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Trans Liberation is Collective Liberation

CÉLINE SEMAAN: You wrote a memoir recently, The Risk It Takes to Bloom. What do you think is the biggest risk you’ve taken, and how did that risk become a portal for transformation?
RAQUEL WILLIS: The biggest risk I’ve taken in life is naming my truth at the risk of being misunderstood. I think we’re all called to take risks at various points throughout our lives. I don’t think it’s just a trans thing, or a queer thing, or even just a Black thing. I had a lot of different awakenings as a kid around gender norms and rules that never fit me. They never made sense to me, and it almost felt like everyone was following this script that I just could not get right. Eventually, as I got older, it got to a point where I had to decide if I was going to continue to fail at trying to follow society’s scripts, or if I was just going to shred that shit up and do my own thing and see what might happen.
CÉLINE SEMAAN: That’s so beautifully said. We’re currently experiencing a terrifying rollback of rights for trans communities. The UK Supreme Court’s ruling against trans women happened just today. How do you see your work as both personal testimony and political resistance?
RAQUEL WILLIS: My work blends storytelling and social justice at its core. I started out as a journalist in a traditional sense, and what I was primed to do in my storytelling was to uphold a status quo. There are these ideas about objectivity or being unbiased that ignore what your lens or your positionality is. In an imperialist, white supremacist, capitalist, patriarchal society, if you’re not able to articulate what you actually believe in and are willing to do that to the people your work impacts or who consume your work, then you’re probably cosigning a lot of dangerous things. There’s a piece of agency I gained from embracing community organizing and activism. Those experiences are inherently tied to my journalism and storytelling work.
I started my career as a newspaper reporter in small town, Georgia, a very conservative environment. I was essentially in the closet, not out as trans or queer. That was a choice made out of survival and sometimes fear. It was the deaths by suicide of two young trans teens, Leelah Alcorn and Blake Brockington in 2014 and 2015 that really pulled me out of this idea that I could truly do something meaningful or that lived up to my values while being silent. They were trans teens who didn’t see a future for themselves being who they were, who experienced deep issues around mental health and were facing environments that were not primed to fully accept them as who they were.

My work wasn’t doing what it needed to do to keep young trans people like them alive. I needed to speak up. I didn’t want to be a foot soldier for oppression. I started to speak out more. It was as simple as sharing more about my life, my story, my perspective on social media. It was being curious about what other people in the trans community were doing to transform the fabric of society. I started working with community organizers in Atlanta, queer and trans community organizers who were working on everything from ending the profiling of sex workers, to ending police brutality, to direct action, HIV AIDS advocacy and so much more. The personal became political because I knew in my work in journalism that stories are a universal organizing tool. We all have a story and we can figure out how to craft and shape it so that it can be used in service to getting people closer to collective liberation. There’s a place for stats and data, but the thing that I think often pulls people to be transformed is authenticity, vulnerability, and empathy,
CÉLINE SEMAAN: You’ve been named one of TIME’s 100 most influential people. What does influence mean to you when visibility can be also dangerous?
RAQUEL WILLIS: It’s an honor… and I know that influence and visibility aren’t inherently benevolent. We see every day the increasing influence of the worst actors in society, and the worst inclinations around masculinity and power and domination.
The influence and visibility piece is necessary. It’s a tool, and I think we have to be strategic about what we amplify. It never really has been enough for us to simply focus on a person’s identity or this kind of nebulous idea of representation without giving equal weight to the values attached to that representation.
CÉLINE SEMAAN: In your memoir you weave your story with collective struggle. How do you navigate the tension between individual success and collective liberation, especially within a system that wants to tokenize us?
RAQUEL WILLIS: On an individual level, we have to consistently do the work around our ego and what we are chasing in terms of validation. It’s human to want to be acknowledged, to be cherished, to be appreciated. And I think you have to figure out how to keep those things in check. As someone who believes in the power of community organizing and activism, I’m always hyper aware that my wins aren’t just solely about me or from me. I’ve received this recognition on the shoulders of people from previous eras who experienced the brunt of systems of oppression… who did not receive their flowers in their lifetimes.
I struggle often with what it means to be elevated when I know that there are so many other people doing the work, but are not seen, are not amplified, are not resourced. Whenever I can, I try to deliver on favors that can support people in getting the access they need to continue to do the work they’re doing. I like to remind people that I’m not the only Black trans person who has a voice and who is doing important, powerful work. There’s a whole constellation of us out here.

CÉLINE SEMAAN: With over 500 anti-trans bills introduced in the last few years, what do you want the next generation of movement builders to understand about organizing and fighting legislative violence?
RAQUEL WILLIS: Organizing is a creative endeavor, and the best organizing comes from identifying your lane and making change within that lane. There is often a dangerous overprioritizing in trying to track the legislation, in amplifying the legislation at the expense of amplifying the options that people can take right now to support the people most under attack. There’s not enough discussion around how we can support grassroots organizers and groups who are feeding, clothing, getting aid to, housing, folks on the margins. If people put as much energy into supporting those efforts on the ground as they do in calling out anti-trans laws, we would be in a better place. I also think we need to be urging our political leaders who claim to be on our side to stop operating simply from a place of defense… I want you to be on offense.
It’s not enough for you to call out the bad legislation. What legislation are you presenting or sponsoring to combat that restriction or that hate that is targeting people on the margins? I need you to be proactive, not just responding to the moment. What we’re seeing right now in the United States is that Democrats have conceded so much ground legislatively, but also rhetorically, to Republicans, and now they’re in a fix, because even the Liberals have to acknowledge that the Dems are not doing enough for us. We have not done enough to demand and hold accountable leaders who claim to be on the side of the people, but have not actually had a track record fully showing that.
CÉLINE SEMAAN: It seems that whenever the Democrats are in power, there is a general apathy toward organizing. It becomes a lot harder to motivate people, to hold people accountable, to get things done. Under Trump, there’s a general sense of hysteria. People are in the streets every day. Everyone is beginning to understand the consequences… How have you experienced misinformation being used as a weapon against trans people? And what’s the antidote?
RAQUEL WILLIS: There’s always been a level of misinformation and disinformation in our society. We haven’t fully acknowledged that this is not just an element of the Trump era. I grew up in the Southern US, where it was not uncommon to hear that the Civil War was about states’ rights rather than about chattel slavery, when we know it was overwhelmingly about states being able to decide whether Black people could be owned and exploited within a larger capitalistic endeavor. I use that as an example, because that is just one idea that permeates the US that has never fully been shipped away as well as the idea that the US is inherently good and pure. There’s no way this country can be all of those things with all the lives that have been taken in the name of it and continue to be taken in the name of it.
I think we’ve been consistently fed US propaganda throughout the history of this country, and so we have to understand that that’s misinformation. Misinformation is not a new phenomenon.
We will continue to struggle as long as we have to rely on big corporate media. There will continue to be a focus on what’s most profitable. We have to be investing in community led media, independent media, media that is devoted to our values. We have to continue to empower more and more people to tell their own stories on their own terms, and we have to understand that there are few outlets for people to get politically educated.
Our educational system is under attack right now by the Trump administration, but it already was a very flawed…
CÉLINE SEMAAN: What is going on now is nothing new. A lot of people are waking up today wondering what happened to trans rights, to our bodily autonomy? What happened to our reproductive rights? But these rights have been jeopardized for years, and they have not been protected even when we have a democratic administration in power.
RAQUEL WILLIS: I think if protections can be so swiftly stripped away, you can’t claim that they’re an inherent part of the society or this country. We have to acknowledge that this country was made for wealthy, privileged, cisgender, able bodied, Christian white men. You can tell a lot of about a society from the monuments that it builds… Trump and Musk floated into power because they were cosigned by Democratic leaders for decades. We see the memes. We see the photos of the Clintons with Trump. We see conversations that Obama was having with Musk about what he was supposedly building some 10-15, years ago, we have a Democratic party that’s supposed to represent the left that cannot come out against capitalism, and how damaging CEOs and millionaires and billionaires are to our society because they depend on the exact same power.
You can’t talk about a “broligarchy” or the intense militarism or territorial nature of a Trump agenda when Democratic leaders are on the exact same trip. I want to cry about him talking about taking over Greenland or cry over Putin trying to take over the Ukraine, but you have no problem with Netanyahu stealing more land from Gaza. You have no problem with territorial divides around the world, from the Congo to Sudan to Haiti, a country that is constantly being dissected despite its rich history of resistance. If you’re not going to be invested in toppling exploitation and domination across the board, you can’t actually be a healthy, worthy representative of the collective.
CÉLINE SEMAAN: So, yes, we fight, but we also dance, and we also rejoice. I know you talked in your book about joy and softness alongside rage and resistance. How do you weave the two together.
RAQUEL WILLIS: I will admit I have my cycles when I’m great at it and when I’m not so great at it. Weirdly, during the pandemic, when everything slowed down, I had so much solitude amidst the fear and everything else, but I think that there was an opening in that time for us to imagine different versions of ourselves and different versions of what our life could be. Capitalism had to slow down, probably for the first time since its inception. I yearn for that stillness. Most people know about me through my work, my politics, my activism. I tend to keep other things close to the vest, because I deserve to do that. My heart hurts for folks who have built careers out of and followings out of chipping off this piece and that of their personal lives and giving it away. I think that is what capitalism and social media primes us to do. They want to take more and more of our thoughts and our interests and feed them into their algorithms and machines and make more money off of us than we ever could imagine. We have to be aware of that.
I take breaks from social media. I’m selective about what I share, because I want my values to always be as clear as possible. Those boundaries come from carving out time to do CrossFit, to bike, to visit family, and to just enjoy being around my mom and my siblings and my niblings (*gender neutral niece/nephew) and just be a daughter and a sister and an auntie and not have to be Raquel, the activist or writer or icon, as some people want to say. The narrative around queer and trans people continues to be focused on tragedy or the attacks, and honestly, queer and trans people are some of the most creative and joyful people I know. You don’t get ballroom culture or drag culture or dance music or the best of plays and theater and musicals and fashion without queer and trans people having to consistently imagine a different way of living.
CÉLINE SEMAAN: What can we do to create more solidarity? I believe in solidarity as the antidote to corruption. How can we build solidarity when our needs are not met all the time, when we are running in survival mode? How do we build solidarity that is stronger. How do we offer unwavering support for one another?
RAQUEL WILLIS: I think we already do some of the work of solidarity, we just don’t think of it that way. And I think if we lean into ideas of mutual aid, collective support, our power will only be stronger. When I think about poor folks, Black and Brown folks, migrant folks, queer and trans folks… we’ve always been creative about how we live out of a sense of survival, whether it’s sending funds to a family member, or the queer and trans parents who take in the street kids, or even the grandma who says, “I’m going to live with you and help you take care of your kids, because who can afford a nanny.” I think those kinds of things are an element of what we need to beef up in terms of how we support each other and seeing our lives as more interconnected. It’s not just biological, it’s not just identity. It’s about really seeing each other as a thread in a larger tapestry.
I also think nobody needs to be donating to most of these politicians. There are politicians who may represent your values, who are grassroots, who are not funded by the PACS who do need your support. But there are plenty of folks out there who are sending funds to the National Democratic Party who could be funding grassroots efforts that could be funding the organizers on the ground in their local communities. We need more of that when we’re talking about civic duty, that should be a part of it.
We’re getting a lot of signals right now that the government is not inherently on our side. If they demolish the Department of Education, what are our alternatives to that? What schools are we building, what platforms are we building so we can educate not just the kids, but everyone, about how to be more critically minded. How are we investing in platforms like Slow Factory to do the work that our educational system isn’t and wasn’t doing? How are we transforming the institutions we’re a part of—whether they are our places of worship or our Greek organizations or our workplaces—to live up to our collective values? Are you just laying people off willy nilly, or are you figuring out how to lessen the harm of that?
I’ve been building a gender liberation movement, a new organization with my co-founder, Elliot Cruz, focused on how we can create a broader understanding of gender and how it impacts everyone in the world. We’re focusing on making the connections around bodily autonomy, particularly the attacks on access to gender affirming care, and the attacks on abortion access and reproductive justice. But in general, we’re building media, holding existing media accountable, creating cultural events and direct actions and developing policy that speaks to the wholeness of our lives.

In Conversation:
Photography by:
{
"article":
{
"title" : "Trans Liberation is Collective Liberation",
"author" : "Raquel Willis, Céline Semaan",
"category" : "interviews",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/raquel-willis",
"date" : "2025-06-21 14:26:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/47-DSCF1752.jpg",
"excerpt" : "",
"content" : "CÉLINE SEMAAN: You wrote a memoir recently, The Risk It Takes to Bloom. What do you think is the biggest risk you’ve taken, and how did that risk become a portal for transformation?RAQUEL WILLIS: The biggest risk I’ve taken in life is naming my truth at the risk of being misunderstood. I think we’re all called to take risks at various points throughout our lives. I don’t think it’s just a trans thing, or a queer thing, or even just a Black thing. I had a lot of different awakenings as a kid around gender norms and rules that never fit me. They never made sense to me, and it almost felt like everyone was following this script that I just could not get right. Eventually, as I got older, it got to a point where I had to decide if I was going to continue to fail at trying to follow society’s scripts, or if I was just going to shred that shit up and do my own thing and see what might happen.CÉLINE SEMAAN: That’s so beautifully said. We’re currently experiencing a terrifying rollback of rights for trans communities. The UK Supreme Court’s ruling against trans women happened just today. How do you see your work as both personal testimony and political resistance?RAQUEL WILLIS: My work blends storytelling and social justice at its core. I started out as a journalist in a traditional sense, and what I was primed to do in my storytelling was to uphold a status quo. There are these ideas about objectivity or being unbiased that ignore what your lens or your positionality is. In an imperialist, white supremacist, capitalist, patriarchal society, if you’re not able to articulate what you actually believe in and are willing to do that to the people your work impacts or who consume your work, then you’re probably cosigning a lot of dangerous things. There’s a piece of agency I gained from embracing community organizing and activism. Those experiences are inherently tied to my journalism and storytelling work.I started my career as a newspaper reporter in small town, Georgia, a very conservative environment. I was essentially in the closet, not out as trans or queer. That was a choice made out of survival and sometimes fear. It was the deaths by suicide of two young trans teens, Leelah Alcorn and Blake Brockington in 2014 and 2015 that really pulled me out of this idea that I could truly do something meaningful or that lived up to my values while being silent. They were trans teens who didn’t see a future for themselves being who they were, who experienced deep issues around mental health and were facing environments that were not primed to fully accept them as who they were.My work wasn’t doing what it needed to do to keep young trans people like them alive. I needed to speak up. I didn’t want to be a foot soldier for oppression. I started to speak out more. It was as simple as sharing more about my life, my story, my perspective on social media. It was being curious about what other people in the trans community were doing to transform the fabric of society. I started working with community organizers in Atlanta, queer and trans community organizers who were working on everything from ending the profiling of sex workers, to ending police brutality, to direct action, HIV AIDS advocacy and so much more. The personal became political because I knew in my work in journalism that stories are a universal organizing tool. We all have a story and we can figure out how to craft and shape it so that it can be used in service to getting people closer to collective liberation. There’s a place for stats and data, but the thing that I think often pulls people to be transformed is authenticity, vulnerability, and empathy,CÉLINE SEMAAN: You’ve been named one of TIME’s 100 most influential people. What does influence mean to you when visibility can be also dangerous?RAQUEL WILLIS: It’s an honor… and I know that influence and visibility aren’t inherently benevolent. We see every day the increasing influence of the worst actors in society, and the worst inclinations around masculinity and power and domination. The influence and visibility piece is necessary. It’s a tool, and I think we have to be strategic about what we amplify. It never really has been enough for us to simply focus on a person’s identity or this kind of nebulous idea of representation without giving equal weight to the values attached to that representation.CÉLINE SEMAAN: In your memoir you weave your story with collective struggle. How do you navigate the tension between individual success and collective liberation, especially within a system that wants to tokenize us?RAQUEL WILLIS: On an individual level, we have to consistently do the work around our ego and what we are chasing in terms of validation. It’s human to want to be acknowledged, to be cherished, to be appreciated. And I think you have to figure out how to keep those things in check. As someone who believes in the power of community organizing and activism, I’m always hyper aware that my wins aren’t just solely about me or from me. I’ve received this recognition on the shoulders of people from previous eras who experienced the brunt of systems of oppression… who did not receive their flowers in their lifetimes.I struggle often with what it means to be elevated when I know that there are so many other people doing the work, but are not seen, are not amplified, are not resourced. Whenever I can, I try to deliver on favors that can support people in getting the access they need to continue to do the work they’re doing. I like to remind people that I’m not the only Black trans person who has a voice and who is doing important, powerful work. There’s a whole constellation of us out here.CÉLINE SEMAAN: With over 500 anti-trans bills introduced in the last few years, what do you want the next generation of movement builders to understand about organizing and fighting legislative violence?RAQUEL WILLIS: Organizing is a creative endeavor, and the best organizing comes from identifying your lane and making change within that lane. There is often a dangerous overprioritizing in trying to track the legislation, in amplifying the legislation at the expense of amplifying the options that people can take right now to support the people most under attack. There’s not enough discussion around how we can support grassroots organizers and groups who are feeding, clothing, getting aid to, housing, folks on the margins. If people put as much energy into supporting those efforts on the ground as they do in calling out anti-trans laws, we would be in a better place. I also think we need to be urging our political leaders who claim to be on our side to stop operating simply from a place of defense… I want you to be on offense.It’s not enough for you to call out the bad legislation. What legislation are you presenting or sponsoring to combat that restriction or that hate that is targeting people on the margins? I need you to be proactive, not just responding to the moment. What we’re seeing right now in the United States is that Democrats have conceded so much ground legislatively, but also rhetorically, to Republicans, and now they’re in a fix, because even the Liberals have to acknowledge that the Dems are not doing enough for us. We have not done enough to demand and hold accountable leaders who claim to be on the side of the people, but have not actually had a track record fully showing that.CÉLINE SEMAAN: It seems that whenever the Democrats are in power, there is a general apathy toward organizing. It becomes a lot harder to motivate people, to hold people accountable, to get things done. Under Trump, there’s a general sense of hysteria. People are in the streets every day. Everyone is beginning to understand the consequences… How have you experienced misinformation being used as a weapon against trans people? And what’s the antidote?RAQUEL WILLIS: There’s always been a level of misinformation and disinformation in our society. We haven’t fully acknowledged that this is not just an element of the Trump era. I grew up in the Southern US, where it was not uncommon to hear that the Civil War was about states’ rights rather than about chattel slavery, when we know it was overwhelmingly about states being able to decide whether Black people could be owned and exploited within a larger capitalistic endeavor. I use that as an example, because that is just one idea that permeates the US that has never fully been shipped away as well as the idea that the US is inherently good and pure. There’s no way this country can be all of those things with all the lives that have been taken in the name of it and continue to be taken in the name of it.I think we’ve been consistently fed US propaganda throughout the history of this country, and so we have to understand that that’s misinformation. Misinformation is not a new phenomenon. We will continue to struggle as long as we have to rely on big corporate media. There will continue to be a focus on what’s most profitable. We have to be investing in community led media, independent media, media that is devoted to our values. We have to continue to empower more and more people to tell their own stories on their own terms, and we have to understand that there are few outlets for people to get politically educated.Our educational system is under attack right now by the Trump administration, but it already was a very flawed…CÉLINE SEMAAN: What is going on now is nothing new. A lot of people are waking up today wondering what happened to trans rights, to our bodily autonomy? What happened to our reproductive rights? But these rights have been jeopardized for years, and they have not been protected even when we have a democratic administration in power.RAQUEL WILLIS: I think if protections can be so swiftly stripped away, you can’t claim that they’re an inherent part of the society or this country. We have to acknowledge that this country was made for wealthy, privileged, cisgender, able bodied, Christian white men. You can tell a lot of about a society from the monuments that it builds… Trump and Musk floated into power because they were cosigned by Democratic leaders for decades. We see the memes. We see the photos of the Clintons with Trump. We see conversations that Obama was having with Musk about what he was supposedly building some 10-15, years ago, we have a Democratic party that’s supposed to represent the left that cannot come out against capitalism, and how damaging CEOs and millionaires and billionaires are to our society because they depend on the exact same power.You can’t talk about a “broligarchy” or the intense militarism or territorial nature of a Trump agenda when Democratic leaders are on the exact same trip. I want to cry about him talking about taking over Greenland or cry over Putin trying to take over the Ukraine, but you have no problem with Netanyahu stealing more land from Gaza. You have no problem with territorial divides around the world, from the Congo to Sudan to Haiti, a country that is constantly being dissected despite its rich history of resistance. If you’re not going to be invested in toppling exploitation and domination across the board, you can’t actually be a healthy, worthy representative of the collective.CÉLINE SEMAAN: So, yes, we fight, but we also dance, and we also rejoice. I know you talked in your book about joy and softness alongside rage and resistance. How do you weave the two together.RAQUEL WILLIS: I will admit I have my cycles when I’m great at it and when I’m not so great at it. Weirdly, during the pandemic, when everything slowed down, I had so much solitude amidst the fear and everything else, but I think that there was an opening in that time for us to imagine different versions of ourselves and different versions of what our life could be. Capitalism had to slow down, probably for the first time since its inception. I yearn for that stillness. Most people know about me through my work, my politics, my activism. I tend to keep other things close to the vest, because I deserve to do that. My heart hurts for folks who have built careers out of and followings out of chipping off this piece and that of their personal lives and giving it away. I think that is what capitalism and social media primes us to do. They want to take more and more of our thoughts and our interests and feed them into their algorithms and machines and make more money off of us than we ever could imagine. We have to be aware of that.I take breaks from social media. I’m selective about what I share, because I want my values to always be as clear as possible. Those boundaries come from carving out time to do CrossFit, to bike, to visit family, and to just enjoy being around my mom and my siblings and my niblings (*gender neutral niece/nephew) and just be a daughter and a sister and an auntie and not have to be Raquel, the activist or writer or icon, as some people want to say. The narrative around queer and trans people continues to be focused on tragedy or the attacks, and honestly, queer and trans people are some of the most creative and joyful people I know. You don’t get ballroom culture or drag culture or dance music or the best of plays and theater and musicals and fashion without queer and trans people having to consistently imagine a different way of living.CÉLINE SEMAAN: What can we do to create more solidarity? I believe in solidarity as the antidote to corruption. How can we build solidarity when our needs are not met all the time, when we are running in survival mode? How do we build solidarity that is stronger. How do we offer unwavering support for one another?RAQUEL WILLIS: I think we already do some of the work of solidarity, we just don’t think of it that way. And I think if we lean into ideas of mutual aid, collective support, our power will only be stronger. When I think about poor folks, Black and Brown folks, migrant folks, queer and trans folks… we’ve always been creative about how we live out of a sense of survival, whether it’s sending funds to a family member, or the queer and trans parents who take in the street kids, or even the grandma who says, “I’m going to live with you and help you take care of your kids, because who can afford a nanny.” I think those kinds of things are an element of what we need to beef up in terms of how we support each other and seeing our lives as more interconnected. It’s not just biological, it’s not just identity. It’s about really seeing each other as a thread in a larger tapestry.I also think nobody needs to be donating to most of these politicians. There are politicians who may represent your values, who are grassroots, who are not funded by the PACS who do need your support. But there are plenty of folks out there who are sending funds to the National Democratic Party who could be funding grassroots efforts that could be funding the organizers on the ground in their local communities. We need more of that when we’re talking about civic duty, that should be a part of it.We’re getting a lot of signals right now that the government is not inherently on our side. If they demolish the Department of Education, what are our alternatives to that? What schools are we building, what platforms are we building so we can educate not just the kids, but everyone, about how to be more critically minded. How are we investing in platforms like Slow Factory to do the work that our educational system isn’t and wasn’t doing? How are we transforming the institutions we’re a part of—whether they are our places of worship or our Greek organizations or our workplaces—to live up to our collective values? Are you just laying people off willy nilly, or are you figuring out how to lessen the harm of that?I’ve been building a gender liberation movement, a new organization with my co-founder, Elliot Cruz, focused on how we can create a broader understanding of gender and how it impacts everyone in the world. We’re focusing on making the connections around bodily autonomy, particularly the attacks on access to gender affirming care, and the attacks on abortion access and reproductive justice. But in general, we’re building media, holding existing media accountable, creating cultural events and direct actions and developing policy that speaks to the wholeness of our lives."
}
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"relatedposts": [
{
"title" : "A Call to Arms",
"author" : "Jeremiah Zaeske",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/a-call-to-arms",
"date" : "2026-02-03 11:17:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/1000013371.jpeg",
"excerpt" : "Birds perch on the gaps in barbed wire",
"content" : "Birds perch on the gaps in barbed wireBeckoning us to join themWater trickles through the obstruction in its path as if it were nonexistentWe have forgotten that we are waterVines weave a tapestry through metalIf trees cannot find a gap in the fence they will squeeze their way through,engulf it,absorb the border within themselvesThis is a call to armsLOVEI want my love to break through glassI want it to uproot the weeds that have grown in my heart as it picks through yoursI want it to burn through every piece of fabric stained with bloodLove was never a pacifistWhere there is evil there will also be two kinds of joyOne that revels in the misery,grinning faces posing with dead bodieswhile others look on in silence growing numbBut love is the joy of resilienceThe joy of knowing we will always need eachother enoughto tear down the walls and reach out our handsin spite of everything, even deathTo grab at the roots of ourselvesand plant flowers in place of the hate that’s been sown,though the stems may have thornsThis love will be the callouses born from fighting our waythrough rough brick and sharp glass edges,but they’ll just make it that much softer when palm meets palmThis love will be the fertilizer for a garden of scar tissue,never again to be buried under earth and thick skinThis love will be the seeds taking rootafter a long cold winter,sprouting from our chests and cracks in the pavementto greet a long-awaited springA NURTURING DEATHShot-gun weddingDrive-by baby showerClose-range baptismBurn down the forest,the church and the steepleThe baby’s gender is Destruction,Death, andPrimordial ChaosWe are unlocking the worlds they shut away,beyond the talons of textbook definitions,worlds they swore could never existworlds they swore to destroyWe’re pulling out fragmentsthrough the cracked open doorto fill the potholes and cracked cementof our bodymindsouls,to make salve for the woundsThe ones they claimed were pre-existingand unfillableand unfixableand “who’s going to pay for that?”We are toppling immovable fortresseslimb by limb,peeling off skin and tearing through tendonto reveal the brittle forgeries of boneWe are de-manufacturing wildernessNot just free reign for the treesor even all the life they hold,but regrowth for the village of Ahwahnee,birds pecking out the eyes of campers at YosemiteWhat remains will be fed back into the ecosystem,into the bellies of bears and mountain lions,swallowed by insects and earthuntil it’s decayed enough to fertilize the soiland grow foodmedicinelifeA rebirthA nurturing death"
}
,
{
"title" : "This is America: Land of the Occupied, Home of the Capitalists",
"author" : "Mattea Mun",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/this-is-america",
"date" : "2026-02-03 11:11:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/ice-protest-2-gty-gmh-260130_1769810312461_hpMain.jpg",
"excerpt" : "They tell us we live in the land of the free. They declare, “we the people,” and we assume they mean us when we were only ever defined – designed – to be the fodder to build their “life, liberty, and pursuit of happiness.”",
"content" : "They tell us we live in the land of the free. They declare, “we the people,” and we assume they mean us when we were only ever defined – designed – to be the fodder to build their “life, liberty, and pursuit of happiness.”On a Thursday, a 2-year-old girl returned home from the store with her father, Elvis Tipan-Echeverria, when unknown, masked agents trespassed onto their driveway and smashed the window in. In the name of defending the pursuit of happiness, she, with her father, was shoved into a car with no car seat and placed on a plane to Texas. This little girl was eventually returned to her mother in Minnesota; her father – still imprisoned in the land of the free.In the name of liberty, 5-year-old Liam Ramos, with his father, was seized and flown away from his mother and his home to sit in a detention facility in Texas, where his education will halt, his freedom is non-existent, and his pursuit of happiness – denied.In the name of life, Chaofeng Ge was “found” hanging, dead, in a shower stall in detention, his death declared a suicide though his hands and feet were bound behind his back, a fact evidently not deemed worthy of being initially disclosed. Geraldo Lunas Campos was handcuffed, tackled and choked – murdered – in detention, in an effort to “save” him. Victor Manuel Diaz, too, was “found” dead, a “presumed suicide,” the autopsy – classified.American voters like to declare that our present reality isn’t “what they voted for,” despite the fact that one of Donald Trump’s campaign promises in the 2024 election was to “carry out the largest domestic deportation operation in American history,” inevitably according to xenophobic and white supremacist lines. What many of us fail to remember is that this is not the first time we have voted for this. Indeed, I am not confident there is any point in American history that we have not collectively voted for this, regardless of so-called “party lines.”We Have Been Here BeforeWhile the Department of Homeland Security’s (DHS) U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) was founded in 2003, slavery and genocide predated the very Constitution of the United States, the bodies of African Americans and Indigenous Americans brutalized and broken in the service of laying the foundations of (white) American wealth. Though slavery was “abolished” in 1865 by the 13th amendment, this did not end the policing of racialized bodies.During the Reconstruction era, convict leasing and black codes preserved the conditions and social hierarchy that existed under slavery. Moreover, any legal rights afforded Black Americans were and still are persistently undermined by their inferior social caste, whereby their deaths and suffering at the hands of law enforcement, the healthcare system and other Americans often goes unprosecuted and/or unpunished.Within WWII-era Japanese internment camps, inmates were stripped of their freedom to move, subjected to harsh living conditions and coerced to partake in underpaid, unprotected labor.The Lucrative Business of Slavery and its Bipartisan ProfiteersTo this day, the prison system remains a potent vestige of slavery, again for the sake of profit, as inmates’ human rights are systematically liquidated. As early as the 1980s, the federal government has contracted for-profit prison corporations to operate federal detention facilities. Today, over 90% of ICE detention facilities are operated by for-profit prison corporations as of 2023, a figure which increased from 79% within Biden’s presidency alone.These trends, in conjunction with the ongoing mass detainments of America’s people of color, are not surprising when we consider the immense profits our politicians and some Americans stand to gain, made possible by the continuous enslavement of racialized bodies.Our bodies are their profit.Under the Voluntary Work Program, forced carceral labor is codified, whereby detainees are to receive “monetary compensation of not less than $1.00 per day of work completed,” their “voluntary” labor absolving them of legal employee protections, such as minimum wage. And although ICE affirms that “all detention facilities shall comply with all applicable health and safety regulations and standards,” there is confusion as to how these standards are checked, especially when we consider the Trump administration closed the DHS’s Office for Civil Rights and Civil Liberties in March 2025.Nevertheless, several lawsuits and detainee testimonies attest to the fact that the work program is rarely voluntary, the survival of themselves and the facilities imprisoning them hinging upon their labor and minimal income. Indeed, many detainees are expected to purchase their own basic products, such as toilet paper and soap. Other detainees recall being threatened with solitary confinement, poorer living conditions and material punishment if they refused to work. Martha Gonzalez was denied access to sanitary pads when she requested a day off work, demonstrative of a larger pattern of ICE’s refusal to provide hygiene products and spaces to maintain one’s hygiene in a dignified manner.In 2023, GEO Group, one of the largest for-profit prison corporations, made over $2.4 billion in revenue, of which ICE, as their largest customer, accounted for 43%, or $1.04 million. ICE also accounted for 30% of CoreCivic’s – another large for-profit prison corporation – revenue. Thus, our bodies enable these companies to amass hundreds of millions in profit.Incidentally, CoreCivic and GEO Group are among the private prison companies that contribute the most to political campaigns, parties and candidates. In the 2024 election cycle, GEO Group gave $3.7 million in contributions, including $1 million to Make America Great Again Inc, while CoreCivic provided roughly $785,000 in contributions. While Republican candidates and committees have been the recipient of the large majority of these funds in recent years, Democrats and the Democratic Party are also guilty of accepting funding from these corporations, among others. In the 2024 cycle, CoreCivic contributed $50,000 to the Democratic Lieutenant Governors Association and Kamala Harris received $9,500 from GEO Group.The opportunities for profit extend even further beyond the U.S.’s borders as more and more nations are gradually entering deals to imprison noncitizen deportees coming from the U.S. In November, $7.5 million was paid out to Equatorial Guinea for this purpose. Alongside other Latin American countries like Costa Rica and El Salvador, Argentina is also rumored to strike their own deal with the U.S.Our bodies are their profit.The ongoing ICE campaign stands as a bipartisan issue, mirroring the ways our country’s deepest social inequalities have been repeatedly upheld on all sides of the political aisle throughout our history.The Occupied Mind and BodyMoreover, the policing of racialized bodies does not merely pertain to the body alone as a site to be moved and removed. Rather, this violence is also waged in our social spaces, in our fears and inside of our bodies.In the classroom, our curriculums hardly, if at all, represent a version of events where we existed and meanwhile the current administration actively tries to erase any part of history we are given a claim to. Such initiatives, too, have been supported for generations, reflected in the 150-year period Indigenous American and Hawaiian children were forcibly taken from their homes and sent to boarding schools designed to facilitate their assimilation and more seamless theft of their native lands.In our social spaces and lives – if not yet brutally taken – liberty and the pursuit of happiness is not ours for the taking. We are perpetually told under what conditions our movement is permissible. Decades of redlining have, in many ways, preserved segregation and pooled the best resources for the white and the wealthy to the detriment of communities of color.But even this is not enough.They police us from the inside, too. In exchange for gifts like food and photographs of her daughter, a Nicaraguan woman was subjected to have sex with a now former ICE officer whilst in detention. A “romantic relationship,” according to federal prosecutors. Our suffering is still romanticized even when guilt has been assigned. What they still do not realize is that there is no place for romance to reside so long as we remain shackled, our bodies – looted.From the inside, they forcibly remove our reproductive organs, then and now. Many of us were among the 70,000 forcibly sterilized in the 20th-century, deemed “unfit” to reproduce. As we speak, 32% of surgeries performed in ICE detention facilities are performed without proper authorization, and there are reports of mass hysterectomies being exacted behind closed doors.They dictate our movements, lock us up, take our insides out, inject their fantasies onto and into our bodies, deprive us of our right to learn and to work and to live. And even if they have not yet come bounding at our doorstep, we lie anxiously in wait for the moment our past may catch up with us and seep, once again, back into our present.And yet, they have the audacity to say that it is by our hands that we are dying; that if only we had lived and loved differently, things wouldn’t be this way. In the name of safety and peace, they force our bodies into hiding or otherwise out onto the streets, despite the fact that only 5% of us have been implicated in a violent crime. In the name of safety, they drag a half-naked ChongLy Thao into snow-covered streets for existing, in their eyes, incorrectly; that is, non-whitely. In the name of safety, a one-year-old and her father are pepper-sprayed in the eyes whilst sitting in their car at the wrong time.Dismantling the Oppressor to Dismantle OppressionFor all the state’s claims that a “war on crime” is being waged, it has always been and remains a war against our bodies, the means with which they wish to realize ICE’s utopic “Amazon Prime for human beings.” Similarly, the War on Drugs only ever served to terrorize our communities, to lock up and exploit our bodies. Meanwhile, this matter of “crime” never dissipated. For centuries, they tell us that it is our fault – our heinous “crimes” – that we are stripped of our families and our dignity. Meanwhile, politicians of all parties and colors have sat idle even while claiming to bear our interests to heart. We forget that they hold their money closer.And, not so unlike the slave catchers recruited and paid out to return runaway slaves to their owners, so, too, it is we who are being recruited and paid out to bind and beat one another, to tease out the “other.” That is, unless we bring ourselves to see ourselves not only in the “other,” but in the ones dragging our tired feet across the pavement, forcing our bodies into further submission, pulling the trigger – all whilst looking us dead in the eye.It was James Baldwin who said, “Everyone you’re looking at is also you. You could be that person. You could be that monster, you could be that cop. And you have to decide, in yourself, not to be.”Whilst the money and military might of the state and the oppressive systems that prop it up are, no doubt, daunting, their power is nevertheless maintained by individual choices made in the service of oppression and possession, as opposed to liberation. However, it is also important to remember that other individual choices are the reason we remain today, more free than before even if that freedom may be incomplete. Thus, just as individual choices have the power to oppress, so, too, individual choices have the power to resist oppression; to hold our people in check; to liberate.Only through our decision to not become the monster we fear do we have any hope of collective liberation."
}
,
{
"title" : "Couture in Paris, Cuts at the 'Post'",
"author" : "Louis Pisano",
"category" : "essay",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/bezos-sanchez-paris-couture-week-wapo-layoffs",
"date" : "2026-02-02 10:49:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Cover_EIP_Bezos_Sanchez_Pisano.jpg",
"excerpt" : "The Cruel Irony of the Bezos-Sánchez Empire",
"content" : "The Cruel Irony of the Bezos-Sánchez EmpireLate on January 25, as snow dusted Washington, about 60 foreign correspondents at The Washington Post hit send on an email that felt like a last stand. They had dodged gunfire in Ukraine, documented Iran’s water crises and protester crackdowns, risked sources’ lives in gang territories. Now they faced their own existential threat: rumors of up to 300 company-wide layoffs, with foreign desks, sports, metro, and arts likely gutted. Their collective letter to owner Jeff Bezos was direct, almost pleading.“Robust, powerful foreign coverage is essential to The Washington Post’s brand and its future success in whatever form the paper takes moving forward,” they wrote. “We urge you to consider how the proposed layoffs will certainly lead us first to irrelevance, not the shared success that remains attainable.” They offered flexibility on costs but drew a line: slashing overseas reporting in Trump’s second term, amid global flashpoints, would hollow out the institution they had built.Whether Bezos opened that email remains unclear. As of this writing, he has not publicly responded to it. In fact, Bezos was 4,000 miles away, strolling hand-in-hand with Lauren Sánchez Bezos into Schiaparelli’s Haute Couture show in Paris. Flashbulbs popped as they arrived, Sánchez in a blood red skirt suit from the house and a white crocodile bag. Hours on, she switched to a steel-blue-gray vintage Dior pencil-skirt suit, its enormous fur collar evoking a mob wife, for Jonathan Anderson’s couture debut with the house.The two didn’t just sit front row, either. Backstage at Dior, Bezos and Sánchez posed with Anderson and LVMH CEO Delphine Arnault. Sánchez lunched with Anna Wintour at The Ritz and was allegedly dressed by Law Roach, the “image architect” behind Zendaya’s accession to fashion darling, who once declared fashion’s power to challenge norms and amplify the marginalized. Roach reshared Sánchez’s Instagram stories, crediting the vintage Dior; later, they toured Schiaparelli’s atelier together. The partnership felt sudden and loaded.Back in D.C., the newsroom simmered. Staffers posted on X under #SaveThePost, Yeganeh Torbati recounting government violence against protesters, Loveday Morris describing blasts rattling windows and the mortal risks to sources, tagging Bezos directly in urgent appeals. In a guild-prompted twist meant to amplify the message, the Washington-Baltimore News Guild encouraged tagging even Lauren Sánchez, though not every reporter followed through. The betrayal stung deeper after years of buyouts, a libertarian-tilted Opinions section, a rebranded mission (“Riveting Storytelling for All of America”) that rang corporate. Losses topped $100 million in 2024 and now the axe is hovering over desks that produced the scoops Bezos once praised when he bought the paper for $250 million in 2013. Now, Bezos parties on in Paris, his wife climbing fashion’s ranks.While the billionaires party, a profound unease is permeating the American media landscape, exacerbated by political shifts and technological disruptions that empower owners like Bezos to sideline core missions in favor of personal ventures. The press, once a vigilant watchdog against authority, now frequently finds itself complicit with power structures, buckling under misinformation, partisan censorship, and budgetary constraints that stifle investigative depth. This dynamic deprives the public of the unflinching journalism that is capable of exposing foreign policy overreaches or everyday human struggle, amplified by economic slowdowns and subscription fatigue in an increasingly fragmented ecosystem. With eroding confidence driving audiences to social platforms, now eclipsing traditional TV and websites as the primary news source in the U.S., the fallout further deepens this public distrust.To be clear, fashion isn’t innocent in this. It loves to posture as progressive, touting body positivity, diversity, resistance as it’s relevant, but rolling out the red carpet for the ultra-rich when the checks clear, especially when the checks come from people whose fortunes are built on real harm. Once upon a time, you couldn’t simply buy your way into the Met Gala; invitations were curated by Wintour based on cultural relevance, creative influence, and a carefully guarded sense of who truly belonged in the room. That’s all over now. The Bezoses have turned every norm in fashion on its head, sponsoring the 2026 Met Gala (funding the event and reportedly influencing invites), making their debut as a couple in 2024, and now leveraging those ties to claim space in couture’s inner circles. Bezos and Sánchez’s couture jaunt is just the latest proof that fashion’s gates, once guarded by creativity and taste, now swing widest for raw wealth and access.Wintour lunches and their prominent sponsorship role in the Met Gala don’t help quell the whispers that Bezos is eyeing Condé Nast (Vogue, Vanity Fair, The New Yorker) as a “wedding gift” to Sánchez. Rumors denied yet persistent, revived by every Paris sighting.Not everyone in fashion is staying silent. Some insiders are pushing back hard against the normalization. Gabriella Karefa-Johnson, a longtime voice in the industry, posted bluntly on X: “The hyper normalization is doing my head in… keep your mouth shut about ICE if you’re mingling with them, seating them, dressing them. Accepting their cash.” She called out Amazon’s cloud systems as the backbone of DHS deportation operations and billions in government contracts that sustain what she called “Trump’s terror machine,” concluding that Bezos and Sánchez are at couture simply because they are rich—and their wealth comes from profoundly harming millions daily. “I feel crazy,” she wrote. While couture has always been a bastian of the uber-rich, Karefa-Johnson’s frustration underscores how even fashion’s own are starting to question the cost of that welcome.If that Conde-Nast deal ever materializes, the consequences would compound because control over fashion’s most influential titles would allow Bezos the opportunity to shape narratives around billionaires, soften coverage of labor abuses, environmental costs, or surveillance contracts. The same hand that funds AWS’s CIA contracts, DoD cloud deals, ICE enforcement tools, fossil-fuel operations, warehouse injuries, anti-union tactics, and small-business-crushing monopoly would quietly steer the stories about wealth and style. Already deferential to its biggest advertisers and attendees, fashion journalism would fold into the same closed loop, fusing tech dominance with cultural gatekeeping into one unassailable private empire—all of it ultimately bankrolling the yachts, the space joyrides with Katy Perry, the private-jet hops to couture shows and fashion influence, to polish an image that the Post’s own reporters once might have skewered.[x] It’s almost elegant the way one empire’s dirt gets laundered through another.It’s cruelly ironic how wide the gap between the risks assumed by WaPo correspondents tasked with holding power to account and the comfort with which their owner moves among the powerful in Paris actually is. Fashion has political power, as Roach once said. It can challenge and provoke. It can also resist. But when it courts figures like Bezos, whose empire thrives on the very inequalities it sometimes pretends to critique, it becomes another asset in his already enormous portfolio.But there is no challenge, no provocation. There is no major resistance. Instead, there’s champagne and constant disassociation. Somewhere between the clink of glasses and the photos, Bezos and his wife get a glow up while The Washington Post newsroom waits, knowing the cuts are coming but not yet here. No one is confused about what happened; this is simply how the trade now unfortunately works.Wealth drifts through media, fashion, culture, picking up prestige and shedding people along the way. Whether Bezos ever read the letter is beside the point. The stranger thing is how little anyone expects him, or anyone like him, to answer anymore."
}
]
}