not able to articulate what you actually believe in and are willing to do that to the people your work impacts or who consume your work, then you’re probably cosigning a lot of dangerous things. There’s a piece of agency I gained from embracing community organizing and activism. Those experiences are inherently tied to my journalism and storytelling work.I started my career as a newspaper reporter in small town, Georgia, a very conservative environment. I was essentially in the closet, not out as trans or queer. That was a choice made out of survival and sometimes fear. It was the deaths by suicide of two young trans teens, Leelah Alcorn and Blake Brockington in 2014 and 2015 that really pulled me out of this idea that I could truly do something meaningful or that lived up to my values while being silent. They were trans teens who didn’t see a future for themselves being who they were, who experienced deep issues around mental health and were facing environments that were not primed to fully accept them as who they were.My work wasn’t doing what it needed to do to keep young trans people like them alive. I needed to speak up. I didn’t want to be a foot soldier for oppression. I started to speak out more. It was as simple as sharing more about my life, my story, my perspective on social media. It was being curious about what other people in the trans community were doing to transform the fabric of society. I started working with community organizers in Atlanta, queer and trans community organizers who were working on everything from ending the profiling of sex workers, to ending police brutality, to direct action, HIV AIDS advocacy and so much more. The personal became political because I knew in my work in journalism that stories are a universal organizing tool. We all have a story and we can figure out how to craft and shape it so that it can be used in service to getting people closer to collective liberation. There’s a place for stats and data, but the thing that I think often pulls people to be transformed is authenticity, vulnerability, and empathy,CÉLINE SEMAAN: You’ve been named one of TIME’s 100 most influential people. What does influence mean to you when visibility can be also dangerous?RAQUEL WILLIS: It’s an honor… and I know that influence and visibility aren’t inherently benevolent. We see every day the increasing influence of the worst actors in society, and the worst inclinations around masculinity and power and domination. The influence and visibility piece is necessary. It’s a tool, and I think we have to be strategic about what we amplify. It never really has been enough for us to simply focus on a person’s identity or this kind of nebulous idea of representation without giving equal weight to the values attached to that representation.CÉLINE SEMAAN: In your memoir you weave your story with collective struggle. How do you navigate the tension between individual success and collective liberation, especially within a system that wants to tokenize us?RAQUEL WILLIS: On an individual level, we have to consistently do the work around our ego and what we are chasing in terms of validation. It’s human to want to be acknowledged, to be cherished, to be appreciated. And I think you have to figure out how to keep those things in check. As someone who believes in the power of community organizing and activism, I’m always hyper aware that my wins aren’t just solely about me or from me. I’ve received this recognition on the shoulders of people from previous eras who experienced the brunt of systems of oppression… who did not receive their flowers in their lifetimes.I struggle often with what it means to be elevated when I know that there are so many other people doing the work, but are not seen, are not amplified, are not resourced. Whenever I can, I try to deliver on favors that can support people in getting the access they need to continue to do the work they’re doing. I like to remind people that I’m not the only Black trans person who has a voice and who is doing important, powerful work. There’s a whole constellation of us out here.CÉLINE SEMAAN: With over 500 anti-trans bills introduced in the last few years, what do you want the next generation of movement builders to understand about organizing and fighting legislative violence?RAQUEL WILLIS: Organizing is a creative endeavor, and the best organizing comes from identifying your lane and making change within that lane. There is often a dangerous overprioritizing in trying to track the legislation, in amplifying the legislation at the expense of amplifying the options that people can take right now to support the people most under attack. There’s not enough discussion around how we can support grassroots organizers and groups who are feeding, clothing, getting aid to, housing, folks on the margins. If people put as much energy into supporting those efforts on the ground as they do in calling out anti-trans laws, we would be in a better place. I also think we need to be urging our political leaders who claim to be on our side to stop operating simply from a place of defense… I want you to be on offense.It’s not enough for you to call out the bad legislation. What legislation are you presenting or sponsoring to combat that restriction or that hate that is targeting people on the margins? I need you to be proactive, not just responding to the moment. What we’re seeing right now in the United States is that Democrats have conceded so much ground legislatively, but also rhetorically, to Republicans, and now they’re in a fix, because even the Liberals have to acknowledge that the Dems are not doing enough for us. We have not done enough to demand and hold accountable leaders who claim to be on the side of the people, but have not actually had a track record fully showing that.CÉLINE SEMAAN: It seems that whenever the Democrats are in power, there is a general apathy toward organizing. It becomes a lot harder to motivate people, to hold people accountable, to get things done. Under Trump, there’s a general sense of hysteria. People are in the streets every day. Everyone is beginning to understand the consequences… How have you experienced misinformation being used as a weapon against trans people? And what’s the antidote?RAQUEL WILLIS: There’s always been a level of misinformation and disinformation in our society. We haven’t fully acknowledged that this is not just an element of the Trump era. I grew up in the Southern US, where it was not uncommon to hear that the Civil War was about states’ rights rather than about chattel slavery, when we know it was overwhelmingly about states being able to decide whether Black people could be owned and exploited within a larger capitalistic endeavor. I use that as an example, because that is just one idea that permeates the US that has never fully been shipped away as well as the idea that the US is inherently good and pure. There’s no way this country can be all of those things with all the lives that have been taken in the name of it and continue to be taken in the name of it.I think we’ve been consistently fed US propaganda throughout the history of this country, and so we have to understand that that’s misinformation. Misinformation is not a new phenomenon. We will continue to struggle as long as we have to rely on big corporate media. There will continue to be a focus on what’s most profitable. We have to be investing in community led media, independent media, media that is devoted to our values. We have to continue to empower more and more people to tell their own stories on their own terms, and we have to understand that there are few outlets for people to get politically educated.Our educational system is under attack right now by the Trump administration, but it already was a very flawed…CÉLINE SEMAAN: What is going on now is nothing new. A lot of people are waking up today wondering what happened to trans rights, to our bodily autonomy? What happened to our reproductive rights? But these rights have been jeopardized for years, and they have not been protected even when we have a democratic administration in power.RAQUEL WILLIS: I think if protections can be so swiftly stripped away, you can’t claim that they’re an inherent part of the society or this country. We have to acknowledge that this country was made for wealthy, privileged, cisgender, able bodied, Christian white men. You can tell a lot of about a society from the monuments that it builds… Trump and Musk floated into power because they were cosigned by Democratic leaders for decades. We see the memes. We see the photos of the Clintons with Trump. We see conversations that Obama was having with Musk about what he was supposedly building some 10-15, years ago, we have a Democratic party that’s supposed to represent the left that cannot come out against capitalism, and how damaging CEOs and millionaires and billionaires are to our society because they depend on the exact same power.You can’t talk about a “broligarchy” or the intense militarism or territorial nature of a Trump agenda when Democratic leaders are on the exact same trip. I want to cry about him talking about taking over Greenland or cry over Putin trying to take over the Ukraine, but you have no problem with Netanyahu stealing more land from Gaza. You have no problem with territorial divides around the world, from the Congo to Sudan to Haiti, a country that is constantly being dissected despite its rich history of resistance. If you’re not going to be invested in toppling exploitation and domination across the board, you can’t actually be a healthy, worthy representative of the collective.CÉLINE SEMAAN: So, yes, we fight, but we also dance, and we also rejoice. I know you talked in your book about joy and softness alongside rage and resistance. How do you weave the two together.RAQUEL WILLIS: I will admit I have my cycles when I’m great at it and when I’m not so great at it. Weirdly, during the pandemic, when everything slowed down, I had so much solitude amidst the fear and everything else, but I think that there was an opening in that time for us to imagine different versions of ourselves and different versions of what our life could be. Capitalism had to slow down, probably for the first time since its inception. I yearn for that stillness. Most people know about me through my work, my politics, my activism. I tend to keep other things close to the vest, because I deserve to do that. My heart hurts for folks who have built careers out of and followings out of chipping off this piece and that of their personal lives and giving it away. I think that is what capitalism and social media primes us to do. They want to take more and more of our thoughts and our interests and feed them into their algorithms and machines and make more money off of us than we ever could imagine. We have to be aware of that.I take breaks from social media. I’m selective about what I share, because I want my values to always be as clear as possible. Those boundaries come from carving out time to do CrossFit, to bike, to visit family, and to just enjoy being around my mom and my siblings and my niblings (*gender neutral niece/nephew) and just be a daughter and a sister and an auntie and not have to be Raquel, the activist or writer or icon, as some people want to say. The narrative around queer and trans people continues to be focused on tragedy or the attacks, and honestly, queer and trans people are some of the most creative and joyful people I know. You don’t get ballroom culture or drag culture or dance music or the best of plays and theater and musicals and fashion without queer and trans people having to consistently imagine a different way of living.CÉLINE SEMAAN: What can we do to create more solidarity? I believe in solidarity as the antidote to corruption. How can we build solidarity when our needs are not met all the time, when we are running in survival mode? How do we build solidarity that is stronger. How do we offer unwavering support for one another?RAQUEL WILLIS: I think we already do some of the work of solidarity, we just don’t think of it that way. And I think if we lean into ideas of mutual aid, collective support, our power will only be stronger. When I think about poor folks, Black and Brown folks, migrant folks, queer and trans folks… we’ve always been creative about how we live out of a sense of survival, whether it’s sending funds to a family member, or the queer and trans parents who take in the street kids, or even the grandma who says, “I’m going to live with you and help you take care of your kids, because who can afford a nanny.” I think those kinds of things are an element of what we need to beef up in terms of how we support each other and seeing our lives as more interconnected. It’s not just biological, it’s not just identity. It’s about really seeing each other as a thread in a larger tapestry.I also think nobody needs to be donating to most of these politicians. There are politicians who may represent your values, who are grassroots, who are not funded by the PACS who do need your support. But there are plenty of folks out there who are sending funds to the National Democratic Party who could be funding grassroots efforts that could be funding the organizers on the ground in their local communities. We need more of that when we’re talking about civic duty, that should be a part of it.We’re getting a lot of signals right now that the government is not inherently on our side. If they demolish the Department of Education, what are our alternatives to that? What schools are we building, what platforms are we building so we can educate not just the kids, but everyone, about how to be more critically minded. How are we investing in platforms like Slow Factory to do the work that our educational system isn’t and wasn’t doing? How are we transforming the institutions we’re a part of—whether they are our places of worship or our Greek organizations or our workplaces—to live up to our collective values? Are you just laying people off willy nilly, or are you figuring out how to lessen the harm of that?I’ve been building a gender liberation movement, a new organization with my co-founder, Elliot Cruz, focused on how we can create a broader understanding of gender and how it impacts everyone in the world. We’re focusing on making the connections around bodily autonomy, particularly the attacks on access to gender affirming care, and the attacks on abortion access and reproductive justice. But in general, we’re building media, holding existing media accountable, creating cultural events and direct actions and developing policy that speaks to the wholeness of our lives."
}
,
"relatedposts": [
{
"title" : "Nature As the Battlefield: Ecocide in Lebanon and Corporate Empire",
"author" : "Sarah Sinno",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/ecocide-lebanon-chemical-warfare",
"date" : "2026-02-25 15:16:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/PHOTO-2026-02-25-13-34-24%202.jpg",
"excerpt" : "",
"content" : "Photo Credit: Sarah SinnoOn February 2, the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL)issued a statement announcing that Israeli occupation forces had instructed their personnel to remain under cover near the border between south Lebanon and occupied Palestine. They were ordered to keep their distance because the IOF had planned aerial activity involving the release of a “non-toxic substance.” Samples collected and analyzed by Lebanon’s Ministries of Agriculture and Environment, in coordination with the Lebanese Army and UNIFIL, confirmed that the substance sprayed by Israel was the herbicide, glyphosate. Laboratory results showed that, in some locations, concentration levels were 20 to 30 times higher than normal. Not to mention, this is not the first instance of herbicide spraying over southern Lebanon, nor is the practice confined to Lebanon. Similar tactics have been documented in Gaza, the West Bank, and Quneitra in Syria.While the IOF didn’t provide further explanation as to its purpose, these operations are part of a broader Israeli strategy to establish so-called “buffer zones” by dismantling the ecological foundations upon which communities depend. The deployment of chemical agents kills vegetation, producing de facto “security” no-go areas that empty entire regions of their Indigenous inhabitants. Cultivated fields are deliberately destroyed, soil fertility declines, and water systems become polluted. Farmers lose their livelihoods, and communities are forcibly uprooted. Demographic realities are reshaped, and space is incrementally cleared for future settlers. Simply put, these tactics function as a mechanism of displacement, dispossession, and elimination—and are importantly part of a long history of this kind of colonial territorial engineering.Glyphosate and Ecological HarmFor decades, glyphosate has been marketed as a formulation designed to kill weeds only and increase crop yields. But the consequences of its use on humans and the environment cannot be ignored: In 2015, Glyphosate was classified by the International Agency for Research on Cancer (IARC) as “probably carcinogenic to humans,” and it has been associated with a range of additional health risks, including endocrine disruption, potential harm to reproductive health, as well as liver and kidney damage. In November of last year, the scientific journal Regulatory Toxicology and Pharmacology formally withdrew a study published in 2000 that had asserted the chemical’s safety.Beyond its human health implications, glyphosate is ecologically harmful. Studies have shown that it degrades soil microorganisms; others have linked it to increased plant vulnerability to disease. It can also leach into water systems, contaminating surface and groundwater sources. Exposure may be lethal to certain species like bees. Even when it does not cause immediate mortality, glyphosate eliminates vegetation that provides habitat and shelter for bees, birds, and other animals, disrupting food webs and ecological balance. What’s more, research indicates that glyphosate can alter animal behavior, affecting foraging and feeding patterns, anti-predator responses, reproduction, learning and memory, and social interactions.Despite a growing body of scientific literature highlighting its risks to both human health and the environment, and bearing in mind that corporate giants manufacturing such products have been known to fund and even ghostwrite research to promote the opposite, glyphosate remains the most widely used herbicide globally.The Monsanto ModelTo understand how it became so deeply entrenched, normalized within agriculture systems in some contexts, and used as a weapon of war in others, it is necessary to look more closely at the corporation responsible for its global expansion: Monsanto.Founded in 1901, Monsanto’s corporate history reflects a longstanding pattern of chemical production linked to environmental devastation. Over the past century, the corporation has manufactured products later proven harmful and has faced tens of thousands of lawsuits, resulting in billions of dollars in settlements.Among the products it manufactured were polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs), synthetic industrial chemicals that were eventually banned worldwide due to their toxicity. Through their production and disposal, including the discharge of millions of pounds of PCBs into waterways and landfills, Monsanto contributed to some of the most enduring chemical contamination crises in modern history, the consequences of which continue to reverberate today.One of the most notorious cases unfolded in Anniston, Ala., where Monsanto’s chemical factory polluted the entire town from 1935 through the 1970s, causing widespread harm to the community. Despite being fully aware of the toxic effects of PCBs, the company concealed evidence, according to internal documents, a conduct that reflects a longstanding pattern of disregard for both environmental care and human health. Whether in the case of PCBs or glyphosate, the underlying logic remains consistent: ecological systems and communities are harmed in order to prioritize profit and, at times, territorial expansion.Monsanto also became the world’s largest seed company. Through the enforcement of restrictive patents on genetically modified seeds, the corporation consolidated unprecedented control over global food systems. By prohibiting seed saving, a practice upheld by farmers and Indigenous communities for millennia, it undermined seed sovereignty and compelled farmers to purchase new seeds each season rather than replanting from their own harvests. What had long functioned as part of the commons since the origins of human civilization, the foundational basis of food and life itself, was privatized. Monsanto transferred control over seeds from cultivators to corporations, further creating systems of structural dependency.What was once embedded in reciprocal relationships between land, seed, and cultivator is now controlled by the same chemical-producing corporations implicated in the degradation of land—as is the case of what is unfolding in southern Lebanon. Power is thus consolidated within an industrial architecture that, at times, prohibits the exchange and regeneration of seeds and, at other times, renders the land uninhabitable. In both cases, it undermines the ability to grow food and remain rooted in the land, thereby threatening the conditions necessary for survival.Chemical WarfareAlongside its record of manufacturing carcinogenic products, dumping hazardous chemicals into the environment, and contributing to the destruction of agricultural systems, Monsanto has also been linked to chemical warfare. During the Vietnam War (1962–1971), it was among the U.S. military contractors that manufactured Agent Orange, a defoliant used to strip forests and destroy crops that provided cover and food to Vietnamese communities.The chemical contained dioxin, one of the most toxic compounds known, contributing to the defoliation of millions of acres of forest and farmland. It has been associated with hundreds of thousands of deaths and long-term illnesses, including cancers and birth defects.Although acts of ecocide long predated this period, well before the term itself was coined, it was in the aftermath of Agent Orange that the word “ecocide” was first used to describe the deliberate destruction of ecosystems and began to enter political and legal discourse.The Vietnam War exposed a structural link between chemical production, corporate power, and a military doctrine in which ecosystems and farmlands are targeted precisely because they sustain human life. Nature, because it nourished, protected, and anchored Indigenous communities, was treated as an obstacle to military and imperial control. As a result, it became a battlefield in its own right.Capital and RuinThis historical precedent continues to reverberate today in Lebanon, Palestine, and Syria. Decades apart, these are not isolated acts of ecological destruction but part of a continuous trajectory carried out by the same imperial, corporate, and financial machinery.In 2018, Monsanto was acquired by Bayer. Bayer’s largest institutional shareholders include BlackRock and Vanguard, the world’s two largest asset management firms.Both firms have been identified in reports, including those by UN Special Rapporteur Francesca Albanese, as major investors in corporations linked to Israel’s occupation apparatus, military industry, and surveillance infrastructure. These include Palantir Technologies, Lockheed Martin, Caterpillar Inc., Microsoft, Amazon, and Elbit Systems.Mapping these financial linkages reveals how ecocide is structurally embedded within broader systems of violence that are deeply entrenched and mutually reinforcing. Ecocide and genocide are financed through overlapping capital networks that connect chemical production, militarization, and territorial control.The spraying of glyphosate over agricultural land in southern Lebanon must therefore be situated within this historical continuum. The same corporate-financial structure that profits from destructive chemicals and agricultural control is interwoven with the industries that maintain a settler-colonial stronghold."
}
,
{
"title" : "Nothing Is ”Apolitical”: Why I Refused to Exhibit at the Venice Biennale",
"author" : "Céline Semaan",
"category" : "",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/nothing-is-apolitical",
"date" : "2026-02-24 15:51:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Cover_EIP_Apolitical_Venice_Biennale-19ed6f.jpg",
"excerpt" : "After October 2023, the art world felt comfortable discriminating against Arab artists and dehumanizing us when Israel began carpet bombing Gaza leading to a genocide . For a few years since that moment, many Arab artists saw their work rejected, refused, or cancelled from shows, publications, and galleries. But in 2025, the propaganda against Arabs began to be debunked and the world recognized that Israel was in fact a colonial military occupation decimating Indigenous people, and curiously, we started receiving invitations to participate in the art world again.",
"content" : "After October 2023, the art world felt comfortable discriminating against Arab artists and dehumanizing us when Israel began carpet bombing Gaza leading to a genocide . For a few years since that moment, many Arab artists saw their work rejected, refused, or cancelled from shows, publications, and galleries. But in 2025, the propaganda against Arabs began to be debunked and the world recognized that Israel was in fact a colonial military occupation decimating Indigenous people, and curiously, we started receiving invitations to participate in the art world again.In the middle of last year, I was invited to exhibit my work at the Venice Biennale as part of their Personal Structures art exhibition. But unfortunately, I found myself needing to decline the invitation due to their separation between artistic practice and political reality: An expectation, stated and implied, that the work remain “apolitical.”For many artists, this is understood as an important recognition in one’s art career, a symbolic entrance into contemporary art history. Venice confers legitimacy, visibility, and, for many of us, validation from a historically extractive, colonial arts system. It also functions, like all major biennials, as an instrument of cultural diplomacy, soft power, and geopolitical storytelling. So a representation at the Venice Biennale as a Lebanese artist means a lot on a political scale.The word “apolitical” was used as part of a response that the Venice Biennale curator sent to justify their position regarding centering Israeli artists. It was an attempt to make explicit that engaging with the ongoing violence shaping the present moment, including the mass killing and destruction in Gaza, is a personal choice. That art exists without consequence, an elevated ideal that has the privilege of existing outside reality.I couldn’t tolerate pretending art was separated from politics, when Israel continues to bomb Lebanon daily, erase and sell Gaza, and murders Palestinians almost on a daily basis. Not when, just this February, Israel proposed to install a death penalty for the abducted Palestinians in Israeli jails with complete immunity. We are living through a time in which bombardment, starvation, displacement, and civilian death are documented in real time. Images circulate instantly; testimony is archived before bodies are buried. The evidence is not obscured by distance or ambiguity, but rather, is immediate, relentless, and impossible to ignore. Yet cultural institutions claim ignorance or worse, voluntary exclusion. In such a context, neutrality is not a passive stance but an alignment with injustice.Moral clarity is non-negotiable for me. It is my anchor in a time where global forces are unveiling their corruption for the world to see. In shock and despair, overwhelmed by the intensity of the crimes, many remain silent. Motionless. Like deers in the headlights. Hence, the safe label of remaining apolitical.But the myth of the apolitical artist has always depended on their proximity to power. It is a luxury position historically afforded to those whose bodies are not directly threatened by the carceral order. For many artists—particularly those shaped by colonization, occupation, exile, or racial violence—the political is not a thematic choice. It is the ground of existence itself.Arab women artists have shown me the path to moral clarity, integrity, and honor. The Palestinian American painter Samia Halaby has long argued that all art is political in its relation to society, whether acknowledged or not. For instance, Mona Hatoum’s sculptural language, often read through the lens of minimalism, is inseparable from histories of displacement and surveillance. The body remains present even when absent, reminding viewers that aesthetics do not transcend geopolitics.The Egyptian feminist writer Nawal El Saadawi warned with unmistakable clarity: “Neutrality in situations of injustice is siding with the oppressor.” Her words emerged from lived confrontation with imprisonment, censorship, and patriarchal state violence. Neutrality was never theoretical to her, it was lethal.Black feminist artists and thinkers have articulated the same truth. Audre Lorde’s assertion—“Your silence will not protect you”—dismantles the illusion that withholding speech preserves safety. Silence is participation in the maintenance of power. Lorraine O’Grady’s performances exposed how cultural institutions erase entire populations while claiming universality, revealing that visibility itself can be a political rupture. These perspectives converge on a single recognition: Art does not exist outside power structures. It either interrogates them or reinforces them.We remember artists who refused neutrality because their work altered the moral imagination of their time. Artists like Ai Weiwei, whose work centers politics and identity, go as far as putting their own bodies in danger. We remember the cultural boycott of apartheid South Africa, when artists refused lucrative opportunities rather than legitimize a racist regime. We remember Nina Simone transforming grief and rage into sonic resistance. We remember the Black Arts Movement insisting that aesthetics could not be detached from liberation.We also remember the artists who accommodated power. History is rarely generous toward them. The contemporary art world often performs political engagement while it structurally protects capital, donors, and institutional relationships behind closed doors. Calls for “complexity” or “nuance” frequently operate as ways to avoid taking positions that might threaten funding streams or geopolitical alliances. Requests for artists to remain apolitical are risk-management strategies that prioritize donors’ comfort.The insistence that artists claim they “do not know enough” to speak while mass civilian death unfolds is abdication. It mirrors political rhetoric that justifies violence through ideology, nationalism, or divine authority. Both rely on belief systems that absolve responsibility. The role of the artist is not to decorate power. It is to feel reality—to alchemize collective experiences into forms that expand perception rather than sterilize it.Art is essential precisely because we are living through rupture. But essential art is not decorative. It is not institutional ornamentation detached from consequence. It does not require erasing humanity in exchange for belonging to elite cultural circuits. Refusing the Biennale was not a heroic gesture. In fact, I had no desire to write this piece to begin with. It was just a form of moral clarity. Moral clarity some can live without, but unlike them, I refuse to become numb. I want to exist with a deep connection to my own humanity, and to feel it all.Including this moment that forces us to reckon with our own privileges and position. No exhibition, no platform, no symbolic prestige outweighs the responsibility of responding honestly to the conditions shaping our world. Participation under forced neutrality in accepting the presence of genocidal entities such as Israel would have required fragmentation — an agreement to pretend that art exists outside the systems producing suffering, including settler colonial violence and military occupation.It does not. And I cannot fake it."
}
,
{
"title" : "ICE Attacks Are a Food Sovereignty Issue",
"author" : "Jill Damatac",
"category" : "essay",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/ice-interference-is-a-food-sovereignty-issue",
"date" : "2026-02-24 11:26:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/ice_food_soveriegnty.jpg",
"excerpt" : "Food inequality, like the carceral state, is not a bug, but a feature.",
"content" : "Food inequality, like the carceral state, is not a bug, but a feature.California National Guard troops face off with protestors during a federal immigration raid on Glass House Farms in Camarillo, Calif. on July 10, 2025. Photo Credit: Blake Fagan via AFPIn June 2025, ICE agents walked into Glenn Valley Foods, a meat plant in Omaha, Neb. and detained roughly half the workforce. Production sagged to a fraction of normal: Producers were already strained by drought, thinned herds, and high cattle prices. On paper and in headlines, the Trump administration claimed an enforcement success; on the plant floor, workers stayed home, choosing to lose wages rather than risk returning. Beef processors warned that if raids became routine, they would buy fewer animals, and bottlenecks would pinch slaughterhouses and feedlots. The systemic shock emerged in the price of ground beef, which edged, at one point, towards seven dollars a pound. Still, raids were sold to voters as proof of control, even as they paid more for food and meals.ICE actions against food workers, already exhausted and criminally underpaid, have a demonstrable effect on sky-high food prices and our tax dollars: Raids further strain an already fragile, extractive food production and service system by not only further funding violent carceral systems, but also our fiscal ability to put food on the table. And while it’s clear that much needs to be changed when it comes to how we treat food workers–from livable wages and health insurance to legal protections and affordable housing –one thing has not been properly acknowledged. ICE interference shapes how we eat and our ability to have food sovereignty.By definition, food sovereignty is, first and foremost, a claim to power. It is the right of communities, including immigrant food workers, to decide how food is grown, who profits from it, and what it costs. True self-determination means the land and our labor serve everyone, rather than corporations or government agencies. It means the price of food stays low and steady enough that working-class households eat well, that profits are shared so that small farmers, migrant workers, and food workers can live with dignity and comfort. But this is far from the reality we face today: with grocery and restaurant bills rising and food workers one threat away from deportation, what we are left with is a food system benefiting corporate interests, flanked by a carceral force wearing a false claim to justice as a mask.Immigrant food workers carry the nation’s appetite on their shoulders: According to a 2020 study by the American Immigrant Council, over 20% of food industry workers are immigrants. Within agriculture, 40-50% of workers are undocumented on any given year, while in the restaurant industry, undocumented immigrants are 10-15% of the workforce. Their work is in our carts, fridges, and pantries, on our restaurant tables, takeout counters, and drive-throughs. Workers are keenly aware that ICE knows exactly where to detainthem to hit their arrest quota: in fruit orchards and vegetable farms, meat processing plants, egg barns, dairy plants, grocery stores, restaurant kitchens, and even the parking lots where they gather at dawn, hoping to find work for the day. With agents detaining and deporting workers regardless of immigration status or criminal record, workers are scared into staying home, giving up precious income just to live another day. Meanwhile, fields go unpicked, stores scramble to cover shifts, and kitchens stall. Crews thin out rather than risk being taken, or, as in the case of Jaime Alanís García, are killed while fleeing an ICE farm raid.These calculations between fear and courage in the face of aggression are not abstract to me; they’re personal. My father was an undocumented immigrant who worked nights stocking a cereal aisle. He was given thirty-two hours a week, just shy of full-time, so the grocery store could avoid providing health insurance. When a new manager began to ask employees for identification, my dad and other undocumented co-workers quit, leaving the store scrambling to find people willing to work for minimum wage, nearly full-time, with no healthcare. These violent acts move through the food chain under the guise of “rising prices,” a surcharge in our grocery carts and restaurant bills.The U.S. government has played with the lives of immigrant food workers many times before. Under President Herbert Hoover during the Great Depression, “Mexican repatriation” campaigns deported hundreds of thousands of Mexicans and Mexican Americans, many of them farmworkers recruited in boom years, as officials caved to white workers, who were both unwilling to cede the work to immigrants or to take on the low-paying farm jobs themselves. Filipino farmworkers, known as the Manongs, were treated similarly: in the 1920s and 30s, Filipino workers slept in crowded bunkhouses, were paid low wages, worked through illnesses such as tuberculosis, and were given no path to citizenship, even though the Philippines was then a U.S. territory. In January 1930, white mobs in Watsonville, Calif. hunted Filipino men, beat them, threw them off bridges, and shot and lynched them. Soon after, California banned marriage between Filipinos and white people, and Congress slashed Filipino immigration to a token quota. The food industry has long built itself on brown people’s labor while the law denied them basic human rights. At the root of it all is a sinister plantation logic: a nation’s wealth and abundance built on enslaved Black people’s labor and deprivation. It’s just new bodies in the fields, now.Today’s arrests and deportations are a continuation of this very logic: exploited migrant workers are still denied basic rights and protections while the food industry that employs them grows, year on year. Many lack legal status; many more live in mixed-status families. Using the excuse of “border security,” ICE and DHS agents press on that vulnerability by design. As a result, fear of ICE enforcement becomes a cost itself, narrowing what people can afford and where they can eat. These enforcements, carried out without input the food industry or local communities, and often against their will, directly impact our food sovereignty—how people determine the way food is grown, distributed, made, and served, as well as how workers within the food industry are paid and treated.Take summer 2025 as an example: ICE raids swept through produce fields around Oxnard in California’s Ventura County, arriving in unmarked vehicles (and sometimes helicopters) at the height of harvest. The raids spread, so crews went into hiding: one Ventura County grower estimated that roughly 70% of workers vanished from the rows almost overnight, leaving farms heavy with rotting produce and no one to pick it. Economists modeling removals of migrant farmworkers from California estimate that growers could lose up to 40% of their workforce, wiping out billions of dollars in crop value and raising produce prices by as much as 10%.These losses are passed on to communities and households, obfuscating why and how the increases happened in the first place. The American consumer is consequently exploited, too, absorbing the real labor cost of detentions and deportations. In Los Angeles, immigration sweeps in June 2025 hit downtown produce markets and surrounding eateries; vendors called business “worse than COVID” as customers vanished and supplies wasted away in storage. In January 2026, along Lake Street in south Minneapolis, immigrant-run spots like Lito’s Burritos and stalls at Midtown Global Market, a popular food hall in downtown Minneapolis, saw revenue plunge due to ICE enforcement, forcing them to cut hours, or close altogether. In nearby St. Paul, Minn., El Burrito Mercado shut down after its owner watched agents circle the building “like a hunting ground.” Meanwhile, four ICE agents ate at El Tapatio, a restaurant in Willmar, Mn. Hours later, they returned after closing time to arrest the owners and a dishwasher. Hmong restaurants and Mexican groceries across the Twin Cities have gone dark for days or weeks at a time, suffocating the local economy, leaving consumers with shrinking access to food, and small business owners with no revenue while their employees go unpaid.If food sovereignty means real control over how food is grown, distributed, and accessed, it must begin with the safety of the workers holding the system up. Workers’ wellbeing is not ornamental: it is the precondition for steady harvests, stable prices, and an affordable Main Street. Federal and state legislation must build strict firewalls between labor and immigration enforcement so that workers can file complaints, call inspectors, or take a sick day without fear. Laws can enforce and extend safety protections, wage standards, and the right to unionize. This can only happen with comprehensive immigration reform: A durable legal status and a path to citizenship for food and farmworkers would help immigrant families break the old pattern of being extracted for labor while being denied the basic right to stability.There are also infrastructures that must be abolished to truly achieve food sovereignty: specifically, the burgeoning immigration detention industrial complex. The Big Beautiful Bill allocated $75 billion dollars, spread over four years, to ICE, funding the expansion of private prison facilities. Alongside the nation’s existing prison industrial complex, the immigration detention industrial complex has become a key economic driver, albeit one that benefits only a few, such as shareholders in CoreCivic and Geo Group, two of the nation’s biggest private prison companies.Food inequality and lack of food sovereignty, like the carceral state, are not bugs, but features: soaring food, housing, and healthcare costs, voter discontent, and public unrest form a feedback loop, reinforcing the manufactured narrative scapegoating immigrant and migrant workers. If enough Americans believe that immigrants are to blame for the high prices in grocery stores and restaurants, no one will pause long enough to scrutinize the corporations (and owners) who stand to profit.Should legislators have the courage to change the infrastructure that allows these inequities to occur, the hands that harvest, pack, cook, serve, and wash would be fairly recognized as part of the nation they feed. Because fear and imprisonment should never be priced into the dinner table. Everyone can—and should be able to—eat."
}
]
}