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Trans Liberation is Collective Liberation

CÉLINE SEMAAN: You wrote a memoir recently, The Risk It Takes to Bloom. What do you think is the biggest risk you’ve taken, and how did that risk become a portal for transformation?
RAQUEL WILLIS: The biggest risk I’ve taken in life is naming my truth at the risk of being misunderstood. I think we’re all called to take risks at various points throughout our lives. I don’t think it’s just a trans thing, or a queer thing, or even just a Black thing. I had a lot of different awakenings as a kid around gender norms and rules that never fit me. They never made sense to me, and it almost felt like everyone was following this script that I just could not get right. Eventually, as I got older, it got to a point where I had to decide if I was going to continue to fail at trying to follow society’s scripts, or if I was just going to shred that shit up and do my own thing and see what might happen.
CÉLINE SEMAAN: That’s so beautifully said. We’re currently experiencing a terrifying rollback of rights for trans communities. The UK Supreme Court’s ruling against trans women happened just today. How do you see your work as both personal testimony and political resistance?
RAQUEL WILLIS: My work blends storytelling and social justice at its core. I started out as a journalist in a traditional sense, and what I was primed to do in my storytelling was to uphold a status quo. There are these ideas about objectivity or being unbiased that ignore what your lens or your positionality is. In an imperialist, white supremacist, capitalist, patriarchal society, if you’re not able to articulate what you actually believe in and are willing to do that to the people your work impacts or who consume your work, then you’re probably cosigning a lot of dangerous things. There’s a piece of agency I gained from embracing community organizing and activism. Those experiences are inherently tied to my journalism and storytelling work.
I started my career as a newspaper reporter in small town, Georgia, a very conservative environment. I was essentially in the closet, not out as trans or queer. That was a choice made out of survival and sometimes fear. It was the deaths by suicide of two young trans teens, Leelah Alcorn and Blake Brockington in 2014 and 2015 that really pulled me out of this idea that I could truly do something meaningful or that lived up to my values while being silent. They were trans teens who didn’t see a future for themselves being who they were, who experienced deep issues around mental health and were facing environments that were not primed to fully accept them as who they were.

My work wasn’t doing what it needed to do to keep young trans people like them alive. I needed to speak up. I didn’t want to be a foot soldier for oppression. I started to speak out more. It was as simple as sharing more about my life, my story, my perspective on social media. It was being curious about what other people in the trans community were doing to transform the fabric of society. I started working with community organizers in Atlanta, queer and trans community organizers who were working on everything from ending the profiling of sex workers, to ending police brutality, to direct action, HIV AIDS advocacy and so much more. The personal became political because I knew in my work in journalism that stories are a universal organizing tool. We all have a story and we can figure out how to craft and shape it so that it can be used in service to getting people closer to collective liberation. There’s a place for stats and data, but the thing that I think often pulls people to be transformed is authenticity, vulnerability, and empathy,
CÉLINE SEMAAN: You’ve been named one of TIME’s 100 most influential people. What does influence mean to you when visibility can be also dangerous?
RAQUEL WILLIS: It’s an honor… and I know that influence and visibility aren’t inherently benevolent. We see every day the increasing influence of the worst actors in society, and the worst inclinations around masculinity and power and domination.
The influence and visibility piece is necessary. It’s a tool, and I think we have to be strategic about what we amplify. It never really has been enough for us to simply focus on a person’s identity or this kind of nebulous idea of representation without giving equal weight to the values attached to that representation.
CÉLINE SEMAAN: In your memoir you weave your story with collective struggle. How do you navigate the tension between individual success and collective liberation, especially within a system that wants to tokenize us?
RAQUEL WILLIS: On an individual level, we have to consistently do the work around our ego and what we are chasing in terms of validation. It’s human to want to be acknowledged, to be cherished, to be appreciated. And I think you have to figure out how to keep those things in check. As someone who believes in the power of community organizing and activism, I’m always hyper aware that my wins aren’t just solely about me or from me. I’ve received this recognition on the shoulders of people from previous eras who experienced the brunt of systems of oppression… who did not receive their flowers in their lifetimes.
I struggle often with what it means to be elevated when I know that there are so many other people doing the work, but are not seen, are not amplified, are not resourced. Whenever I can, I try to deliver on favors that can support people in getting the access they need to continue to do the work they’re doing. I like to remind people that I’m not the only Black trans person who has a voice and who is doing important, powerful work. There’s a whole constellation of us out here.

CÉLINE SEMAAN: With over 500 anti-trans bills introduced in the last few years, what do you want the next generation of movement builders to understand about organizing and fighting legislative violence?
RAQUEL WILLIS: Organizing is a creative endeavor, and the best organizing comes from identifying your lane and making change within that lane. There is often a dangerous overprioritizing in trying to track the legislation, in amplifying the legislation at the expense of amplifying the options that people can take right now to support the people most under attack. There’s not enough discussion around how we can support grassroots organizers and groups who are feeding, clothing, getting aid to, housing, folks on the margins. If people put as much energy into supporting those efforts on the ground as they do in calling out anti-trans laws, we would be in a better place. I also think we need to be urging our political leaders who claim to be on our side to stop operating simply from a place of defense… I want you to be on offense.
It’s not enough for you to call out the bad legislation. What legislation are you presenting or sponsoring to combat that restriction or that hate that is targeting people on the margins? I need you to be proactive, not just responding to the moment. What we’re seeing right now in the United States is that Democrats have conceded so much ground legislatively, but also rhetorically, to Republicans, and now they’re in a fix, because even the Liberals have to acknowledge that the Dems are not doing enough for us. We have not done enough to demand and hold accountable leaders who claim to be on the side of the people, but have not actually had a track record fully showing that.
CÉLINE SEMAAN: It seems that whenever the Democrats are in power, there is a general apathy toward organizing. It becomes a lot harder to motivate people, to hold people accountable, to get things done. Under Trump, there’s a general sense of hysteria. People are in the streets every day. Everyone is beginning to understand the consequences… How have you experienced misinformation being used as a weapon against trans people? And what’s the antidote?
RAQUEL WILLIS: There’s always been a level of misinformation and disinformation in our society. We haven’t fully acknowledged that this is not just an element of the Trump era. I grew up in the Southern US, where it was not uncommon to hear that the Civil War was about states’ rights rather than about chattel slavery, when we know it was overwhelmingly about states being able to decide whether Black people could be owned and exploited within a larger capitalistic endeavor. I use that as an example, because that is just one idea that permeates the US that has never fully been shipped away as well as the idea that the US is inherently good and pure. There’s no way this country can be all of those things with all the lives that have been taken in the name of it and continue to be taken in the name of it.
I think we’ve been consistently fed US propaganda throughout the history of this country, and so we have to understand that that’s misinformation. Misinformation is not a new phenomenon.
We will continue to struggle as long as we have to rely on big corporate media. There will continue to be a focus on what’s most profitable. We have to be investing in community led media, independent media, media that is devoted to our values. We have to continue to empower more and more people to tell their own stories on their own terms, and we have to understand that there are few outlets for people to get politically educated.
Our educational system is under attack right now by the Trump administration, but it already was a very flawed…
CÉLINE SEMAAN: What is going on now is nothing new. A lot of people are waking up today wondering what happened to trans rights, to our bodily autonomy? What happened to our reproductive rights? But these rights have been jeopardized for years, and they have not been protected even when we have a democratic administration in power.
RAQUEL WILLIS: I think if protections can be so swiftly stripped away, you can’t claim that they’re an inherent part of the society or this country. We have to acknowledge that this country was made for wealthy, privileged, cisgender, able bodied, Christian white men. You can tell a lot of about a society from the monuments that it builds… Trump and Musk floated into power because they were cosigned by Democratic leaders for decades. We see the memes. We see the photos of the Clintons with Trump. We see conversations that Obama was having with Musk about what he was supposedly building some 10-15, years ago, we have a Democratic party that’s supposed to represent the left that cannot come out against capitalism, and how damaging CEOs and millionaires and billionaires are to our society because they depend on the exact same power.
You can’t talk about a “broligarchy” or the intense militarism or territorial nature of a Trump agenda when Democratic leaders are on the exact same trip. I want to cry about him talking about taking over Greenland or cry over Putin trying to take over the Ukraine, but you have no problem with Netanyahu stealing more land from Gaza. You have no problem with territorial divides around the world, from the Congo to Sudan to Haiti, a country that is constantly being dissected despite its rich history of resistance. If you’re not going to be invested in toppling exploitation and domination across the board, you can’t actually be a healthy, worthy representative of the collective.
CÉLINE SEMAAN: So, yes, we fight, but we also dance, and we also rejoice. I know you talked in your book about joy and softness alongside rage and resistance. How do you weave the two together.
RAQUEL WILLIS: I will admit I have my cycles when I’m great at it and when I’m not so great at it. Weirdly, during the pandemic, when everything slowed down, I had so much solitude amidst the fear and everything else, but I think that there was an opening in that time for us to imagine different versions of ourselves and different versions of what our life could be. Capitalism had to slow down, probably for the first time since its inception. I yearn for that stillness. Most people know about me through my work, my politics, my activism. I tend to keep other things close to the vest, because I deserve to do that. My heart hurts for folks who have built careers out of and followings out of chipping off this piece and that of their personal lives and giving it away. I think that is what capitalism and social media primes us to do. They want to take more and more of our thoughts and our interests and feed them into their algorithms and machines and make more money off of us than we ever could imagine. We have to be aware of that.
I take breaks from social media. I’m selective about what I share, because I want my values to always be as clear as possible. Those boundaries come from carving out time to do CrossFit, to bike, to visit family, and to just enjoy being around my mom and my siblings and my niblings (*gender neutral niece/nephew) and just be a daughter and a sister and an auntie and not have to be Raquel, the activist or writer or icon, as some people want to say. The narrative around queer and trans people continues to be focused on tragedy or the attacks, and honestly, queer and trans people are some of the most creative and joyful people I know. You don’t get ballroom culture or drag culture or dance music or the best of plays and theater and musicals and fashion without queer and trans people having to consistently imagine a different way of living.
CÉLINE SEMAAN: What can we do to create more solidarity? I believe in solidarity as the antidote to corruption. How can we build solidarity when our needs are not met all the time, when we are running in survival mode? How do we build solidarity that is stronger. How do we offer unwavering support for one another?
RAQUEL WILLIS: I think we already do some of the work of solidarity, we just don’t think of it that way. And I think if we lean into ideas of mutual aid, collective support, our power will only be stronger. When I think about poor folks, Black and Brown folks, migrant folks, queer and trans folks… we’ve always been creative about how we live out of a sense of survival, whether it’s sending funds to a family member, or the queer and trans parents who take in the street kids, or even the grandma who says, “I’m going to live with you and help you take care of your kids, because who can afford a nanny.” I think those kinds of things are an element of what we need to beef up in terms of how we support each other and seeing our lives as more interconnected. It’s not just biological, it’s not just identity. It’s about really seeing each other as a thread in a larger tapestry.
I also think nobody needs to be donating to most of these politicians. There are politicians who may represent your values, who are grassroots, who are not funded by the PACS who do need your support. But there are plenty of folks out there who are sending funds to the National Democratic Party who could be funding grassroots efforts that could be funding the organizers on the ground in their local communities. We need more of that when we’re talking about civic duty, that should be a part of it.
We’re getting a lot of signals right now that the government is not inherently on our side. If they demolish the Department of Education, what are our alternatives to that? What schools are we building, what platforms are we building so we can educate not just the kids, but everyone, about how to be more critically minded. How are we investing in platforms like Slow Factory to do the work that our educational system isn’t and wasn’t doing? How are we transforming the institutions we’re a part of—whether they are our places of worship or our Greek organizations or our workplaces—to live up to our collective values? Are you just laying people off willy nilly, or are you figuring out how to lessen the harm of that?
I’ve been building a gender liberation movement, a new organization with my co-founder, Elliot Cruz, focused on how we can create a broader understanding of gender and how it impacts everyone in the world. We’re focusing on making the connections around bodily autonomy, particularly the attacks on access to gender affirming care, and the attacks on abortion access and reproductive justice. But in general, we’re building media, holding existing media accountable, creating cultural events and direct actions and developing policy that speaks to the wholeness of our lives.

In Conversation:
Photography by:
{
"article":
{
"title" : "Trans Liberation is Collective Liberation",
"author" : "Raquel Willis, Céline Semaan",
"category" : "interviews",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/raquel-willis",
"date" : "2025-06-21 14:26:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/47-DSCF1752.jpg",
"excerpt" : "",
"content" : "CÉLINE SEMAAN: You wrote a memoir recently, The Risk It Takes to Bloom. What do you think is the biggest risk you’ve taken, and how did that risk become a portal for transformation?RAQUEL WILLIS: The biggest risk I’ve taken in life is naming my truth at the risk of being misunderstood. I think we’re all called to take risks at various points throughout our lives. I don’t think it’s just a trans thing, or a queer thing, or even just a Black thing. I had a lot of different awakenings as a kid around gender norms and rules that never fit me. They never made sense to me, and it almost felt like everyone was following this script that I just could not get right. Eventually, as I got older, it got to a point where I had to decide if I was going to continue to fail at trying to follow society’s scripts, or if I was just going to shred that shit up and do my own thing and see what might happen. CÉLINE SEMAAN: That’s so beautifully said. We’re currently experiencing a terrifying rollback of rights for trans communities. The UK Supreme Court’s ruling against trans women happened just today. How do you see your work as both personal testimony and political resistance?RAQUEL WILLIS: My work blends storytelling and social justice at its core. I started out as a journalist in a traditional sense, and what I was primed to do in my storytelling was to uphold a status quo. There are these ideas about objectivity or being unbiased that ignore what your lens or your positionality is. In an imperialist, white supremacist, capitalist, patriarchal society, if you’re not able to articulate what you actually believe in and are willing to do that to the people your work impacts or who consume your work, then you’re probably cosigning a lot of dangerous things. There’s a piece of agency I gained from embracing community organizing and activism. Those experiences are inherently tied to my journalism and storytelling work. I started my career as a newspaper reporter in small town, Georgia, a very conservative environment. I was essentially in the closet, not out as trans or queer. That was a choice made out of survival and sometimes fear. It was the deaths by suicide of two young trans teens, Leelah Alcorn and Blake Brockington in 2014 and 2015 that really pulled me out of this idea that I could truly do something meaningful or that lived up to my values while being silent. They were trans teens who didn’t see a future for themselves being who they were, who experienced deep issues around mental health and were facing environments that were not primed to fully accept them as who they were. My work wasn’t doing what it needed to do to keep young trans people like them alive. I needed to speak up. I didn’t want to be a foot soldier for oppression. I started to speak out more. It was as simple as sharing more about my life, my story, my perspective on social media. It was being curious about what other people in the trans community were doing to transform the fabric of society. I started working with community organizers in Atlanta, queer and trans community organizers who were working on everything from ending the profiling of sex workers, to ending police brutality, to direct action, HIV AIDS advocacy and so much more. The personal became political because I knew in my work in journalism that stories are a universal organizing tool. We all have a story and we can figure out how to craft and shape it so that it can be used in service to getting people closer to collective liberation. There’s a place for stats and data, but the thing that I think often pulls people to be transformed is authenticity, vulnerability, and empathy,CÉLINE SEMAAN: You’ve been named one of TIME’s 100 most influential people. What does influence mean to you when visibility can be also dangerous?RAQUEL WILLIS: It’s an honor… and I know that influence and visibility aren’t inherently benevolent. We see every day the increasing influence of the worst actors in society, and the worst inclinations around masculinity and power and domination. The influence and visibility piece is necessary. It’s a tool, and I think we have to be strategic about what we amplify. It never really has been enough for us to simply focus on a person’s identity or this kind of nebulous idea of representation without giving equal weight to the values attached to that representation. CÉLINE SEMAAN: In your memoir you weave your story with collective struggle. How do you navigate the tension between individual success and collective liberation, especially within a system that wants to tokenize us?RAQUEL WILLIS: On an individual level, we have to consistently do the work around our ego and what we are chasing in terms of validation. It’s human to want to be acknowledged, to be cherished, to be appreciated. And I think you have to figure out how to keep those things in check. As someone who believes in the power of community organizing and activism, I’m always hyper aware that my wins aren’t just solely about me or from me. I’ve received this recognition on the shoulders of people from previous eras who experienced the brunt of systems of oppression… who did not receive their flowers in their lifetimes. I struggle often with what it means to be elevated when I know that there are so many other people doing the work, but are not seen, are not amplified, are not resourced. Whenever I can, I try to deliver on favors that can support people in getting the access they need to continue to do the work they’re doing. I like to remind people that I’m not the only Black trans person who has a voice and who is doing important, powerful work. There’s a whole constellation of us out here. CÉLINE SEMAAN: With over 500 anti-trans bills introduced in the last few years, what do you want the next generation of movement builders to understand about organizing and fighting legislative violence?RAQUEL WILLIS: Organizing is a creative endeavor, and the best organizing comes from identifying your lane and making change within that lane. There is often a dangerous overprioritizing in trying to track the legislation, in amplifying the legislation at the expense of amplifying the options that people can take right now to support the people most under attack. There’s not enough discussion around how we can support grassroots organizers and groups who are feeding, clothing, getting aid to, housing, folks on the margins. If people put as much energy into supporting those efforts on the ground as they do in calling out anti-trans laws, we would be in a better place. I also think we need to be urging our political leaders who claim to be on our side to stop operating simply from a place of defense… I want you to be on offense. It’s not enough for you to call out the bad legislation. What legislation are you presenting or sponsoring to combat that restriction or that hate that is targeting people on the margins? I need you to be proactive, not just responding to the moment. What we’re seeing right now in the United States is that Democrats have conceded so much ground legislatively, but also rhetorically, to Republicans, and now they’re in a fix, because even the Liberals have to acknowledge that the Dems are not doing enough for us. We have not done enough to demand and hold accountable leaders who claim to be on the side of the people, but have not actually had a track record fully showing that. CÉLINE SEMAAN: It seems that whenever the Democrats are in power, there is a general apathy toward organizing. It becomes a lot harder to motivate people, to hold people accountable, to get things done. Under Trump, there’s a general sense of hysteria. People are in the streets every day. Everyone is beginning to understand the consequences… How have you experienced misinformation being used as a weapon against trans people? And what’s the antidote?RAQUEL WILLIS: There’s always been a level of misinformation and disinformation in our society. We haven’t fully acknowledged that this is not just an element of the Trump era. I grew up in the Southern US, where it was not uncommon to hear that the Civil War was about states’ rights rather than about chattel slavery, when we know it was overwhelmingly about states being able to decide whether Black people could be owned and exploited within a larger capitalistic endeavor. I use that as an example, because that is just one idea that permeates the US that has never fully been shipped away as well as the idea that the US is inherently good and pure. There’s no way this country can be all of those things with all the lives that have been taken in the name of it and continue to be taken in the name of it. I think we’ve been consistently fed US propaganda throughout the history of this country, and so we have to understand that that’s misinformation. Misinformation is not a new phenomenon. We will continue to struggle as long as we have to rely on big corporate media. There will continue to be a focus on what’s most profitable. We have to be investing in community led media, independent media, media that is devoted to our values. We have to continue to empower more and more people to tell their own stories on their own terms, and we have to understand that there are few outlets for people to get politically educated. Our educational system is under attack right now by the Trump administration, but it already was a very flawed…CÉLINE SEMAAN: What is going on now is nothing new. A lot of people are waking up today wondering what happened to trans rights, to our bodily autonomy? What happened to our reproductive rights? But these rights have been jeopardized for years, and they have not been protected even when we have a democratic administration in power. RAQUEL WILLIS: I think if protections can be so swiftly stripped away, you can’t claim that they’re an inherent part of the society or this country. We have to acknowledge that this country was made for wealthy, privileged, cisgender, able bodied, Christian white men. You can tell a lot of about a society from the monuments that it builds… Trump and Musk floated into power because they were cosigned by Democratic leaders for decades. We see the memes. We see the photos of the Clintons with Trump. We see conversations that Obama was having with Musk about what he was supposedly building some 10-15, years ago, we have a Democratic party that’s supposed to represent the left that cannot come out against capitalism, and how damaging CEOs and millionaires and billionaires are to our society because they depend on the exact same power. You can’t talk about a “broligarchy” or the intense militarism or territorial nature of a Trump agenda when Democratic leaders are on the exact same trip. I want to cry about him talking about taking over Greenland or cry over Putin trying to take over the Ukraine, but you have no problem with Netanyahu stealing more land from Gaza. You have no problem with territorial divides around the world, from the Congo to Sudan to Haiti, a country that is constantly being dissected despite its rich history of resistance. If you’re not going to be invested in toppling exploitation and domination across the board, you can’t actually be a healthy, worthy representative of the collective. CÉLINE SEMAAN: So, yes, we fight, but we also dance, and we also rejoice. I know you talked in your book about joy and softness alongside rage and resistance. How do you weave the two together. RAQUEL WILLIS: I will admit I have my cycles when I’m great at it and when I’m not so great at it. Weirdly, during the pandemic, when everything slowed down, I had so much solitude amidst the fear and everything else, but I think that there was an opening in that time for us to imagine different versions of ourselves and different versions of what our life could be. Capitalism had to slow down, probably for the first time since its inception. I yearn for that stillness. Most people know about me through my work, my politics, my activism. I tend to keep other things close to the vest, because I deserve to do that. My heart hurts for folks who have built careers out of and followings out of chipping off this piece and that of their personal lives and giving it away. I think that is what capitalism and social media primes us to do. They want to take more and more of our thoughts and our interests and feed them into their algorithms and machines and make more money off of us than we ever could imagine. We have to be aware of that. I take breaks from social media. I’m selective about what I share, because I want my values to always be as clear as possible. Those boundaries come from carving out time to do CrossFit, to bike, to visit family, and to just enjoy being around my mom and my siblings and my niblings (*gender neutral niece/nephew) and just be a daughter and a sister and an auntie and not have to be Raquel, the activist or writer or icon, as some people want to say. The narrative around queer and trans people continues to be focused on tragedy or the attacks, and honestly, queer and trans people are some of the most creative and joyful people I know. You don’t get ballroom culture or drag culture or dance music or the best of plays and theater and musicals and fashion without queer and trans people having to consistently imagine a different way of living. CÉLINE SEMAAN: What can we do to create more solidarity? I believe in solidarity as the antidote to corruption. How can we build solidarity when our needs are not met all the time, when we are running in survival mode? How do we build solidarity that is stronger. How do we offer unwavering support for one another?RAQUEL WILLIS: I think we already do some of the work of solidarity, we just don’t think of it that way. And I think if we lean into ideas of mutual aid, collective support, our power will only be stronger. When I think about poor folks, Black and Brown folks, migrant folks, queer and trans folks… we’ve always been creative about how we live out of a sense of survival, whether it’s sending funds to a family member, or the queer and trans parents who take in the street kids, or even the grandma who says, “I’m going to live with you and help you take care of your kids, because who can afford a nanny. ” I think those kinds of things are an element of what we need to beef up in terms of how we support each other and seeing our lives as more interconnected. It’s not just biological, it’s not just identity. It’s about really seeing each other as a thread in a larger tapestry. I also think nobody needs to be donating to most of these politicians. There are politicians who may represent your values, who are grassroots, who are not funded by the PACS who do need your support. But there are plenty of folks out there who are sending funds to the National Democratic Party who could be funding grassroots efforts that could be funding the organizers on the ground in their local communities. We need more of that when we’re talking about civic duty, that should be a part of it. We’re getting a lot of signals right now that the government is not inherently on our side. If they demolish the Department of Education, what are our alternatives to that? What schools are we building, what platforms are we building so we can educate not just the kids, but everyone, about how to be more critically minded. How are we investing in platforms like Slow Factory to do the work that our educational system isn’t and wasn’t doing? How are we transforming the institutions we’re a part of—whether they are our places of worship or our Greek organizations or our workplaces—to live up to our collective values? Are you just laying people off willy nilly, or are you figuring out how to lessen the harm of that?I’ve been building a gender liberation movement, a new organization with my co-founder, Elliot Cruz, focused on how we can create a broader understanding of gender and how it impacts everyone in the world. We’re focusing on making the connections around bodily autonomy, particularly the attacks on access to gender affirming care, and the attacks on abortion access and reproductive justice. But in general, we’re building media, holding existing media accountable, creating cultural events and direct actions and developing policy that speaks to the wholeness of our lives. "
}
,
"relatedposts": [
{
"title" : "Argentina’s Migration “Security Turn”: How Javier Milei’s Migration Policies Are Reshaping Belonging in Argentina",
"author" : "Marina Simonet Hernandez Jurado",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/argentinas-migration-security-turn",
"date" : "2026-03-17 10:39:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Screenshot-2026-03-12-at-4.14.21PM.jpg",
"excerpt" : "",
"content" : "In late January, Argentina’s Ministry of Security published a video on Instagram showing federal forces conducting an operation in Villa Celina, a working-class neighborhood in La Matanza, reportedly searching for undocumented immigrants. Days earlier, a Colombian-born trans man who had requested asylum in Argentina, was detained at the airport for six days, unable to communicate with his family. According to La Izquierda Diario, his asylum claim was rejected, and he was placed on a flight to Porto Alegre, Brazil, under the classification of a “false tourist. ” According to an X post by Alejandra Monteoliva, Argentina’s Minister of National Security, “in December and January, nearly 5,000 foreign nationals were either denied entry or expelled from the country”. These episodes unfolded amid significant changes to Argentina’s immigration governance. Before Javier Milei took office in December 2023, immigration policy fell under the Ministry of the Interior, but former Minister Patricia Bullrich transferred oversight of immigration to the Ministry of National Security in November 2025, effectively redefining migration not as a matter of civil administration, but as an issue of national security. There have been no large-scale arrests of undocumented migrants in Argentina. Yet the symbolic force of security operations in poor neighborhoods and the high-profile expulsion of an asylum seeker signals to a broader political narrative. Like Donald Trump’s “law and order” rhetoric in the United States, Milei’s discourse relies on nationalist appeals and moral distinctions between “decent Argentinians” and those portrayed as threats. Slogans such as “el que las hace las paga” (an idiom similar to “do the crime, do the time”) compress complex social realities into punitive certainties, repositioning immigrants, workers, and other vulnerable groups as subjects of suspicion rather than individuals with rights. The correlation between Milei’s and Trump’s anti-immigrant policies is clear from the dates of implementation: Javier Milei took office in December 2023 and made no major changes to immigration policies until May 2025 (only five months after Trump took office) with the publication of the decree 366/2025 that announced modifications to the Migration Law, especially in article 114 where the creation of the “Auxiliary Migration Police” was announced. Furthermore, the desire to emulate Trump’s ICE is explicit even from members of the Milei administration, as reflected in these statements published by La Nacion, by a source close to Patricia Bullrich’s office: “The ANM (National Migration Agency) will adopt a security-driven approach. It will be modeled on the United States Department of Homeland Security, including its Border Patrol and the TSA [Transportation Security Administration, which oversees airport screening]. We are working to establish a civilian-police force operating at all of Argentina’s border crossings — an agency that centralizes migration control and maintains comprehensive records of individuals with criminal backgrounds”. Argentina’s Ambivalent Immigration TraditionArgentina’s national mythology celebrates immigration more explicitly than that of most countries in the Americas—a tradition rooted not only in historical narrative but also in constitutional language, and linked to the country’s vast, sparsely populated territory. The 1853 Preamble famously commits the nation to “secure the blessings of liberty … for all men of the world who wish to dwell on Argentine soil,” embedding an explicit invitation to migrants within the country’s founding legal imagination and framing hospitality as a foundational principle rather than a contingent policy choice. Dominant narratives credit European migration in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries with shaping Argentina’s economic and cultural development, as well as its national identity—one that has often imagined Argentines as descendants of Europeans and, therefore, distinct from the rest of Latin America. However, enthusiasm for immigration was never universal. In 1899, physician and intellectual José María Ramos Mejía wrote in Las multitudes Argentinas that immigration had “made Buenos Aires ill,” contaminating the traditions of established families. This anxiety reflected elite fears of demographic change, urban disorder, and political radicalism. In the context of the country’s expanding capitalist economy, these fears translated into hostility toward labor organizing, often portrayed as a foreign and subversive activity, as unions began to develop under the influence of anarchist and socialist ideas, including organizations such as the FORA, the country’s first major anarchist labor federation, as documented by Working Class History. The state also responded with legislation facilitating deportations, most notably the 1902 Ley de Residencia (Law 4144), which allowed the executive to expel foreigners deemed a threat to public order. Today’s nostalgia for a “good immigration” rests on two fragile premises. First, European migration is interpreted through a contemporary lens that imagines Europe as inherently prosperous and orderly, projecting present-day “First World” status onto a past marked by poverty, instability, and social conflict. Second, that race did not matter. Yet Argentina’s self-image as a predominantly white nation emerged alongside the violent erasure of much of its Indigenous population, including state campaigns such as the Conquest of the Desert, and the marginalization of Afro-Argentine communities. The celebration of European immigration has always been intertwined with racial hierarchy, evident in the markedly different treatment given to European migrants compared to those from neighboring countries such as Paraguay and Bolivia, who were racialized in distinct ways. The distinction between “good” and “bad” immigrants persists, now recorded through the language of legality and security. The False Security ArgumentThe Milei administration justifies its migration policies in the name of public safety. However, official data complicates that claim. Administrative data from the National Registry of Persons (RENAPER) indicates that Argentina has roughly 2. 3 million foreign-born residents, representing about 5 percent of the total population. Compared to countries where immigration dominates electoral politics, Argentina’s foreign-born population remains relatively small. According to 2023 national penitentiary statistics, foreigners account for roughly 6 percent of Argentina’s incarcerated population, approximately in line with their share of the country’s population. These figures suggest that migrants are not overrepresented within Argentina’s criminal justice system. Essentially, migration has not been a central axis of political instability or social crisis in recent years. Framing migration as a primary security concern appears disproportionate to the available evidence and contrasts with claims by President Javier Milei that migrants disproportionately benefit from public services such as health care and education or contribute significantly to Argentina’s economic crisis. Emulation and Political StrategyThe parallels with Trump-era discourse are not accidental. Javier Milei has openly aligned himself rhetorically with global right-wing leaders who frame migration as both a cultural and criminal threat. The emphasis on border control, internal enforcement, and moral categorization mirrors strategies used by U. S. and European conservatives to consolidate political identity around fear and grievance, while also resonating with broader regional trends. Argentina is not an isolated case in the adoption of restrictive migration policies; rather, it reflects a broader regional trend. In Chile, President-elect José Antonio Kast campaigned on proposals that included large-scale deportations of undocumented migrants. Similarly, in Costa Rica, President Rodrigo Chaves Robles declared a state of emergency in 2023 in response to migrants transiting the country en route to the United States, as reported by Reuters. In a recent interview with Louis Sarkozy, son of former French president Nicolas Sarkozy, Milei argued that when a migrant “does not adapt to your culture,” it constitutes an “invasion” capable of “altering the cultural foundations” of a country. Yet beneath this security narrative lies a broader political project. The administration’s economic agenda (including labor reforms framed as “modernization”) favors deregulation and business interests. In this context, anti-immigrant rhetoric functions less as a response to empirical conditions than as a symbolic instrument: it constructs an internal adversary while redirecting attention away from structural economic transformation. The coherence of this narrative is further complicated by reports, including those published by The New York Times, suggesting an alleged agreement between Trump and Milei for Argentina to receive deported migrants from the United States. In this sense, security has become the language through which a deeper class realignment is articulated. Argentina’s history shows that debates over immigration have often reflected anxieties about identity, race, and labor control rather than measurable threats. The current turn toward securitization thus represents not merely a policy shift, but a transformation in democratic language itself. The question, then, is not whether Argentina faces a migration crisis, the available data suggests it does not, but what political purpose is served by insisting that it does, and what this insistence reveals about the broader direction of governance under Milei. By constructing an internal enemy embodied by vulnerable populations, the government seeks to redirect attention to politically expedient scapegoats. This logic is reflected not only in the immigration policies described here, but also in labor reforms that frame workers’ rights as a burden on public spending, the repression of retirees demanding improved pensions, and new restrictions on protest and the right to strike that limit collective organization. Taken together, these measures suggest that immigration restrictions form part of a broader institutional reconfiguration, one that prioritizes the projection of authority over the resolution of concrete social and economic challenges. In doing so, the government reframes manageable social dynamics as existential threats, a shift that risks undermining the very constitutional principles it claims to defend, both domestically and in its international positioning. "
}
,
{
"title" : "Borrowed Geography: How US Bases Serve the Empire",
"author" : "Jwan Zreiq",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/borrowed-geography",
"date" : "2026-03-17 10:03:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/us-syria.jpg",
"excerpt" : "Who are the bases for? For decades, the United States and Arab regimes have rehearsed the same script: the lie that American military presence in the region protects the Arab world, to preserve stability, and to defend against external threats. Hundreds of bases, tens of thousands of troops, naval fleets parked in the Gulf, all of it, supposedly, for Arab safety. But if protection is the purpose, then the question answers itself: protected from what, exactly? The Arab region has endured more wars, more destruction, and more instability since the establishment of these bases than in any comparable period before them. Iraq was invaded. Syria was shattered. Yemen was starved. Libya was bombed into state collapse. Palestine remains under occupation and siege. If this is what protection looks like, then the word has lost all meaning.",
"content" : "Who are the bases for? For decades, the United States and Arab regimes have rehearsed the same script: the lie that American military presence in the region protects the Arab world, to preserve stability, and to defend against external threats. Hundreds of bases, tens of thousands of troops, naval fleets parked in the Gulf, all of it, supposedly, for Arab safety. But if protection is the purpose, then the question answers itself: protected from what, exactly? The Arab region has endured more wars, more destruction, and more instability since the establishment of these bases than in any comparable period before them. Iraq was invaded. Syria was shattered. Yemen was starved. Libya was bombed into state collapse. Palestine remains under occupation and siege. If this is what protection looks like, then the word has lost all meaning. The Scale of PresenceThe American military footprint in the Arab region is staggering. The United States maintains forces in more than a dozen countries, with at least nineteen military sites, eight considered permanent. Qatar hosts Al Udeid Air Base, the largest US installation in the Middle East, serving as the forward headquarters for US Central Command with around 10,000 troops. As of mid-2025, roughly 40,000 American service members were deployed across the region. The narrative behind the purpose of these bases were sold to Arab governments, and by extension, to Arab publics, as shields against regional threats, primarily framed as Iran. But the record tells a very different story. They have served as launch pads for the destruction of Arab states, not their protection. What the Bases Did to IraqThe invasion of Iraq in 2003 remains the most damning evidence, and a vital one to read alongside what is happening today with Iran. Here is an Arab country, a founding member of the Arab League, destroyed using bases hosted by neighbouring Arab states. Kuwait, Qatar, Bahrain, and others became staging grounds for an invasion whose human cost is staggering. Population-based studies estimate over one million Iraqi deaths resulting from the war, while the Iraq Body Count project has documented between 186,901 and 210,296 violent civilian deaths. Brown University’s Costs of War project estimates that over 940,000 people were killed by direct post-9/11 war violence across Iraq, Afghanistan, Syria, Yemen, and Pakistan, with more than 432,000 of those being civilians. The bases did not protect Iraq. The bases destroyed Iraq. And the Arab states that hosted those bases were complicit, whether they admitted it or not, in the annihilation of an Arab neighbour. If the bases exist to protect Arab nations from external aggression, then what do you call an invasion launched from those very bases against an Arab capital?At the time of writing this, the pattern is repeating, and it is vital to read what is happening today alongside the record of Iraq. The US-Israeli alliance has launched strikes on a sovereign nation, Iran, calling it preemptive. Unnecessary, unprovoked, and deeply violent. What much Western media has failed to acknowledge is that the strike is unlawful. Not a grey area. A criminal act under international law. The current escalation is driven not by any genuine Iranian or Arab interest but by Israeli strategic calculations that position American bases as staging grounds for strikes against a neighbouring, non-Arab, Muslim-majority country with which Arab states share geography, trade, and centuries of cultural exchange. The shield became the target. Exactly as predicted. Netanyahu’s Guarantee; Peace Is Always One War AwayThere is no better illustration of Israel’s role as the architect of this configuration than the words of Benjamin Netanyahu himself, whose career has been defined by a single recurring promise: destroy the current enemy, and peace will come. The enemy changes. The promise never does and it never will. In the 1980s, Netanyahu told Pat Robertson that the Soviet Union was “a major force” behind international terrorism and that “if you take away the Soviet Union, its chief proxy, the PLO, international terrorism would collapse. ” In 2002, Netanyahu appeared before the US Congress to lobby for the invasion of Iraq. He told lawmakers: “If you take out Saddam’s regime, I guarantee you that it will have enormous positive reverberations in the region. ” Predicting that regime change in Baghdad would trigger the implosion of Iran. In 2015, he returned to Congress to sabotage the Iran nuclear deal, claiming it would guarantee an Iranian bomb. The same language of certainty he had used about Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction, which never existed. In 2024, he stood before Congress again: “Israel will fight until we destroy Hamas’s military capabilities and its rule in Gaza. That’s what total victory means. ” He framed every front as one war: “When we fight Hamas, we’re fighting Iran. When we fight Hezbollah, we’re fighting Iran. When we fight the Houthis, we’re fighting Iran”. The normalisation agreements of the Abraham Accords were about integrating Israel into a security architecture in which American bases, Arab territory, and Israeli strategic interests become indistinguishable. Even the $142 billion Saudi arms deal is constrained by America’s guarantee that Israel receives more advanced weaponry than any Arab state, a policy known as the “qualitative military edge. ” A deal that, as Foreign Affairs documented, was designed to normalise relations with Israel without demanding, in exchange, the establishment of an independent Palestinian state. The bases that were once justified as protecting Arab sovereignty now serve a framework that prioritises Israeli security at Arab expense. At no point in this trajectory have the bases served the interests of ordinary Arab citizens. They have served American power projection, Israeli regional ambitions, and the narrow survival calculations of ruling elites who exchange sovereignty for patronage. The geography has been borrowed for decades. The return on that investment has been the destruction of Iraq, missiles falling on Doha, and trillions flowing in the wrong direction. The Geography Reclaims ItselfBut the myth is fracturing. In January 2026, the Iraqi army assumed full control of Ain al-Asad Airbase after a complete US withdrawal, ending more than two decades of American military presence in western Iraq. In Jordan, daily protests after October 7 forced the government to recall its ambassador from Israel; Israel evacuated its own and has not replaced its diplomatic mission since. In Morocco, which normalised relations with Israel in 2020, public support for normalisation collapsed from 31 percent to 13 percent after October 7, and in 2025, the country’s largest labour union called for banning Israeli-bound ships from Moroccan waters and organised protests in support of Gaza. The 2025 Arab Opinion Index, the largest public opinion survey in the Arab world, covering 40,000 respondents across fifteen countries, found that 87 percent of Arabs oppose recognition of Israel, citing its status as a “settler-colonial state occupying Palestine”. Despite the Abraham Accords, support for normalisation dropped even further, including in signatory states. This is not passive discontent. It is a political force constraining governments that would otherwise deepen their alignment with Washington and Tel Aviv. Within the Arab world, a generation of writers, organisers, and researchers from Azmi Bishara’s work on sovereignty and the failure of normalisation, to Abdel Razzaq Takriti’s recovery of Gulf revolutionary traditions, to the policy analysts at Al-Shabaka dismantling the security-sector myth, is building the analytical tools to name what previous generations could not say aloud: that the security architecture sold to them was never designed for their protection, and that genuine regional security begins with sovereignty–not the kind performed at summits and investment forums, but the kind that decides who can and cannot wage war from your soil. The Yemeni blockade of Red Sea shipping, whatever one’s position on the Houthis may be,, demonstrated something that decades of Arab League communiqués never did: that collective action rooted in solidarity with Palestine can materially disrupt the logistics of empire. "
}
,
{
"title" : "Kurdistan and Palestine: Mapping Solidarity Beyond Colonial Borders",
"author" : "Rojin Namer, Jwan Zreiq",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/kurdistan-and-palestine",
"date" : "2026-03-17 10:00:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/shutterstock_232668253-956x539-c.jpg",
"excerpt" : "“No one can understand the suffering of the palestinian people more than the Kurds. No people can share a relationship of empathy more than the peoples of Palestine and Kurdistan. This has been proven by their experiences and joint struggle. It was as such yesterday and it is as such today.” - Duran Kalkan",
"content" : "“No one can understand the suffering of the palestinian people more than the Kurds. No people can share a relationship of empathy more than the peoples of Palestine and Kurdistan. This has been proven by their experiences and joint struggle. It was as such yesterday and it is as such today. ” - Duran KalkanKurds live under imposed borders and know occupation firsthand. People shaped by displacement do not romanticize occupation or occupiers as allies. Kurdish writer Egultekin’s words cut through decades of propaganda that has painted Kurdish movements as Israeli proxies. The truth is simpler and far more painful: the “Kurdish-Israeli alliance” is a narrative weapon wielded by the very states that carved up Kurdistan, designed to turn regional solidarity into suspicion and transform indigenous resistance into foreign conspiracy. As a result, Kurdish and Palestinian struggles have been deliberately misunderstood as competing, when in fact they share a common root. Both of their people live as the largest stateless populations in the world, their identities fractured across borders drawn by colonial powers who never asked for their consent. The Kurds estimated number is 40 to 45 million across Turkey (Bakur), Syria (Rojava), Iraq (Başȗr), Iran (Rojhilat) – names the Kurds use for their own lands– as well as in diaspora. Palestinians number 15. 5 million, scattered across Palestine and the diaspora. Both peoples have lived and survived through genocide, displacement, and the systematic erasure of their existence, still fighting, relentlessly, just to assert their right to exist. The Architecture of FragmentingKurdistan is often described as if it were an absence, a land that does not exist because it does not appear on official maps. This absence is political, not historical. What appears today as four separate “minority” populations spread across widely recognized nation-states was once a connected social, linguistic, and cultural landscape where the Kurds lived as the indigenous people of the mountains, which is where the famous saying comes from, “No friends but the mountains,” a phrase born from watching these mountains given to different countries while the Kurds themselves were denied the ability to move through land that had always been theirs. Those same mountains were also pathways for commerce, escape, and cover for those fleeing or fighting. Many Kurds lived as Koçers–a Kurdish word related to families’ seasonal migration with their belongings, their sheep and goats, between lowland winters and highland summers. Their routes never knew the borders that would later claim to define them. Borders that would turn their ancestral movement into crime, making them “illegal” on land their ancestors had traversed freely for generations. To understand the ties between Palestine and Kurdistan, we must trace the borders that fractured them. In 1916, Britain and France signed the Sykes-Picot Agreement, dividing Bilad al-Sham, the Levant. They partitioned what had been a living geography of different tribes, faiths, and peoples into Syria, Jordan, Palestine, and Lebanon, carving nations from what was once one land. The same lines fractured Kurdistan across Turkey, Iraq, Syria, and Iran, leaving its people stateless across four different borders. The agreement laid the ground for the Balfour Declaration the following year, which promised Palestine to a European Zionist movement while Palestinian hands still worked its soil, cultivating the land while it’s being promised away. These colonial borders made Kurdish existence itself a threat to four different nation-states simultaneously, which means attempts at autonomy have been met with violent repression to this day. Because acknowledging Kurdish identity challenges the legitimacy of the borders themselves, and challenging the story these states tell about who belongs and who doesn’t, also challenging who controls the resources beneath their feet. Kurdish lands, recognized as one of the world’s most significant untapped energy frontiers, holding massive reserves of oil, gas, minerals, and fertile agricultural land, none of which has benefited Kurdish populations. In Iraq alone, Kurdish regions sit on an estimated 45 billion barrels of oil reserves, resources that all four states have consistently fought to keep out of Kurdish hands. Taken together, control over these resources has allowed these states to determine who holds political power and who remains outside it; who sits at the table, and who is never invited. So when we ask why the mere existence of Kurdish identity remains so threatening to the states built on their erasure, the answer lies in understanding how statelessness becomes not just a condition but a tool. Israel’s interest in Kurdish movements has nothing to do with self-determination and everything to do with weakening Iran, fragmenting Iraq. The same imperial logic that created Kurdish statelessness is now offered back as an alliance. Rojava: Liberation, ethnic and gender justice movementIn 2012, amid the Syrian civil war and the withdrawal of regime forces from Kurdish-majority areas, Kurdish political forces in northern Syria began to organize autonomous self-governance. While defending their territories against ISIS, they initiated a political project grounded in grassroots democracy. This radical resistance movement evolved into what is known today as the Autonomous Administration of North Syria. Crucially, what began in predominantly Kurdish areas expanded to include Arabs, Assyrians, Armenians, Turkmens, and other communities as they joined the autonomous regions. The system adapted a council-based structure extending from local communes to district and regional assemblies. Representation is based not on ethnicity nor religion, but on a shared participation in self-governance. In a region marked by unresolved national questions and sectarian fragmentation, this model represents both a rupture and a possibility; challenging the nation-state through decentralization and multi-ethnic coexistence. Crucially, gender equality is not an addendum but the structure itself. The women’s movement within the revolution has transformed social and political life, placing women’s liberation at the center of democratic transformation. In this way, every governing body in Rojava operates under mandatory co-leadership between a woman and a man, with a minimum 40% quota for women’s participation across all institutions, and women’s councils hold autonomous veto power over community decisions, meaning that no law, no policy, or local decision can ever be moved forward without women’s consent. One of the most notable accomplishments perhaps is how the administration has banned polygamy, child marriage, and forced marriage. Equally significant, it criminalized honor killings and gender-based violence –transforming what were once dismissed as private cultural matters into prosecutable violations. Alongside this legal transformation, women formed their own armed units, the YPJ (Women’s Protection Units), founded in 2013 as an autonomous military formation that fought ISIS on the frontlines as independent fighters, defying the narrative of women fighters as auxiliaries to male forces by becoming instrumental in the liberation of Kobani and the rescue of thousands of Yazidis from genocide on Mount Sinjar. Beyond military defense, Kurdish women established their own justice system through Mala Jin (Women’s Houses), a network of more than 60 centers across the region. Here, women resolve disputes, address domestic violence, and challenge patriarchal practices without state or male mediation; offering reconciliation and mediation processes at the community level, instead of through courts or police. Educational academies followed, training women in everything from political theory to cooperative economics, and in the process, they created the infrastructure for women’s autonomous power. In the spirit of women resisting together, Leila Khaled, the Palestinian revolutionary and PFLP member, has consistently recognized the Kurdish struggle as inseparable from Palestine’s. Khaled visited Leyla Güven, a Kurdish parliamentarian imprisoned for opposing Turkish incursions into Syria, during Güven’s hunger strike demanding an end to the isolation of imprisoned Kurdish leader Abdullah Öcalan. Khaled draws direct parallels between the partition of Palestine and the partition of Kurdistan, between the denial of Palestinian return and the denial of Kurdish movement through their mountains. A Bijî Kurdistan & Free PalestineKurdish writer Özlem Goner’s words map the liberation path forward when she wrote: “Kurds and Palestinians in this particular context have suffered various forms of colonial violence at the hands of Turkey and Israel respectively, and it is our alliance, together with all the other colonized and oppressed populations of the Middle East and beyond, that can bring justice and peace. From learning to self-defend together, to invaluable moments of solidarity. ”Daily resistance is not always courageous. Sometimes it is a compromise you’re willing to take in simply choosing not to disappear. In both Kurdish and Palestinian contexts, resistance then, is a condition of existence, perhaps the only one available when your whole being is read as a political stance. The question has never been whether there will be one state or two, but whether that state will be based on equality or continue to be based on domination. The map with further fragmentation of lands promises resolution while preserving the very architecture of oppression. So, until the maps and borders reflect justice rather than colonial division, until Kurds can traverse their mountains and Palestinians can return to their lands, the project of liberation remains unfinished. Liberation will emerge, if at all, from the recognition that to be Kurdish, to be Palestinian, is to have one’s very existence made political by those who drew borders to erase it, and that survival itself no state has managed to extinguish. From women governing in Rojava to families returning to olive groves in Palestine, the stubborn refusal to stop being who we are is the political act no state or borders can legislate away. "
}
]
}