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Trans Liberation is Collective Liberation

CÉLINE SEMAAN: You wrote a memoir recently, The Risk It Takes to Bloom. What do you think is the biggest risk you’ve taken, and how did that risk become a portal for transformation?
RAQUEL WILLIS: The biggest risk I’ve taken in life is naming my truth at the risk of being misunderstood. I think we’re all called to take risks at various points throughout our lives. I don’t think it’s just a trans thing, or a queer thing, or even just a Black thing. I had a lot of different awakenings as a kid around gender norms and rules that never fit me. They never made sense to me, and it almost felt like everyone was following this script that I just could not get right. Eventually, as I got older, it got to a point where I had to decide if I was going to continue to fail at trying to follow society’s scripts, or if I was just going to shred that shit up and do my own thing and see what might happen.
CÉLINE SEMAAN: That’s so beautifully said. We’re currently experiencing a terrifying rollback of rights for trans communities. The UK Supreme Court’s ruling against trans women happened just today. How do you see your work as both personal testimony and political resistance?
RAQUEL WILLIS: My work blends storytelling and social justice at its core. I started out as a journalist in a traditional sense, and what I was primed to do in my storytelling was to uphold a status quo. There are these ideas about objectivity or being unbiased that ignore what your lens or your positionality is. In an imperialist, white supremacist, capitalist, patriarchal society, if you’re not able to articulate what you actually believe in and are willing to do that to the people your work impacts or who consume your work, then you’re probably cosigning a lot of dangerous things. There’s a piece of agency I gained from embracing community organizing and activism. Those experiences are inherently tied to my journalism and storytelling work.
I started my career as a newspaper reporter in small town, Georgia, a very conservative environment. I was essentially in the closet, not out as trans or queer. That was a choice made out of survival and sometimes fear. It was the deaths by suicide of two young trans teens, Leelah Alcorn and Blake Brockington in 2014 and 2015 that really pulled me out of this idea that I could truly do something meaningful or that lived up to my values while being silent. They were trans teens who didn’t see a future for themselves being who they were, who experienced deep issues around mental health and were facing environments that were not primed to fully accept them as who they were.

My work wasn’t doing what it needed to do to keep young trans people like them alive. I needed to speak up. I didn’t want to be a foot soldier for oppression. I started to speak out more. It was as simple as sharing more about my life, my story, my perspective on social media. It was being curious about what other people in the trans community were doing to transform the fabric of society. I started working with community organizers in Atlanta, queer and trans community organizers who were working on everything from ending the profiling of sex workers, to ending police brutality, to direct action, HIV AIDS advocacy and so much more. The personal became political because I knew in my work in journalism that stories are a universal organizing tool. We all have a story and we can figure out how to craft and shape it so that it can be used in service to getting people closer to collective liberation. There’s a place for stats and data, but the thing that I think often pulls people to be transformed is authenticity, vulnerability, and empathy,
CÉLINE SEMAAN: You’ve been named one of TIME’s 100 most influential people. What does influence mean to you when visibility can be also dangerous?
RAQUEL WILLIS: It’s an honor… and I know that influence and visibility aren’t inherently benevolent. We see every day the increasing influence of the worst actors in society, and the worst inclinations around masculinity and power and domination.
The influence and visibility piece is necessary. It’s a tool, and I think we have to be strategic about what we amplify. It never really has been enough for us to simply focus on a person’s identity or this kind of nebulous idea of representation without giving equal weight to the values attached to that representation.
CÉLINE SEMAAN: In your memoir you weave your story with collective struggle. How do you navigate the tension between individual success and collective liberation, especially within a system that wants to tokenize us?
RAQUEL WILLIS: On an individual level, we have to consistently do the work around our ego and what we are chasing in terms of validation. It’s human to want to be acknowledged, to be cherished, to be appreciated. And I think you have to figure out how to keep those things in check. As someone who believes in the power of community organizing and activism, I’m always hyper aware that my wins aren’t just solely about me or from me. I’ve received this recognition on the shoulders of people from previous eras who experienced the brunt of systems of oppression… who did not receive their flowers in their lifetimes.
I struggle often with what it means to be elevated when I know that there are so many other people doing the work, but are not seen, are not amplified, are not resourced. Whenever I can, I try to deliver on favors that can support people in getting the access they need to continue to do the work they’re doing. I like to remind people that I’m not the only Black trans person who has a voice and who is doing important, powerful work. There’s a whole constellation of us out here.

CÉLINE SEMAAN: With over 500 anti-trans bills introduced in the last few years, what do you want the next generation of movement builders to understand about organizing and fighting legislative violence?
RAQUEL WILLIS: Organizing is a creative endeavor, and the best organizing comes from identifying your lane and making change within that lane. There is often a dangerous overprioritizing in trying to track the legislation, in amplifying the legislation at the expense of amplifying the options that people can take right now to support the people most under attack. There’s not enough discussion around how we can support grassroots organizers and groups who are feeding, clothing, getting aid to, housing, folks on the margins. If people put as much energy into supporting those efforts on the ground as they do in calling out anti-trans laws, we would be in a better place. I also think we need to be urging our political leaders who claim to be on our side to stop operating simply from a place of defense… I want you to be on offense.
It’s not enough for you to call out the bad legislation. What legislation are you presenting or sponsoring to combat that restriction or that hate that is targeting people on the margins? I need you to be proactive, not just responding to the moment. What we’re seeing right now in the United States is that Democrats have conceded so much ground legislatively, but also rhetorically, to Republicans, and now they’re in a fix, because even the Liberals have to acknowledge that the Dems are not doing enough for us. We have not done enough to demand and hold accountable leaders who claim to be on the side of the people, but have not actually had a track record fully showing that.
CÉLINE SEMAAN: It seems that whenever the Democrats are in power, there is a general apathy toward organizing. It becomes a lot harder to motivate people, to hold people accountable, to get things done. Under Trump, there’s a general sense of hysteria. People are in the streets every day. Everyone is beginning to understand the consequences… How have you experienced misinformation being used as a weapon against trans people? And what’s the antidote?
RAQUEL WILLIS: There’s always been a level of misinformation and disinformation in our society. We haven’t fully acknowledged that this is not just an element of the Trump era. I grew up in the Southern US, where it was not uncommon to hear that the Civil War was about states’ rights rather than about chattel slavery, when we know it was overwhelmingly about states being able to decide whether Black people could be owned and exploited within a larger capitalistic endeavor. I use that as an example, because that is just one idea that permeates the US that has never fully been shipped away as well as the idea that the US is inherently good and pure. There’s no way this country can be all of those things with all the lives that have been taken in the name of it and continue to be taken in the name of it.
I think we’ve been consistently fed US propaganda throughout the history of this country, and so we have to understand that that’s misinformation. Misinformation is not a new phenomenon.
We will continue to struggle as long as we have to rely on big corporate media. There will continue to be a focus on what’s most profitable. We have to be investing in community led media, independent media, media that is devoted to our values. We have to continue to empower more and more people to tell their own stories on their own terms, and we have to understand that there are few outlets for people to get politically educated.
Our educational system is under attack right now by the Trump administration, but it already was a very flawed…
CÉLINE SEMAAN: What is going on now is nothing new. A lot of people are waking up today wondering what happened to trans rights, to our bodily autonomy? What happened to our reproductive rights? But these rights have been jeopardized for years, and they have not been protected even when we have a democratic administration in power.
RAQUEL WILLIS: I think if protections can be so swiftly stripped away, you can’t claim that they’re an inherent part of the society or this country. We have to acknowledge that this country was made for wealthy, privileged, cisgender, able bodied, Christian white men. You can tell a lot of about a society from the monuments that it builds… Trump and Musk floated into power because they were cosigned by Democratic leaders for decades. We see the memes. We see the photos of the Clintons with Trump. We see conversations that Obama was having with Musk about what he was supposedly building some 10-15, years ago, we have a Democratic party that’s supposed to represent the left that cannot come out against capitalism, and how damaging CEOs and millionaires and billionaires are to our society because they depend on the exact same power.
You can’t talk about a “broligarchy” or the intense militarism or territorial nature of a Trump agenda when Democratic leaders are on the exact same trip. I want to cry about him talking about taking over Greenland or cry over Putin trying to take over the Ukraine, but you have no problem with Netanyahu stealing more land from Gaza. You have no problem with territorial divides around the world, from the Congo to Sudan to Haiti, a country that is constantly being dissected despite its rich history of resistance. If you’re not going to be invested in toppling exploitation and domination across the board, you can’t actually be a healthy, worthy representative of the collective.
CÉLINE SEMAAN: So, yes, we fight, but we also dance, and we also rejoice. I know you talked in your book about joy and softness alongside rage and resistance. How do you weave the two together.
RAQUEL WILLIS: I will admit I have my cycles when I’m great at it and when I’m not so great at it. Weirdly, during the pandemic, when everything slowed down, I had so much solitude amidst the fear and everything else, but I think that there was an opening in that time for us to imagine different versions of ourselves and different versions of what our life could be. Capitalism had to slow down, probably for the first time since its inception. I yearn for that stillness. Most people know about me through my work, my politics, my activism. I tend to keep other things close to the vest, because I deserve to do that. My heart hurts for folks who have built careers out of and followings out of chipping off this piece and that of their personal lives and giving it away. I think that is what capitalism and social media primes us to do. They want to take more and more of our thoughts and our interests and feed them into their algorithms and machines and make more money off of us than we ever could imagine. We have to be aware of that.
I take breaks from social media. I’m selective about what I share, because I want my values to always be as clear as possible. Those boundaries come from carving out time to do CrossFit, to bike, to visit family, and to just enjoy being around my mom and my siblings and my niblings (*gender neutral niece/nephew) and just be a daughter and a sister and an auntie and not have to be Raquel, the activist or writer or icon, as some people want to say. The narrative around queer and trans people continues to be focused on tragedy or the attacks, and honestly, queer and trans people are some of the most creative and joyful people I know. You don’t get ballroom culture or drag culture or dance music or the best of plays and theater and musicals and fashion without queer and trans people having to consistently imagine a different way of living.
CÉLINE SEMAAN: What can we do to create more solidarity? I believe in solidarity as the antidote to corruption. How can we build solidarity when our needs are not met all the time, when we are running in survival mode? How do we build solidarity that is stronger. How do we offer unwavering support for one another?
RAQUEL WILLIS: I think we already do some of the work of solidarity, we just don’t think of it that way. And I think if we lean into ideas of mutual aid, collective support, our power will only be stronger. When I think about poor folks, Black and Brown folks, migrant folks, queer and trans folks… we’ve always been creative about how we live out of a sense of survival, whether it’s sending funds to a family member, or the queer and trans parents who take in the street kids, or even the grandma who says, “I’m going to live with you and help you take care of your kids, because who can afford a nanny.” I think those kinds of things are an element of what we need to beef up in terms of how we support each other and seeing our lives as more interconnected. It’s not just biological, it’s not just identity. It’s about really seeing each other as a thread in a larger tapestry.
I also think nobody needs to be donating to most of these politicians. There are politicians who may represent your values, who are grassroots, who are not funded by the PACS who do need your support. But there are plenty of folks out there who are sending funds to the National Democratic Party who could be funding grassroots efforts that could be funding the organizers on the ground in their local communities. We need more of that when we’re talking about civic duty, that should be a part of it.
We’re getting a lot of signals right now that the government is not inherently on our side. If they demolish the Department of Education, what are our alternatives to that? What schools are we building, what platforms are we building so we can educate not just the kids, but everyone, about how to be more critically minded. How are we investing in platforms like Slow Factory to do the work that our educational system isn’t and wasn’t doing? How are we transforming the institutions we’re a part of—whether they are our places of worship or our Greek organizations or our workplaces—to live up to our collective values? Are you just laying people off willy nilly, or are you figuring out how to lessen the harm of that?
I’ve been building a gender liberation movement, a new organization with my co-founder, Elliot Cruz, focused on how we can create a broader understanding of gender and how it impacts everyone in the world. We’re focusing on making the connections around bodily autonomy, particularly the attacks on access to gender affirming care, and the attacks on abortion access and reproductive justice. But in general, we’re building media, holding existing media accountable, creating cultural events and direct actions and developing policy that speaks to the wholeness of our lives.

In Conversation:
Photography by:
{
"article":
{
"title" : "Trans Liberation is Collective Liberation",
"author" : "Raquel Willis, Céline Semaan",
"category" : "interviews",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/raquel-willis",
"date" : "2025-06-21 14:26:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/47-DSCF1752.jpg",
"excerpt" : "",
"content" : "CÉLINE SEMAAN: You wrote a memoir recently, The Risk It Takes to Bloom. What do you think is the biggest risk you’ve taken, and how did that risk become a portal for transformation?RAQUEL WILLIS: The biggest risk I’ve taken in life is naming my truth at the risk of being misunderstood. I think we’re all called to take risks at various points throughout our lives. I don’t think it’s just a trans thing, or a queer thing, or even just a Black thing. I had a lot of different awakenings as a kid around gender norms and rules that never fit me. They never made sense to me, and it almost felt like everyone was following this script that I just could not get right. Eventually, as I got older, it got to a point where I had to decide if I was going to continue to fail at trying to follow society’s scripts, or if I was just going to shred that shit up and do my own thing and see what might happen.CÉLINE SEMAAN: That’s so beautifully said. We’re currently experiencing a terrifying rollback of rights for trans communities. The UK Supreme Court’s ruling against trans women happened just today. How do you see your work as both personal testimony and political resistance?RAQUEL WILLIS: My work blends storytelling and social justice at its core. I started out as a journalist in a traditional sense, and what I was primed to do in my storytelling was to uphold a status quo. There are these ideas about objectivity or being unbiased that ignore what your lens or your positionality is. In an imperialist, white supremacist, capitalist, patriarchal society, if you’re not able to articulate what you actually believe in and are willing to do that to the people your work impacts or who consume your work, then you’re probably cosigning a lot of dangerous things. There’s a piece of agency I gained from embracing community organizing and activism. Those experiences are inherently tied to my journalism and storytelling work.I started my career as a newspaper reporter in small town, Georgia, a very conservative environment. I was essentially in the closet, not out as trans or queer. That was a choice made out of survival and sometimes fear. It was the deaths by suicide of two young trans teens, Leelah Alcorn and Blake Brockington in 2014 and 2015 that really pulled me out of this idea that I could truly do something meaningful or that lived up to my values while being silent. They were trans teens who didn’t see a future for themselves being who they were, who experienced deep issues around mental health and were facing environments that were not primed to fully accept them as who they were.My work wasn’t doing what it needed to do to keep young trans people like them alive. I needed to speak up. I didn’t want to be a foot soldier for oppression. I started to speak out more. It was as simple as sharing more about my life, my story, my perspective on social media. It was being curious about what other people in the trans community were doing to transform the fabric of society. I started working with community organizers in Atlanta, queer and trans community organizers who were working on everything from ending the profiling of sex workers, to ending police brutality, to direct action, HIV AIDS advocacy and so much more. The personal became political because I knew in my work in journalism that stories are a universal organizing tool. We all have a story and we can figure out how to craft and shape it so that it can be used in service to getting people closer to collective liberation. There’s a place for stats and data, but the thing that I think often pulls people to be transformed is authenticity, vulnerability, and empathy,CÉLINE SEMAAN: You’ve been named one of TIME’s 100 most influential people. What does influence mean to you when visibility can be also dangerous?RAQUEL WILLIS: It’s an honor… and I know that influence and visibility aren’t inherently benevolent. We see every day the increasing influence of the worst actors in society, and the worst inclinations around masculinity and power and domination. The influence and visibility piece is necessary. It’s a tool, and I think we have to be strategic about what we amplify. It never really has been enough for us to simply focus on a person’s identity or this kind of nebulous idea of representation without giving equal weight to the values attached to that representation.CÉLINE SEMAAN: In your memoir you weave your story with collective struggle. How do you navigate the tension between individual success and collective liberation, especially within a system that wants to tokenize us?RAQUEL WILLIS: On an individual level, we have to consistently do the work around our ego and what we are chasing in terms of validation. It’s human to want to be acknowledged, to be cherished, to be appreciated. And I think you have to figure out how to keep those things in check. As someone who believes in the power of community organizing and activism, I’m always hyper aware that my wins aren’t just solely about me or from me. I’ve received this recognition on the shoulders of people from previous eras who experienced the brunt of systems of oppression… who did not receive their flowers in their lifetimes.I struggle often with what it means to be elevated when I know that there are so many other people doing the work, but are not seen, are not amplified, are not resourced. Whenever I can, I try to deliver on favors that can support people in getting the access they need to continue to do the work they’re doing. I like to remind people that I’m not the only Black trans person who has a voice and who is doing important, powerful work. There’s a whole constellation of us out here.CÉLINE SEMAAN: With over 500 anti-trans bills introduced in the last few years, what do you want the next generation of movement builders to understand about organizing and fighting legislative violence?RAQUEL WILLIS: Organizing is a creative endeavor, and the best organizing comes from identifying your lane and making change within that lane. There is often a dangerous overprioritizing in trying to track the legislation, in amplifying the legislation at the expense of amplifying the options that people can take right now to support the people most under attack. There’s not enough discussion around how we can support grassroots organizers and groups who are feeding, clothing, getting aid to, housing, folks on the margins. If people put as much energy into supporting those efforts on the ground as they do in calling out anti-trans laws, we would be in a better place. I also think we need to be urging our political leaders who claim to be on our side to stop operating simply from a place of defense… I want you to be on offense.It’s not enough for you to call out the bad legislation. What legislation are you presenting or sponsoring to combat that restriction or that hate that is targeting people on the margins? I need you to be proactive, not just responding to the moment. What we’re seeing right now in the United States is that Democrats have conceded so much ground legislatively, but also rhetorically, to Republicans, and now they’re in a fix, because even the Liberals have to acknowledge that the Dems are not doing enough for us. We have not done enough to demand and hold accountable leaders who claim to be on the side of the people, but have not actually had a track record fully showing that.CÉLINE SEMAAN: It seems that whenever the Democrats are in power, there is a general apathy toward organizing. It becomes a lot harder to motivate people, to hold people accountable, to get things done. Under Trump, there’s a general sense of hysteria. People are in the streets every day. Everyone is beginning to understand the consequences… How have you experienced misinformation being used as a weapon against trans people? And what’s the antidote?RAQUEL WILLIS: There’s always been a level of misinformation and disinformation in our society. We haven’t fully acknowledged that this is not just an element of the Trump era. I grew up in the Southern US, where it was not uncommon to hear that the Civil War was about states’ rights rather than about chattel slavery, when we know it was overwhelmingly about states being able to decide whether Black people could be owned and exploited within a larger capitalistic endeavor. I use that as an example, because that is just one idea that permeates the US that has never fully been shipped away as well as the idea that the US is inherently good and pure. There’s no way this country can be all of those things with all the lives that have been taken in the name of it and continue to be taken in the name of it.I think we’ve been consistently fed US propaganda throughout the history of this country, and so we have to understand that that’s misinformation. Misinformation is not a new phenomenon. We will continue to struggle as long as we have to rely on big corporate media. There will continue to be a focus on what’s most profitable. We have to be investing in community led media, independent media, media that is devoted to our values. We have to continue to empower more and more people to tell their own stories on their own terms, and we have to understand that there are few outlets for people to get politically educated.Our educational system is under attack right now by the Trump administration, but it already was a very flawed…CÉLINE SEMAAN: What is going on now is nothing new. A lot of people are waking up today wondering what happened to trans rights, to our bodily autonomy? What happened to our reproductive rights? But these rights have been jeopardized for years, and they have not been protected even when we have a democratic administration in power.RAQUEL WILLIS: I think if protections can be so swiftly stripped away, you can’t claim that they’re an inherent part of the society or this country. We have to acknowledge that this country was made for wealthy, privileged, cisgender, able bodied, Christian white men. You can tell a lot of about a society from the monuments that it builds… Trump and Musk floated into power because they were cosigned by Democratic leaders for decades. We see the memes. We see the photos of the Clintons with Trump. We see conversations that Obama was having with Musk about what he was supposedly building some 10-15, years ago, we have a Democratic party that’s supposed to represent the left that cannot come out against capitalism, and how damaging CEOs and millionaires and billionaires are to our society because they depend on the exact same power.You can’t talk about a “broligarchy” or the intense militarism or territorial nature of a Trump agenda when Democratic leaders are on the exact same trip. I want to cry about him talking about taking over Greenland or cry over Putin trying to take over the Ukraine, but you have no problem with Netanyahu stealing more land from Gaza. You have no problem with territorial divides around the world, from the Congo to Sudan to Haiti, a country that is constantly being dissected despite its rich history of resistance. If you’re not going to be invested in toppling exploitation and domination across the board, you can’t actually be a healthy, worthy representative of the collective.CÉLINE SEMAAN: So, yes, we fight, but we also dance, and we also rejoice. I know you talked in your book about joy and softness alongside rage and resistance. How do you weave the two together.RAQUEL WILLIS: I will admit I have my cycles when I’m great at it and when I’m not so great at it. Weirdly, during the pandemic, when everything slowed down, I had so much solitude amidst the fear and everything else, but I think that there was an opening in that time for us to imagine different versions of ourselves and different versions of what our life could be. Capitalism had to slow down, probably for the first time since its inception. I yearn for that stillness. Most people know about me through my work, my politics, my activism. I tend to keep other things close to the vest, because I deserve to do that. My heart hurts for folks who have built careers out of and followings out of chipping off this piece and that of their personal lives and giving it away. I think that is what capitalism and social media primes us to do. They want to take more and more of our thoughts and our interests and feed them into their algorithms and machines and make more money off of us than we ever could imagine. We have to be aware of that.I take breaks from social media. I’m selective about what I share, because I want my values to always be as clear as possible. Those boundaries come from carving out time to do CrossFit, to bike, to visit family, and to just enjoy being around my mom and my siblings and my niblings (*gender neutral niece/nephew) and just be a daughter and a sister and an auntie and not have to be Raquel, the activist or writer or icon, as some people want to say. The narrative around queer and trans people continues to be focused on tragedy or the attacks, and honestly, queer and trans people are some of the most creative and joyful people I know. You don’t get ballroom culture or drag culture or dance music or the best of plays and theater and musicals and fashion without queer and trans people having to consistently imagine a different way of living.CÉLINE SEMAAN: What can we do to create more solidarity? I believe in solidarity as the antidote to corruption. How can we build solidarity when our needs are not met all the time, when we are running in survival mode? How do we build solidarity that is stronger. How do we offer unwavering support for one another?RAQUEL WILLIS: I think we already do some of the work of solidarity, we just don’t think of it that way. And I think if we lean into ideas of mutual aid, collective support, our power will only be stronger. When I think about poor folks, Black and Brown folks, migrant folks, queer and trans folks… we’ve always been creative about how we live out of a sense of survival, whether it’s sending funds to a family member, or the queer and trans parents who take in the street kids, or even the grandma who says, “I’m going to live with you and help you take care of your kids, because who can afford a nanny.” I think those kinds of things are an element of what we need to beef up in terms of how we support each other and seeing our lives as more interconnected. It’s not just biological, it’s not just identity. It’s about really seeing each other as a thread in a larger tapestry.I also think nobody needs to be donating to most of these politicians. There are politicians who may represent your values, who are grassroots, who are not funded by the PACS who do need your support. But there are plenty of folks out there who are sending funds to the National Democratic Party who could be funding grassroots efforts that could be funding the organizers on the ground in their local communities. We need more of that when we’re talking about civic duty, that should be a part of it.We’re getting a lot of signals right now that the government is not inherently on our side. If they demolish the Department of Education, what are our alternatives to that? What schools are we building, what platforms are we building so we can educate not just the kids, but everyone, about how to be more critically minded. How are we investing in platforms like Slow Factory to do the work that our educational system isn’t and wasn’t doing? How are we transforming the institutions we’re a part of—whether they are our places of worship or our Greek organizations or our workplaces—to live up to our collective values? Are you just laying people off willy nilly, or are you figuring out how to lessen the harm of that?I’ve been building a gender liberation movement, a new organization with my co-founder, Elliot Cruz, focused on how we can create a broader understanding of gender and how it impacts everyone in the world. We’re focusing on making the connections around bodily autonomy, particularly the attacks on access to gender affirming care, and the attacks on abortion access and reproductive justice. But in general, we’re building media, holding existing media accountable, creating cultural events and direct actions and developing policy that speaks to the wholeness of our lives."
}
,
"relatedposts": [
{
"title" : "From Sabra & Shatila to Gaza: The UN’s Century of Failure and the Rise of Alternatives",
"author" : "Collis Browne",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/from-sabra-and-shatila-to-gaza",
"date" : "2025-09-16 10:47:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/2025_9_16_UN_Genocide_1.jpg",
"excerpt" : "On the 43rd anniversary of the massacres committed under Israeli authority at Sabra and Shatila camps in Beirut in 1982, a United Nations Commission Of Inquiry has concluded, as would any rational observer, that Israel has been committing genocide in Gaza since October 2023.",
"content" : "On the 43rd anniversary of the massacres committed under Israeli authority at Sabra and Shatila camps in Beirut in 1982, a United Nations Commission Of Inquiry has concluded, as would any rational observer, that Israel has been committing genocide in Gaza since October 2023.This is not news. It could, however, be a turning point, . The UN’s declaration cracks open the conservative West’s long-standing wall of denial about the genocidal intentions and actions of the U.S.–Israel military machine. What happens next matters.A Century of Genocidal IntentFor those who have been watching Palestine with clarity long before 2023, this genocide is not an aberration — it is the project itself. From its inception, every major Zionist leader and Israeli politician has openly articulated the goal of erasing the Indigenous people of Palestine, whether through forced expulsion or mass murder.More than a hundred years of speeches, policies, and massacres testify to this intent. The so-called “War on Gaza” is simply the most visible and livestreamed stage of an ongoing colonial project.The UN’s Empty WordsIs this UN report different? The UN has made declarative statements for decades with no action or enforcement. In 1975, the UN declared Zionism is racism, citing the “unholy alliance” between apartheid South Africa and Israel. Yet Zionists continued to enjoy privileged status across Western institutions. Since 1967, the UN has passed resolution after resolution denouncing illegal Israeli settlements on stolen Palestinian land. Still, the theft continues unchecked. In December 2022, the UN General Assembly demanded Israel end its “unlawful presence” in the Occupied Territories within one year. That deadline expires this week, September 18, 2025. Israel has ignored it completely, as expected — with no consequences. Declarations without enforcement are not justice. They are fig leaves for impunity.What Good Is the UN?The Geneva Convention obliges all states to intervene to stop and punish genocide. Yet no country has deployed forces to resist Israel’s military slaughter in Gaza. No sanctions. No accountability.If the UN cannot stop one of its own member states from carrying out genocide in full public view — in “4K” as the world watches live — then what is the UN for?The Rise of AlternativesThe cracks are widening. The government of China has announced a new Global Governance initiative, already backed by dozens of countries. Without illusions about its motivations, the concept paper at least addresses three of the UN’s structural failures: Underrepresentation of the Global South — redressing centuries of colonial imbalance. Erosion of authoritativeness — restoring the credibility of international law. Urgent need for effectiveness — accelerating stalled progress on global commitments like the UN’s 2030 Agenda. The question is not whether the UN will reform. It is whether it can survive its own irrelevance.Toward a New Global OrderFrom Sabra and Shatila to Gaza, the UN has failed to prevent — or even meaningfully resist — genocide. Its reports and resolutions pile up, while the graves in Palestine multiply.If the international body tasked with “peace and security” cannot act against the most televised genocide in history, then the world has to ask: do we need a new United Nations? Or do we need to build something entirely different — a system of global governance that serves the people, not the powerful?"
}
,
{
"title" : "France in Revolt: Debt, Uranium, and the Costs of Macron-ism",
"author" : "EIP Editors",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/france-in-revolt",
"date" : "2025-09-14 22:39:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Bloquons-Tout.jpg",
"excerpt" : "France is burning again—not only on the streets of Paris but in the brittle foundations of its political economy. What began as a mass revolt against austerity and public-service cuts has become a national convulsion: roads blocked, train stations occupied, workplaces shut down under the call to “Bloquons Tout” (Let’s Block Everything). The collapse of François Bayrou’s government is only the latest symptom. At the root of the crisis is a political project: Macronism—the steady, decade-long tilt toward pro-business reforms, tax cuts for the wealthy, and austerity by default—that has hollowed out public revenue and narrowed citizens’ options.",
"content" : "France is burning again—not only on the streets of Paris but in the brittle foundations of its political economy. What began as a mass revolt against austerity and public-service cuts has become a national convulsion: roads blocked, train stations occupied, workplaces shut down under the call to “Bloquons Tout” (Let’s Block Everything). The collapse of François Bayrou’s government is only the latest symptom. At the root of the crisis is a political project: Macronism—the steady, decade-long tilt toward pro-business reforms, tax cuts for the wealthy, and austerity by default—that has hollowed out public revenue and narrowed citizens’ options.Tax Cuts, Corporate Giveaways, and Rising DebtSince Emmanuel Macron took office in 2017, his administration rolled out a suite of pro-market reforms: the abolition of the broad wealth tax (ISF), replaced by a narrower property wealth tax (IFI); a sustained reduction of the corporate tax rate to about 25%; and a raft of tax measures framed as competitiveness fixes for companies and investors. Economists now estimate that Macron’s tax cuts account for a significant share of France’s rising public debt; his reforms helped widen deficits even before pandemic and energy-shock spending pushed them higher. Today France’s public debt sits near 113–114% of GDP, and ratings agencies and markets are watching closely. (Le Monde.fr)These policies did not produce the promised boom in broadly shared prosperity. Investment did not surge enough to offset lost revenue, and growth remained sluggish. The political consequence was predictable: when the state has less to spend, the burden of balancing budgets falls on cuts to pensions, healthcare, and social programs—measures that overwhelmingly hurt working-class and vulnerable communities. (Financial Times)Pension Reform, Social Fracture, and the Limits of ConsentMacron’s government pushed a controversial pension reform—raising the retirement age from 62 to 64—which sparked nationwide strikes and mass protests in 2023. The reform illustrated a defining feature of Macronism: when public consent falters, the state still presses forward with market-oriented restructuring, deepening social fracture and anger. The pension fight didn’t create the crisis so much as expose it. (Al Jazeera)Colonial Hangover: Uranium, Energy, and GeopoliticsFrance’s energy model has long rested on nuclear power—once a source of national pride for its emission-free nature, and geopolitical independence. Behind that story, however, is another: the colonial era’s extraction of uranium in places like Niger, where French companies (notably Orano/former Areva) secured resource access under unequal terms. As Niger reasserted sovereignty over its resources after the 2023 coup and pushed back on French access, the illusion of seamless “energy independence” began to crack. Losing preferential access to Nigerien uranium has widened France’s energy insecurity and amplified the fiscal squeeze: higher energy costs, the need to secure new supply chains, and political pressure to maintain subsidies for households. The politics of extraction are now returning home. (Le Monde.fr)Climate, Austerity, and the Moral EconomyAdd the climate emergency to the mix—record heatwaves, floods, and wildfires—and the picture becomes even more bleak. Infrastructure strain and rising costs of climate adaptation demand public investment, yet the government’s posture has been to trim and reprioritize spending to satisfy markets. In practice, that means the people least responsible for climate harm—low-income communities, migrants, and precarious workers—are asked to pay the price. The result is a moral and political rupture: climate vulnerability plus fiscal austerity equals radicalized grievance. (Financial Times)A Convergence of FailuresThis is why the current uprising cannot be reduced to a single grievance. It is the convergence of multiple failures: Economic: tax policy that favored the wealthy while starving the public purse; rising debt and cuts that fall on the poor. (Financial Times) Colonial: the unraveling of extractive arrangements that once propped up French energy and power. (Le Monde.fr) Ecological: climate shocks that amplify social need even as public services are stripped back. (Financial Times) The revolt has therefore drawn a broad constituency—students, unions, public-sector workers, and neighborhoods long marginalized by austerity. It is not merely a labor dispute; it is a crisis of legitimacy for a model of governance that privatized gains and socialized pain.What Macronism Tells Us About the Global MomentFrance is a cautionary tale for democracies worldwide. When political leaders prioritize tax breaks for capital and cut public goods to placate markets, they borrow political stability against the future. The bill eventually comes due—in rising debt, in weakened social cohesion, and in violent backlash. Where resource dependencies meet neoliberal retrenchment, the risk of social rupture grows.Three Questions for What Comes Next Will the French state return to a redistributive project—taxing wealth, reclaiming revenues, and investing in climate resilience—or double down on austerity? Can movements translate street power into institutional change that addresses colonial legacies (resource sovereignty) as well as domestic inequality? Will climate policy be woven into social policy—so that adaptation and justice go hand in hand—or will they remain separate priorities, deepening vulnerability? France stands at a crossroads: continue a model that funnels benefit to capital while exposing citizens to climate and economic shocks—or imagine a social contract rooted in redistribution, de-colonial resource politics, and ecological justice. The choice will not be made in the Élysée alone. It is being argued in the streets, in workplaces, and across borders where the costs of extraction were first paid.Everything is Political—and in France today, that truth has never been clearer."
}
,
{
"title" : "Nepal’s New Reckoning",
"author" : "Tulsi Rauniyar",
"category" : "",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/nepal-reckoning",
"date" : "2025-09-11 18:11:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/nepal1-IMG_5694.jpg",
"excerpt" : "From September 8-11, 2025, a massive popular uprising has taken place in Nepal, forcing the resignation of the Prime Minister and much of the government. We present some description and first reflections on the protests and riots, which were sparked by a social media ban and anger over government corruption and nepotism.",
"content" : "From September 8-11, 2025, a massive popular uprising has taken place in Nepal, forcing the resignation of the Prime Minister and much of the government. We present some description and first reflections on the protests and riots, which were sparked by a social media ban and anger over government corruption and nepotism.September 8In the white glare of a late summer morning, the broad avenues of Kathmandu, Nepal’s modern capital, are usually thrumming with traffic and smog. But on this sweltering day, the streets were crowded with chanting protesters, all of them demonstrating against the government of KP Sharma Oli. The largest crowd by far was made up of Gen-Z youth, most in their twenties, many still in school and college uniforms.For Nepal, such eruptions aren’t new: generations have risen before—against Rana autocrats in the 1950s, against royal rule in 1990, against King Gyanendra’s coup in 2005—only to watch hard-won freedoms erode. But for many of the protestors I spoke to, this was likely their first gathering. Their mission, organised on Instagram, Facebook, and Discord, was grand. They had gathered to protest the dismal state of the country, where the powerful and their children lived in luxury while countless Nepalis laboured abroad in countries like Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and Malaysia, sending remittances home to sustain their families. They marched in loose coordination, some singing protest songs, others dancing to drumbeats, and many chanting slogans. Handmade signs bore slogans carefully daubed in black paint.The last straw had come days earlier when the government imposed a blanket ban on social media platforms, cutting off main channels through which young Nepalis expressed frustration and organised politically. Tensions were already high, fueled in part by viral chatter about “nepo-babies,” the young faces that have long been symbols of privilege fast-tracked into positions of power because of their family connections. For Nepal’s youth, social media became a stage to mock them, question their merit, and call out a system where politics often feels like a family business.As the protesters pushed past the barricades outside Parliament, the police unexpectedly fell back rather than delivering the usual baton charge. A few tear gas canisters hissed through the air, and a lone water cannon swept the crowd, but the confrontation seemed restrained. People snapped selfies amid the haze, their chants echoing off the old brick walls, and for a brief moment, it felt almost ordinary, as if the protest might remain just another turbulent day in Kathmandu.According to reports, a cluster of older men mumbled about storming Parliament, while a few young riders, adrenaline surging, tore recklessly through the crowd on motorbikes, shouting insults. Near the complex itself, the energy shifted, protesters began hammering at the outer walls, some scrambling up the gates as flames flickered near the main entrance. The Armed Police Force advanced, their body armour and riot shields glinting under the dimming light, first launching tear gas canisters, then rubber bullets. In moments, the demonstration’s creative, almost celebratory tone disintegrated. Rocks and debris flew back toward the police lines. Gunfire—allegedly live rounds—cracked above the din. Chaos engulfed Kathmandu’s political heart.Videos soon flooded social media of unarmed students in school uniforms bleeding from head wounds, men collapsing unconscious, and disturbing claims that security forces had even fired tear gas into hospital grounds and beat the injured. What began as students chanting against corruption was quickly slipping into something far more volatile.By nightfall, nineteen people were dead in Kathmandu—a toll that already exceeded the casualties from Nepal’s 2006 People’s Movement, which had taken nineteen days to claim thirteen lives. Hospitals across the capital struggled with hundreds of injured protesters, many still in school uniforms. Blood banks reported critical shortages as medical staff worked through the night, treating gunshot wounds and head injuries from what had begun, just hours earlier, as a peaceful demonstration. Across the rest of Nepal, deaths and injuries were also reported, though full numbers remain unrecorded as events continue to unfold.The scale of the violence was unprecedented in Nepal’s modern democratic history. Even during the monarchy’s final, desperate attempts to maintain power nearly two decades earlier, the state had not deployed lethal force with such devastating efficiency against its own citizens. For a generation that had known only the republic, however flawed, the sight of young people bleeding in the streets represented a profound rupture in their understanding of what their government was capable of.To understand why thousands of teenagers and twenty-somethings would brave tear gas and rubber bullets, one must consider a long history of frustrated hopes for reform. Nearly two decades after the civil war ended, Prachanda, the former Maoist insurgent, once seemed a beacon of change. Millions voted for him, hoping for a fairer voice for the marginalised, a more just Nepal. But hope gave way to compromise, personal gain, and the slow churn of the same familiar leaders. The constitution, progressive on paper, was watered down. A new constitution, progressive in Nepal’s historical context, was stalled and diluted, and subsequent elections delivered a familiar cycle. The same discredited leaders rotating through power, swapped like pieces on a chessboard, their promises of reform fading with each turn.Public services remain poor. Tax burdens are high. Corruption scandals implicating politicians, bureaucrats, and businessmen piled up like grim milestones in the failure of the state. For decades, Nepal’s elites had looted land, siphoned public funds, and promised reforms that never came, leaving ordinary citizens disillusioned.It is this long pattern of systemic rot that now fuels the anger spilling onto Kathmandu’s streets—the young protesters demanding, in word and in action, that Nepal finally deliver on the change that generations have been promised but never seen.September 9The smell hit you first—acrid smoke from burning tires laced with petrol, hanging in Kathmandu’s September air like a toxic fog. Dawn on September 9th brought no respite. If anything, the deaths of nineteen protesters had transformed grief into something more volatile. Thousands defied hastily imposed curfews, emerging into streets still lingering with smoke from the previous day’s violence. What had begun as a youth-led movement against corruption now metastasised into something broader and more destructive—an utter rejection of Nepal’s political establishment.The targets were systematic. Party offices, politicians’ residences, and government buildings all came under attack. By afternoon, thick columns of smoke rose across the Kathmandu Valley, and the tint in the sky shifted from clear blue to a smoky haze that hung over the entire capital. Tribhuvan International Airport suspended operations, diverting flights as the capital descended into chaos. In the newer ministerial quarters south of the city, helicopters shuttled back and forth, evacuating officials in what appeared to be a tacit admission that the government could no longer hold pressure.The political collapse was swift and total. Ministers resigned in cascading waves, following the home minister, who had tendered his resignation the previous evening. Opposition parliamentarians abandoned their posts en masse, demanding fresh elections. By three o’clock in the afternoon, even K.P. Sharma Oli, in his third stint as prime minister and renowned for his political durability, announced his resignation and fled to Dubai.But resignation could not restore order. As the day moved, things spiralled completely out of control.This was no longer the Gen Z protestors of the previous day. In their place, an unruly mob surged through the streets. Outside Singha Durbar, Kathmandu’s sprawling government hub, protesters smashed windows, looted buildings, and seized weapons from the police as they pushed deeper into the complex. In the chaos, prisoners were freed, fires consumed the President’s residence, the Supreme Court alongside Parliament, and police stations burned alongside shops. The line between symbol and target had vanished. In just forty-eight hours, Nepal had witnessed its bloodiest civil unrest in modern memory, and the civilian government had unravelled before the nation’s eyes.“This is not us,” the Gen-Z groups leading the movement, Hami Nepal, posted on their social media. “Our struggle is for justice, dignity, and a better Nepal, not for chaos and theft.”Only well into the night, the Army chief appeared, urging restraint and calm. The military would be deployed to restore order.September 10All this upheaval would have been unimaginable even a month ago.A heavy, almost unnatural silence hung over the city. Curfew had been imposed, the streets were empty, and the Army patrolled in rigid lines. The roar of burning tires, the chants that shook walls, and the smoke that had choked the air yesterday had faded, leaving only a lingering haze and the metallic tang of uncertainty. Sunlight struggled through the smog, casting the streets in a dim, uneasy glow. The city felt suspended, caught between yesterday’s chaos and whatever tomorrow might bring, and we awoke with nothing but questions and the weight of uncertainty pressing down on every corner.The Nepal Army still mans checkpoints across Kathmandu, its soldiers stationed at every major intersection. Any gathering of more than a handful of people is broken up, an officer steps forward, offers an unmistakable “move on,” and the cluster dissolves.Questions hung in the air with the smoke. Who would answer for the bloodshed? Who now held authority? And in the absence of clear leadership, how would life move forward? The deaths of more than thirty protesters could not go unanswered. Yet even among those who had demanded change, the scale of destruction stirred unease. Nobody could say who truly held power, or what would come next.The revolution’s fever has broken; now comes the harder, less visible work. The only institutions left standing, the Presidency and the Army, have invited Gen-Z representatives to the table to sketch a path forward. But even in these early overtures, the Army’s hand is visible, its preferences for who might lead flickering through measured, strategic negotiation.Gen-Z in Nepal remains unmoored, bound more by digital fluency than by shared leadership or vision. Amid the chaos of Discord debates and clashing ideas, the movement is experimenting with ways to assert influence in a leaderless uprising. On a bustling Discord server, young protesters held their own vote for an interim leader, selecting Sushila Karki, Nepal’s first female Chief Justice. The proposal followed an extensive discussion on the platform, lasting nearly five hours, where over 10,000 participants shared their opinions. The server buzzed with debate, dissent, and deliberation, a digital agora where ideas clashed and alliances formed, revealing both the potential and uncertainties of a leaderless uprising. Other names, such as Balen Shah, Kathmandu’s independent mayor who rose from rapper to reform-minded politician, and Harka Sampang, Dharan’s grassroots-focused mayor, also surfaced in discussions, signalling the generation’s appetite for leaders who break from the recycled elite and embody accountability, visibility, and boldness. Though no formal appointment has been made, these debates offer a glimpse of a generation seeking new pathways, negotiating authority and vision in real time.This is the third great convulsion to shake South Asia since 2022—after Sri Lanka and Bangladesh—prompting some observers to whisper of a ‘South-Asian Spring,’ a phrase that carries the echo of the Arab Spring’s long shadow. The Nepali youth-led uprising has even borrowed the aesthetics of dissent from Indonesia as protesters waved the Straw Hat Pirates flag from One Piece, an emblem that has become a shared shorthand for rebellion in both countries. In Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina’s government fell to similar youth-led protests just months earlier; in Sri Lanka, the 2022 uprising forced out the Rajapaksa dynasty. The same fault line ran across the region, crooked governments, restless citizens, and revolt spread across borders.Yet across and within these territories, the road ahead remains murky, the outcomes anything but certain. Bangladesh’s interim government struggles to reform entrenched systems. Sri Lanka’s new leadership has already retreated from promises that once stirred hope. These movements have excelled at toppling regimes but have struggled to build lasting alternatives.Nepal now faces the same daunting test its neighbours have confronted, struggling to turn a swell of popular fury into durable political reform rather than merely swapping one weary cadre of power brokers for another. Whether this generational uprising can finally crack the cycle of disappointment that has long defined South Asian politics, or whether it will join the list of movements that changed everything and nothing at all.September 11By Thursday morning, steady rain slicked Kathmandu’s streets, but the scars of upheaval were impossible to miss. Charred cars leaned against curbs, and the husks of looted buildings smouldered faintly under the drizzle. The capital was calm, almost eerily so, yet the quiet felt provisional, like a held breath. With the prime minister and his cabinet gone, Parliament effectively leaderless, and ministries shuttered, Nepal now stands without a functioning civilian government. The President and the Army, the only intact institutions, continue to act as de facto authorities, signalling interest in forming an interim arrangement. The old guard has vanished, leaving a power vacuum that multiple actors with competing interests are eager to fill. Political parties that seemed fractured just days ago are quietly regrouping, issuing statements of solidarity with Gen Z to distance themselves from their past complicity. Opportunists linger in the shadows, hoping to redirect the uprising’s momentum for personal gain. At the same time, misinformation spreads online, clouding clarity and amplifying confusion. Former Chief Justice Sushila Karki is seen as a frontrunner. Still, no consensus has been reached among protest groups, leaving the country in a state of suspended expectation.The old guard has vanished, leaving a power vacuum that multiple actors with competing interests are eager to fill. Political parties that seemed fractured just days ago are quietly regrouping, issuing statements of solidarity with Gen Z to distance themselves from their past complicity. Opportunists linger in the shadows, hoping to redirect the uprising’s momentum for personal gain. At the same time, misinformation spreads online, clouding clarity and amplifying confusion. After days of silence, Nepal’s President Ram Chandra Paudel issued a statement on Thursday assuring citizens that every effort is being made to navigate the crisis and find a way forward within the constitutional framework. Former Chief Justice Sushila Karki is seen as a frontrunner, but no consensus has been reached among protest groups, leaving the country in a state of suspended expectation."
}
]
}