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On Art, Life & Activism
Nan Goldin, photographed by Mohamad Abdouni, interviewed by Céline Semaan

I encountered Nan Goldin’s work in person at the age of eighteen while studying art in Paris. Her work was exhibited at the Centre Georges Pompidou where I spent most days after school. It was my sanctuary; having just left Lebanon, I often felt lost in Paris. But I knew my way to museums where I would sit in silence for hours, absorbing art with my entire being. At eighteen, broke yet hopeful to pursue a career in the arts in spite of the odds or my own family’s desire for me to forgo this endeavor, meeting Nan’s work transformed me. I’m sure it has transformed millions of people, yet my connection to it felt personal. The intimacy, the composition, the use of color, the honesty her work conveyed gave the viewer permission to exist, not as a product in society, but as a human. Every day after school, the photographs, the stories, the life Nan Goldin captured became part of my intimate experience of living in Paris, my existence between countries, identities and religions; her art planted a seed within me.
Nan’s work spans decades: from the HIV epidemic in the eighties, to the harm of predatory pharmaceutical companies, to documenting and celebrating queer experiences from the seventies over fifty years to today, her work always centered the intimate and personal experiences that allows us to connect with the larger social context, and understand that everything is political.
Years later, at a dinner at a friend’s house in New York City, I noticed she was there. My heart stopped. I approached her and asked: Nan Goldin? She smiled while eating her last bite of dessert. She gave me an inviting look that welcomed me to sit by her. I sat uncomfortably at first, a little star struck, but as soon as we started talking, I felt as though we had met many times before. I readjusted my position and shared my teenage encounter with her work. We dove right into discussing the situation in Palestine, it was after all hundreds of days into this harrowing genocide. We were both invited to explore ways that art, culture and our collective efforts could be mobilized to end the violent occupation of Gaza. We stayed in touch.
On another occasion, we had lunch on a terrasse in Brooklyn and a vision came over me. As we were discussing the reality of the art world with Palestine and Lebanon, the work of Mohamad Abdouni came to my mind. I had brought Nan an issue of Everything is Political where Mohamad’s work was featured: Treat Me Like Your Mother. Nan carefully looked at the images, and there, a thought escaped my mouth, I asked her: “Would you like to meet Mohamad? His work is directly connected to your legacy and I could see this encounter not only as a magical moment between two artists, but as a wrinkle in the fabric of reality: Lebanese queer artists meeting a New York icon that has opened up his world and imagination.” The idea made her smile, then we smoked a cigarette together before her cab picked her up. As I was driving back home that day, I couldn’t help but feel as though time was folding, my eighteen year old self, my world in Lebanon and the world I had built in NewYork were finally connecting. That connection sparked new possibilities, a meeting of cultures. From that moment I began inquiring about inviting Mohamad to fly to NewYork, for the first time in his life, and sort out this possible meeting of the minds. I let the idea guide the process, and completely surrendered to the possibility of connecting art worlds together. When I texted Mohamad about it, we immediately jumped on a call—his first words were “you made my week”.
Months later, we walked up to Nan’s apartment, arms filled with cookies, flowers, lunch, cameras, newspapers. Little did we know we were about to spend a magical afternoon bridging cultures and experiences in such a rewarding way. While waiting for her to join us in the living room, we saw the gorgeous sunlight travel across the art on the walls of her rich collection of sculptures and paintings by friends who once were like family. Once Nan entered the room, Mohamad, Charlie (Mohamad’s best friend and muse), and myself exchanged stories on politics, drag queens in Lebanon, Syria and Palestine, queer culture during the war, all stories captured in Mohamad’s book “Treat Me Like Your Mother”.
The conversation kicked off around cigarettes, coffee, cookies and exchanging books and signatures between both photographers.

CÉLINE: Nan, You are an icon in the art world, were you surprised to know you were an icon for queer artists living in Lebanon and Palestine?
NAN: Actually I had no idea that my work had traveled there. I’m deeply gratified to know this. I hope it helps make queer people there feel visible.
CÉLINE: Your advocacy for Palestine didn’t start this year. When we met, you shared that you used to be aware and active for the cause in the 70’s and 80’s in New York. Can you share more about how you got involved?
NAN: In the 70’s when I was a teenager, a boyfriend of mine showed me a book about the camps for displaced people in Palestine, and I was outraged. From then on I refused to go to Israel or let my work be shown there. I was on my own cultural boycott. Later, I worked in a bar in Times Square and the woman who owned the bar, Maggie Smith, was my political mentor. She was deeply involved with the Puerto Rican Liberation Movement and prisoner rights. It was during this time that I went to a few PLO meetings. In those days there was no internet so you had to find these things out, by word of mouth. For a few years leading up to October 7th, I was going to Pro-Palestine protests here in New York.

CÉLINE: Your speech in Berlin was shared by millions of people. Before you left, you were concerned about the gallery potentially censoring you. How did it go? What can you share about censorship in the art world and what you think about the artist’s role in these times?
NAN: It was my mountaintop speech, I’m thrilled that it’s gone viral.
The museum did try to censor me. Without my knowledge, the Director of the museum, Klaus Biesenbach, set up a symposium with panelists that were almost entirely Pro-Zionist. The intent was to disprove my position. It was very bizarre that a director of a museum would go so far to disavow an artist he was showing in his museum. So he gave a speech right after mine that was drowned out by the voices of STRIKE GERMANY who orchestrated a powerful action.
I also gave an interview to Hanno Hauenstein who reported about the censorship that had occurred at the Neue National galerie. We made a new credit slide for the analogue slideshow of The Other Side and The Ballad of Sexual Dependency, that reads “In solidarity with the people of Gaza, the West Bank, and Lebanon. And the Israeli civilians killed on October 7.” They had coerced us to take the slides out and we had, but I decided it had to go back in and they wouldn’t allow it. When they reached out to the paper to say that they hadn’t censored me, I wrote to thank them and asked when I could put the slide back in. I’m happy to say the credits are in the exhibition now.
It’s abhorrent that Germany has censored about 200 artists, writers and academics, about a quarter of them Jewish, since October 7th. It’s crazy that Germans think it’s okay to tell Jews they’re anti-semitic in support of Palestine. There’s a policy in the German government that criminalizes boycotting Israel or showing support for Palestine. The policy is called Staatsräson- a key part of German foreign policy which views Israel’s security linked to German national interest, and a “logical consequence of Germany’s responsibility for the Holocaust.” meaning that the German state can not exist without supporting Israel. Which is meant to assuage their guilt about the Nazi holocaust. It’s illegal to make a comparison between the Nazi holocaust to what’s happening in Gaza. The conflation of anti-zionism and anti-semitism is very dangerous as it empowers the extreme right wing who are truly anti-semitic.
CÉLINE: Reclaiming silence was powerful. Since all phones were off while it was happening, that part wasn’t shared with the world. What was it like in person?
NAN: Good question. Actually Céline, it was your idea and it was brilliant. I asked the whole audience to observe silence. I extended the silence to four minutes which represented one one-hundredth of a second for the 44,757 people “officially” killed in Palestine by Israeli forces, half of them children, and the 3,516 people killed in Lebanon by Israeli forces and the 815 Israeli civilians killed on October 7th. The silence was also in honor of the at least 10,000 people buried under the rubble. I wanted people to feel uncomfortable so they could feel what it would be like to have their bodies hijacked for a minute. The audience of a thousand people maintained the silence, which was so moving. Everyone put away their phones so I haven’t found any footage. As I said in my speech, these numbers are a gross undercount and certainly not up to date today, two months later. The Lancet reported that the numbers were closer to 186,000 people. The killing didn’t cease with the ceasefire.
For me the extended silence was the most powerful part of the speech.

CÉLINE: It’s hard to cope with everything that is unfolding in real time, on our screens, the level of evil is just at another threshold. We also have a change of administration in the US, one that is on the far right and deeply invested in fascism. Do you see a parallel with the past elections, even going as far as when Bush was elected? How do you think this will affect the art world and our basic freedoms?
NAN: We’ve entered into the most dystopian of times that could ever be imagined. We’ve feared the encroaching fascism in the political structure of America for decades but now it’s full fledged. It’s terrifying. In 2000 I left America for a decade after Bush stole the election. I believe this was the beginning of the erosion of the meaning of truth. Trump has cemented this into the concept of “Fake News” which has been extremely dangerous. But leaving the country was a meaningless way to resist.
Now I’m trying to find a way to engage meaningfully with what’s here to stay. I find it hard to breathe here.
I fear that nobody is safe. I fear for Palestine, I fear for the people who’ve been working so hard to support Palestine. I fear for all the people who’ve been fighting for freedom and justice. What’s especially terrifying is that anywhere you look, evil policies are being put into place. The planet is rebelling against us. AI is creating even more sophisticated surveillance in social media. Trump is talking about moving people from Gaza to Indonesia and opening his hotels on the land. Elon Musk gave a Nazi salute but the ADL defended him and called it an “awkward gesture”. It’s absolutely terrifying that we’ve arrived here. I also hold Biden and Harris responsible, for their legacy of genocide. Maybe if they stopped sending billions of dollars worth of weapons, they would have gotten more support.
CÉLINE: Many of us are at risk during this upcoming presidency. Do you feel that art, the power of images, has the power to change the way things are going to be? In other words, does art still hold the kind of power that changes politics?
NAN: About Art, I wish I could say yes. I don’t expect it to change policies or the government, but my hope is that there are gestures made that are strong enough to open people’s minds.
Artists have always been the ones who speak out. If more artists had publicly supported Palestine, the people who spoke out wouldn’t be so blacklisted. There would be more of a sense of unity. The collective voice is stronger. The more of us there are, the more of us there are.

In Conversation:
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{
"article":
{
"title" : "On Art, Life & Activism: Nan Goldin, photographed by Mohamad Abdouni, interviewed by Céline Semaan",
"author" : "Nan Goldin, Mohamad Abdouni, Céline Semaan",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/nan-goldin-mohamad-abdouni-celine-semaan",
"date" : "2025-02-04 16:33:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/nan-cover.jpg",
"excerpt" : "",
"content" : "I encountered Nan Goldin’s work in person at the age of eighteen while studying art in Paris. Her work was exhibited at the Centre Georges Pompidou where I spent most days after school. It was my sanctuary; having just left Lebanon, I often felt lost in Paris. But I knew my way to museums where I would sit in silence for hours, absorbing art with my entire being. At eighteen, broke yet hopeful to pursue a career in the arts in spite of the odds or my own family’s desire for me to forgo this endeavor, meeting Nan’s work transformed me. I’m sure it has transformed millions of people, yet my connection to it felt personal. The intimacy, the composition, the use of color, the honesty her work conveyed gave the viewer permission to exist, not as a product in society, but as a human. Every day after school, the photographs, the stories, the life Nan Goldin captured became part of my intimate experience of living in Paris, my existence between countries, identities and religions; her art planted a seed within me.Nan’s work spans decades: from the HIV epidemic in the eighties, to the harm of predatory pharmaceutical companies, to documenting and celebrating queer experiences from the seventies over fifty years to today, her work always centered the intimate and personal experiences that allows us to connect with the larger social context, and understand that everything is political.Years later, at a dinner at a friend’s house in New York City, I noticed she was there. My heart stopped. I approached her and asked: Nan Goldin? She smiled while eating her last bite of dessert. She gave me an inviting look that welcomed me to sit by her. I sat uncomfortably at first, a little star struck, but as soon as we started talking, I felt as though we had met many times before. I readjusted my position and shared my teenage encounter with her work. We dove right into discussing the situation in Palestine, it was after all hundreds of days into this harrowing genocide. We were both invited to explore ways that art, culture and our collective efforts could be mobilized to end the violent occupation of Gaza. We stayed in touch.On another occasion, we had lunch on a terrasse in Brooklyn and a vision came over me. As we were discussing the reality of the art world with Palestine and Lebanon, the work of Mohamad Abdouni came to my mind. I had brought Nan an issue of Everything is Political where Mohamad’s work was featured: Treat Me Like Your Mother. Nan carefully looked at the images, and there, a thought escaped my mouth, I asked her: “Would you like to meet Mohamad? His work is directly connected to your legacy and I could see this encounter not only as a magical moment between two artists, but as a wrinkle in the fabric of reality: Lebanese queer artists meeting a New York icon that has opened up his world and imagination.” The idea made her smile, then we smoked a cigarette together before her cab picked her up. As I was driving back home that day, I couldn’t help but feel as though time was folding, my eighteen year old self, my world in Lebanon and the world I had built in NewYork were finally connecting. That connection sparked new possibilities, a meeting of cultures. From that moment I began inquiring about inviting Mohamad to fly to NewYork, for the first time in his life, and sort out this possible meeting of the minds. I let the idea guide the process, and completely surrendered to the possibility of connecting art worlds together. When I texted Mohamad about it, we immediately jumped on a call—his first words were “you made my week”.Months later, we walked up to Nan’s apartment, arms filled with cookies, flowers, lunch, cameras, newspapers. Little did we know we were about to spend a magical afternoon bridging cultures and experiences in such a rewarding way. While waiting for her to join us in the living room, we saw the gorgeous sunlight travel across the art on the walls of her rich collection of sculptures and paintings by friends who once were like family. Once Nan entered the room, Mohamad, Charlie (Mohamad’s best friend and muse), and myself exchanged stories on politics, drag queens in Lebanon, Syria and Palestine, queer culture during the war, all stories captured in Mohamad’s book “Treat Me Like Your Mother”.The conversation kicked off around cigarettes, coffee, cookies and exchanging books and signatures between both photographers.CÉLINE: Nan, You are an icon in the art world, were you surprised to know you were an icon for queer artists living in Lebanon and Palestine?NAN: Actually I had no idea that my work had traveled there. I’m deeply gratified to know this. I hope it helps make queer people there feel visible.CÉLINE: Your advocacy for Palestine didn’t start this year. When we met, you shared that you used to be aware and active for the cause in the 70’s and 80’s in New York. Can you share more about how you got involved?NAN: In the 70’s when I was a teenager, a boyfriend of mine showed me a book about the camps for displaced people in Palestine, and I was outraged. From then on I refused to go to Israel or let my work be shown there. I was on my own cultural boycott. Later, I worked in a bar in Times Square and the woman who owned the bar, Maggie Smith, was my political mentor. She was deeply involved with the Puerto Rican Liberation Movement and prisoner rights. It was during this time that I went to a few PLO meetings. In those days there was no internet so you had to find these things out, by word of mouth. For a few years leading up to October 7th, I was going to Pro-Palestine protests here in New York.CÉLINE: Your speech in Berlin was shared by millions of people. Before you left, you were concerned about the gallery potentially censoring you. How did it go? What can you share about censorship in the art world and what you think about the artist’s role in these times?NAN: It was my mountaintop speech, I’m thrilled that it’s gone viral.The museum did try to censor me. Without my knowledge, the Director of the museum, Klaus Biesenbach, set up a symposium with panelists that were almost entirely Pro-Zionist. The intent was to disprove my position. It was very bizarre that a director of a museum would go so far to disavow an artist he was showing in his museum. So he gave a speech right after mine that was drowned out by the voices of STRIKE GERMANY who orchestrated a powerful action.I also gave an interview to Hanno Hauenstein who reported about the censorship that had occurred at the Neue National galerie. We made a new credit slide for the analogue slideshow of The Other Side and The Ballad of Sexual Dependency, that reads “In solidarity with the people of Gaza, the West Bank, and Lebanon. And the Israeli civilians killed on October 7.” They had coerced us to take the slides out and we had, but I decided it had to go back in and they wouldn’t allow it. When they reached out to the paper to say that they hadn’t censored me, I wrote to thank them and asked when I could put the slide back in. I’m happy to say the credits are in the exhibition now.It’s abhorrent that Germany has censored about 200 artists, writers and academics, about a quarter of them Jewish, since October 7th. It’s crazy that Germans think it’s okay to tell Jews they’re anti-semitic in support of Palestine. There’s a policy in the German government that criminalizes boycotting Israel or showing support for Palestine. The policy is called Staatsräson- a key part of German foreign policy which views Israel’s security linked to German national interest, and a “logical consequence of Germany’s responsibility for the Holocaust.” meaning that the German state can not exist without supporting Israel. Which is meant to assuage their guilt about the Nazi holocaust. It’s illegal to make a comparison between the Nazi holocaust to what’s happening in Gaza. The conflation of anti-zionism and anti-semitism is very dangerous as it empowers the extreme right wing who are truly anti-semitic.CÉLINE: Reclaiming silence was powerful. Since all phones were off while it was happening, that part wasn’t shared with the world. What was it like in person?NAN: Good question. Actually Céline, it was your idea and it was brilliant. I asked the whole audience to observe silence. I extended the silence to four minutes which represented one one-hundredth of a second for the 44,757 people “officially” killed in Palestine by Israeli forces, half of them children, and the 3,516 people killed in Lebanon by Israeli forces and the 815 Israeli civilians killed on October 7th. The silence was also in honor of the at least 10,000 people buried under the rubble. I wanted people to feel uncomfortable so they could feel what it would be like to have their bodies hijacked for a minute. The audience of a thousand people maintained the silence, which was so moving. Everyone put away their phones so I haven’t found any footage. As I said in my speech, these numbers are a gross undercount and certainly not up to date today, two months later. The Lancet reported that the numbers were closer to 186,000 people. The killing didn’t cease with the ceasefire.For me the extended silence was the most powerful part of the speech.CÉLINE: It’s hard to cope with everything that is unfolding in real time, on our screens, the level of evil is just at another threshold. We also have a change of administration in the US, one that is on the far right and deeply invested in fascism. Do you see a parallel with the past elections, even going as far as when Bush was elected? How do you think this will affect the art world and our basic freedoms?NAN: We’ve entered into the most dystopian of times that could ever be imagined. We’ve feared the encroaching fascism in the political structure of America for decades but now it’s full fledged. It’s terrifying. In 2000 I left America for a decade after Bush stole the election. I believe this was the beginning of the erosion of the meaning of truth. Trump has cemented this into the concept of “Fake News” which has been extremely dangerous. But leaving the country was a meaningless way to resist.Now I’m trying to find a way to engage meaningfully with what’s here to stay. I find it hard to breathe here.I fear that nobody is safe. I fear for Palestine, I fear for the people who’ve been working so hard to support Palestine. I fear for all the people who’ve been fighting for freedom and justice. What’s especially terrifying is that anywhere you look, evil policies are being put into place. The planet is rebelling against us. AI is creating even more sophisticated surveillance in social media. Trump is talking about moving people from Gaza to Indonesia and opening his hotels on the land. Elon Musk gave a Nazi salute but the ADL defended him and called it an “awkward gesture”. It’s absolutely terrifying that we’ve arrived here. I also hold Biden and Harris responsible, for their legacy of genocide. Maybe if they stopped sending billions of dollars worth of weapons, they would have gotten more support.CÉLINE: Many of us are at risk during this upcoming presidency. Do you feel that art, the power of images, has the power to change the way things are going to be? In other words, does art still hold the kind of power that changes politics?NAN: About Art, I wish I could say yes. I don’t expect it to change policies or the government, but my hope is that there are gestures made that are strong enough to open people’s minds. Artists have always been the ones who speak out. If more artists had publicly supported Palestine, the people who spoke out wouldn’t be so blacklisted. There would be more of a sense of unity. The collective voice is stronger. The more of us there are, the more of us there are."
}
,
"relatedposts": [
{
"title" : "Venezuela should be neither dictatorship nor colony: An interview with union leader Eduardo Sánchez",
"author" : "Simón Rodriguez",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/venezuela-should-be-neither-dictatorship-nor-colony",
"date" : "2026-02-12 10:51:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Eduardo%20Sa%CC%81nchez%20rueda%20de%20prensa%20diciembre%202024.jpeg",
"excerpt" : "Eduardo Sánchez is an important Venezuelan labor leader with decades of political and union work. He is the president of the National Union of Workers of the Central University of Venezuela (SINATRAUCV) and the Federation of Higher Education Workers of Venezuela (FETRAESUV). He is also a member of Comunes, an organization founded in 2024 that, in its founding documents, aims for the recovery of the legacy of the Bolivarian Revolution, which they believe the Maduro government has broken with, to the point of considering it a neoliberal and “anti-Chavista government.”",
"content" : "Eduardo Sánchez is an important Venezuelan labor leader with decades of political and union work. He is the president of the National Union of Workers of the Central University of Venezuela (SINATRAUCV) and the Federation of Higher Education Workers of Venezuela (FETRAESUV). He is also a member of Comunes, an organization founded in 2024 that, in its founding documents, aims for the recovery of the legacy of the Bolivarian Revolution, which they believe the Maduro government has broken with, to the point of considering it a neoliberal and “anti-Chavista government.”Sánchez describes Comunes as “a grouping of left-wing sectors that propose an alternative to the polarization between the so-called reactionary left that rules the country, led by President Nicolás Maduro, and the fascist and right-wing sectors represented by the current headed by María Corina Machado. In other words, we are a third option, seeking to establish a political and social solution for the popular and workers’ movement, with the concept of the homeland as a fundamental element.” The following interview took place January 13.How would you characterize the events of the last few days in Venezuela, starting with the US attack?Since the early hours of January 3, the US aggression against Bolívar’s homeland, against Venezuelan soil, materialized. According to statements by US spokespeople themselves, more than 150 aircraft invaded Venezuelan territory to bomb specific areas of Caracas, Miranda, Aragua, and La Guaira. This is an unprecedented event in Venezuelan politics, which has caused outrage because Venezuelan soil has been sullied by the insolence of an imperialist power that, abusing its military might, has taken it upon itself to intervene in our country and remove the president. Not that we defend the president as such, but we do not believe that anyone has given the US president carte blanche to be the world’s policeman and come and control our country. This is a problem for Venezuelans that we Venezuelans must resolve ourselves. Therefore, we condemn this aggression as a disgraceful act that we hope will not happen again in any of our countries on the continent.President Maduro has led an authoritarian government that arose from an unfortunate event, which leaves doubts about its legitimacy, given that he lost the July 28 elections and arrogated them to himself, generating a process of repression, imprisoning anyone who protested, and acquiring a dictatorial character, which today bears responsibility for what is happening with the current crisis. The gringos have intervened, taking advantage of the crisis and with the support of an anti-national sector of the country that called for intervention and is now very poorly regarded by Venezuelan society.What is the current situation on the streets?The situation on the streets of Venezuela is one of astonishing calm, as a result of the fact that more than 70% of Venezuelans did not sympathize with Maduro’s regime, in addition to its repression, imprisonments, and deaths, as well as the economic and social deterioration that has engulfed the Venezuelan working class, which has paid a high price for a crisis it did not create, which has impoverished its wages and plunged it into a state of critical poverty. Today, when the government sought the support of the working class and the people, the response was negligible, with only a small percentage mobilizing due to the general discontent that existed.This does not mean support for the intervention; everyone laments that more than 100 Venezuelans have died as a result of treacherous bombings against Bolívar’s homeland, and that the concept of homeland has been sidelined and the country’s sovereignty violated.How do you interpret Trump’s announcements that he will allegedly run the country and take over Venezuelan oil?For us, there is now a dilemma: republic or colony. Facing it, we are putting forward our proposals to unify the country, to unify the working people around the concept of the Republic. We cannot be a colony of anyone, much less of the gringos, who have been the most reactionary and recalcitrant imperialist power on the continent, responsible for interventions that have taken place since the beginning of the last century, and who now seek to arrogate to themselves rights they do not have in order to turn us into a protectorate.The call we are making to Venezuelan society and the workers’ movement is for unity and action, and to the interim government, which also lacks legitimacy, despite being the element with which they intend to make a transition, is that any solution that is proposed must be framed within the Constitution and the democratic process. Relations with the US from a commercial point of view must be within the framework of respect for the Venezuelan Constitution and laws, and not under the guise of a kind of protectorate where they are giving orders on the premise that if they are not obeyed, they will bomb again.We believe that the country has sufficient political reserves to achieve an independent, autonomous, democratic, and patriotic state that can lead this country and put an end to the attempt to impose a dictatorship by a government that claimed to be revolutionary but ended up being neoliberal and capitalist, and prevent us from becoming a protectorate of a foreign power. We consider it important for the country to move towards democracy, allowing us to elect our president in accordance with the Constitution and laws of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela.What message would you give to workers in other countries who are closely following the situation in Venezuela?This situation is very unfortunate for the entire continent. It represents a wake-up call to the different peoples of the world, in the understanding that the gringos now consider that they are once again managing the region as their backyard, and from that point of view they simply intend to take our oil, our gold, our rare earths, turn Venezuela into a kind of protectorate or colony, and take over the wealth of our country.It is important that the peoples of the world see themselves in the mirror of the Venezuelan situation, which today stands at a crossroads between becoming a US colony or continuing on the path of the Republic. We call on the working classes of Latin America and the world to unite to avoid ending up in a situation like the one we are now experiencing. We call on them to fight the authoritarian regimes that have brought so much pain to the different countries of the American continent. The call is for unity as a class, with a perspective of struggle, not only for labor rights but also for the homeland, a fundamental and unifying concept of each of the countries that make up the Latin American homeland, which continue in the struggle for self-determination, to expand and develop democracy to place it at the service of the majority."
}
,
{
"title" : "Against Kurdish Erasure: Sleeping in the Courtyard",
"author" : "Holly Mason Badra",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/against-kurdish-erasure",
"date" : "2026-02-11 09:17:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/img_0230%20copy.png",
"excerpt" : "With Kurds in Rojava (Western Kurdistan) and Rojhelat (Eastern Kurdistan) facing insurmountable violence and displacement at the hands of the Iranian, Syrian, and Turkish forces, we in diaspora mobilize in anger and strength. Rojava offers an example of Kurdish liberation so rooted in feminist, ecological, and participatory practices that it must be protected. The threat of erasure follows us from Rojava to Rojhelat where the martyrs that spark revolution and move us to action across the globe are Kurdish women like Jina Amini and Rubina Aminian. It’s imperative to acknowledge their Kurdish identity as we remember and point to them as conduits.",
"content" : "With Kurds in Rojava (Western Kurdistan) and Rojhelat (Eastern Kurdistan) facing insurmountable violence and displacement at the hands of the Iranian, Syrian, and Turkish forces, we in diaspora mobilize in anger and strength. Rojava offers an example of Kurdish liberation so rooted in feminist, ecological, and participatory practices that it must be protected. The threat of erasure follows us from Rojava to Rojhelat where the martyrs that spark revolution and move us to action across the globe are Kurdish women like Jina Amini and Rubina Aminian. It’s imperative to acknowledge their Kurdish identity as we remember and point to them as conduits.*A group of Kurdish college students posing with their musical instruments by Pirdí Delal. Zaxo, Kurdistan, 1970’s. *Photo credit: Raz Xaidan/The Jiyan Archives“I open my ponytail in class and the horses shriek.”This line is from Nahid Arjouni’s poem “My Roots Were Somewhere With You” and constantly plays in my mind. I’ve been so moved by the circulating imagery of Kurdish fathers braiding their daughter’s hair. This tenderness is balm and antidote. This tenderness falls against a backdrop of continued state violence while Kurds in Rojava and Rojhelat are fighting for their existence and rights against the Syrian, Turkish, and Iranian regimes. Erasure continues in multiple forms and in dangerous misrepresentations.This emergence of braiding as protest is in response to a video of a Syrian soldier claiming he cut off a Kurdish female fighter’s braid in Raqqa. The Kurdish braid is a loud symbol. It’s a representation of cultural continuity and protection.Power and Politics in Kurdish Women’s Braids*I want to tell you a story about my mother braiding her little sister’s hair in Baghdad. *She braided her sister’s hair while their father napped. While braiding her sister’s hair, they practiced the Arabic they were learning in school. Only Arabic in public; only Kurdish at home. These were the rules and a slip up in either space was punishable. Their father woke. Small hands braiding, sisters talking and laughing, and he physically reprimanded them for the linguistic transgression. Such anger and violence. And it comes from a deep well of oppression and linguicide. Still, the daughters bear the weight of it all.I see the man who held the female peshmerga’s braid walking back his claims, saying it wasn’t real, it was a joke. Regardless of the truth—the “joke” holds hefty reverberations. The “joke” is offensive, it’s harmful, it’s violent. It speaks to perceptions of Kurdish dispensability.The same aunt—whose hair my mom was braiding—brushed and braided my hair when I was 5 days postpartum. I felt comfort return to my body. When my sister-cousin braids my hair, I feel loved and protected. The tradition lives on. This display of braiding spreading among our communities all over the world is a refusal. A refusal to be erased.Possibly a double exposure or composite, this 1977 image shows a woman pictured twice - confident, braided, and in sunglasses, Qamişlo, Kurdistan. Photo credit: Hedîya Xan/The Jiyan Archives.With Kurds in Rojava and Rojhelat facing insurmountable violence and displacement, we in diaspora mobilize in anger and strength. Rojava offers an example of Kurdish liberation so rooted in feminist, ecological, and participatory practices that it must be protected. The threat of erasure follows us from Rojava to Rojhelat where the martyrs that spark revolution and move us to action across the globe are Kurdish women like Jina Amini and Rubina Aminian. Their Kurdish identities must be acknowledged as we remember and point to them as conduits— otherwise state violence and harm is perpetuated.It is within this spirit of anti-erasure that I initially put together Sleeping in the Courtyard, a multi-genre collection of writing by contemporary Kurdish women and nonbinary writers living all over the world. One of the contributors, Choman Hardi, fiercely proclaims, “As a poet, I believe it is my duty to ruin the façade of normality and fairness that prevails.” It is within this current landscape that I invite you to spend time with some poems from the collection and excerpts from the book’s introduction as our communities resist erasure.\Sleeping in the Courtyard cover image artist attribution, Shayan Nuradeen**The first offering is a poem by Nahid Arjouni who is a Kurdish poet known for her exploration of femininity and war. **She lives in Sanandaj in Eastern Kurdistan (touching Iran). This poem was translated from the Persian by Shohreh Laici who is a US-based Iranian journalist, writer, and translator. Her documentary My Room in Tehran Is Called America is currently in production by Pirooz Kalayeh and explores her fight for freedom of expression.My Roots Were Somewhere with YouSuch a small worldyou spend your days with the broken pieces of me,fallen to earth.I delete the borders from the books, from my hairs, too;Father said, “Cut it off.”He added, “Fuck the horses’ whinnies, we don’t belong to this country!Don’t you understand?”I disturb the earth and spread some of my ancestors’ soil nearthe geraniums,and throw more on the broken and ugly asphalt of the streets.I throw it on the face of the child who calls Grandma “foreigner,” laughing.Father said, “It happens a lot when your roots are somewhere else,”and then he stopped talking.My roots were somewhere with you,and only the strange horses loved my whinny, those who belong to no land.I think of my roots at school, in my headscarf, while the smell of bloodin the national anthemmade me deeply sad!I think it’s the earth’s stupidity which lets us break it into pieces, borders.I think it’s the politicians’ stupidity that never lets soldiers in love feardeath in war.Sometimes I think my teachers are dumb, those who believe war is holyand that not wearing the hijab helps the enemy.I open my ponytail in class and the horses shriek.Father said, “Your roots were somewhere else,” and I was thinking of youwho are somewhere else.You hate the blood,the politicians, too, those who never let soldiers in love fear war.In her essay “Poetry’s power to speak the unspeakable: the Kurdish story,” Choman Hardi writes, “It may be difficult for others to understand what it feels like to be forcibly deported, to see your homes given to ‘settlers,’ to witness the renaming of your neighbourhoods and towns. It may be difficult to imagine what it is like not to be allowed to speak your mother tongue, to witness public assassination of your people, to grow up with images of mass graves, gassed victims, hanged leaders. It is even more difficult to describe what it is like to see history repeat itself when you witness your defeat again.”\Sleeping in the Courtyard commission image 1 artist attribution, Shayan Nuradeen**I turn us now to another poem in Sleeping in the Courtyard—by exiled writer Meral Şimşek. **Meral is a poet, novelist, and editor born in Amed (Diyarbakir) in Northern Kurdistan. Her publications and accolades are many. Due to the content of her books and the awards she received, the Turkish government accused her of making propaganda. The prosecutor’s office requested a prison sentence of up to thirty years. After a lengthy and tumultuous escape from Turkey to Greece and back to Turkey, PEN Berlin managed to bring her safely to Germany in 2022. This poem is translated from the Turkish by Öykü Tekten who is a poet, translator, archivist, and editor splitting her time between Granada and New York. She is the general editor of the Kurdish Poetry Series at Pinsapo Press.Dream and Realityclean tables were setwhen the sun was scorchedbread was a stranger to our countryjust as othering ourselves,we burned and scattered our dreamsand sterilized all hopesour refugee hearts turned to the loop of nightwhile the gods bore bastard seedsin crimson gardens of paradisewe were banned from life, from falling in loveit was the time of laughter in thymeeach of us shouldered, one by one,uncontainable weary dreamswe fell silent in orphaned solitudessurrendered ourselves so that the worldwould be a better placein fact, we massacred ourselvesfor a worthy life through slimy consolationshistory of our consciousness filled with delusionsnothing more than a chain of silenced paradoxesunanswered questions resided with our stagnationblaming each sin on the darknessas they became our biggest unanswered questionwas it our dream that was the realityor our reality, the dream?\Sleeping in the Courtyard commission image 2 artist attribution, Shayan Nuradeen**Sleeping in the Courtyard is dedicated to all writers in exile. **Many of the women in this book are writers in exile. They are exiled writers simply for being women and being writers (the two coexisting at once poses a threat). The fact that the intersecting identity as a Kurdish woman daring to write often means risking one’s safety—simply for writing creatively—also proves that there must inherently be power in writing, if these women are seen as a threat just for doing it.Exile and erasure are tools of the oppressor. This collection is the antithesis of erasure. In 2022, when the phrase “Women Life Freedom” rang out in protests transnationally and across digital spaces in response to the death of Jîna Mahsa Amini, many in the Kurdish community felt a twinge of pain and frustration at the lack of recognition for where this outcry originates. “Women Life Freedom” comes from the Kurdish “Jin-Jiyan-Azadî,” which is a verbalization from Kurdish women’s liberation movements. More than that, though, there was pain for the erasure of Jîna’s name and identity as a Kurdish woman. Arrested by the Iranian state for improperly wearing her hijab, the protests in response that spread worldwide were not anti-hijab campaigns but more about the right to choose. The martyr who sparked the revolution that famous writers such as Marjane Satrapi have written about was a Kurdish woman. Why is it important to recognize her as Kurdish? Why is it important to note the origins of “Women Life Freedom” as Kurdish? Because of the way that Kurdish women are erased from the narrative and Kurdish cultural production is co-opted. More than that, it was the Iranian state that forced Jîna to go by her “official” government name, so it perpetuates further violence when she is not referred to by her Kurdish name in death. It perpetuates further violence when a phrase from Kurdish women’s freedom movements is used in spaces where Kurdish culture and existence is suppressed and criminalized. To gain a deeper understanding of these contexts and implications, turn to “Why ‘Jîna’: Erasure of Kurdish Women and Their Politics from the Uprisings in Iran” by Farangis Ghaderi and Ozlem Goner. The goal here is not to defame the power and necessity of this movement for Iranian women (and Kurdish women alike). The point here is that within feminist solidarities, there must be a recognition of Kurdish women’s roles and contributions in order for true liberation and justice to take place. This book uplifts and spotlights the role that Kurdish women (past and present) play in social, political, and cultural progress.- Excerpt from Introduction to Sleeping**It is in this spirit that I want to finish this offering, **to leave you with one of my own poems in the collection– a love poem– because it has been powerful to see the queer Kurdish iconography within the current global protests for Rojava. The Kurdish flag next to the progress pride flag. The Kurdish flag’s sun inserted into the progress pride flag. I am healing.WaitingWinter branchessilhouettethe darkening sky.In trying to be tender,I slice a pearand add cinnamon.The gate swings on a hinge.Imaginea crescent moon:the beloved’s ear.And in hereyea silhouetteof winter branches.We are all waiting, not passively, but actively. While we wait for an end to the oppression, subjugation, and state violence against our people, we care for each other, for our communities, for our families, for our land.Publication notes:“My Roots Were Somewhere With You” by Nahid Arjouni (translated by Shohreh Laici) was first published in Two Lines Press, no.29 (2018)“Dream and Reality” by Meral Şimşek (translated by Öykü Tekten) was first published in The Markaz Review (2022)“Waiting” by Holly Mason Badra was first published in Bethesda Magazine (2018)"
}
,
{
"title" : "“Fuck My Political Career. People Are Dying.”",
"author" : "Maya Al Zaben, Cameron Kasky",
"category" : "interviews",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/cameron-kasky-west-bank-politics",
"date" : "2026-02-11 08:46:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Cameron%20Kasky0102-2.jpg",
"excerpt" : "Why Cameron Kasky Ended His New York Congressional Run to Call Attention to the West Bank",
"content" : "Why Cameron Kasky Ended His New York Congressional Run to Call Attention to the West BankPhoto Credit: Alizayuh VigilPolitical urgency has a way of shifting when you witness systemic, unflinching violence and oppression. The 25-year-old activist Cameron Kasky knows this from experience. Last December, Kasky traveled to the West Bank while running for Congress, expecting the experience to inform his platform. Instead, his visit to the West Bank rearranged his priorities entirely. His campaign, and the limits of electoral politics, stopped making sense.“Fuck my political career,” Kasky told me, midway through our portrait photoshoot as he unbuttoned his suit jacket and set it aside. “People are dying.”Kasky, who is best known in the U.S. as a Parkland high school shooting survivor and gun reform activist, had spent days moving between Palestinian villages under military occupation. He went as an American citizen but more importantly, as a candidate running to succeed Congressman Jerry Nadler in New York’s 12th Congressional District. But when he returned, Kasky realized that what he witnessed could not wait for election cycles or party alignment. So he bowed out of the race.“When you see the conditions people there are living under [in the West Bank], [I began to have a] one-track mind, which is: what can I do to help everyone?” he said. “Given my circumstances, given the nature of where we are at on Israel-Palestine, the upcoming midterm being something for which many politicians are going to want to reposition themselves on Palestine, and given the momentum that I have in this political context in the country, I do not know if I will be able to help as much six months from now.”Photo Credit: Alizayuh VigilKasky was tired when he showed up to our shoot. He was fresh off a train from lobbying in D.C. for justice in the West Bank. Actually, taking off the suit was his idea. He wanted to look like what he felt like: just another guy. He chose to wear a simple black T-shirt and an olive tree necklace he’d picked up in Hebron. When I asked what he wanted to listen to while we snapped the photos, he said anything but the Drake I already had on. He wanted to look sad, because, he said, that was the truth. And still—visibly exhausted—he couldn’t stop talking, in the best way, about everything that happened during his trip to the West Bank.While in the West Bank, Kasky traveled through Beit Sahour, Hebron, Sebastia, Tuwani, Tulkarem, Bethlehem, and a small shepherd village in the South Hebron Hills called Umm al-Khair. Each place looked different, but they all shared the condition of occupation.As an American, his body moved differently through space than that of the Palestinians he had met. He could pass where Palestinians could not. He could film until a soldier barked at him to stop. In Hebron, for instance, he accompanied a woman named Nasrin home through a military checkpoint. What should have been a 10-minute walk became 90, as Israeli soldiers turned people away arbitrarily and with no explanation.Umm al-Khair, however, is where things really changed for him.The village is surrounded by Israeli settlements. There are no paved roads, no infrastructure, and at least 14 demolition orders hanging over it. Every night, residents stay awake watching grainy security cameras for settlers who might arrive on ATVs or in so-called “security vehicles.” Children grow up with the knowledge that their homes can disappear at any moment.There, Kasky met a 19-year-old student who had been kidnapped and beaten by settlers at 17. When asked about his future, the boy answered simply: “There is no future. I only think about tomorrow. Will there be settlers tomorrow?”What struck Kasky was how plainly he said it.“And it was just so interesting to me because he didn’t say that to try and make a political point or to add some sort of dramatic effect to the conversation. He was just speaking from his heart and saying, I don’t get to think in the future. I don’t know what the future is. My home can be destroyed.”In another encounter, Kasky met a young woman whose husband had been shot dead by a settler while holding their baby.She showed him a photo of her children. Kasky told her he dreamed of having beautiful children of his own someday. The woman replied: “Inshallah, they will play together.”He knows they probably never will.“I will never be allowed into the state of Israel again,” he said. “And you’re even more likely to be turned away trying to come in from Jordan. So an unfathomable amount of things would have to change dramatically for me to ever be able to see the people of Umm al-Khair again.”Even still, he tries to keep in touch with all of the people he met in Umm al-Khair, though he knows that danger lurks for them at every corner. Every time the young woman Kasky met takes more than a couple of hours to write him back, he feels a creeping fear that something unthinkable has happened. When she finally does, there is a rush of relief. But that, he says, is the feeling people there live with all the time.All throughout his experience, one nagging thought couldn’t escape his mind. “‘God damn it, I can’t believe I have to run for Congress right now,’” he kept thinking. “Because if I weren’t running for Congress right now, I would spend a very long time here.”Photo Credit: Alizayuh VigilWhen Umm al-Khair residents say, ”See you tomorrow, Inshallah,” they are not saying these words casually. It’s clear in the darkly sardonic inflection of their voice that they say it because they genuinely do not know if they will see each other again. When they promise tomorrow, they have to say “God-willing,” because only God can bless them with another day.Although morbid, Kasky says the residents continue to infuse every day with humor, love, and a real sense of community.“It was so shocking to me because I was like, ‘If I were living in these conditions, I don’t understand how I could laugh at all,”’ he explained. “But then I remembered my own experience as a school shooting survivor with all these victims of gun violence whom I’ve met, and everybody’s funny. And you realize that it’s because humor is one of the only weapons we have against trauma.”The violence in Gaza, he says, felt indistinguishable from what he had witnessed as a child. He struggled to reconcile the outrage Americans expressed over the shooting at his school with their relative silence about violence abroad. That’s why, when he returned to the U.S., Kasky no longer believed politics could come first.People questioned his decision to step away from the congressional race, especially his ability to help. Some voiced that perhaps he could do more for Palestine if he actually got elected—that Israel would not pause its next violent move to see how his election turned out.“The people I met can’t wait until November,” he said, thinking back to the residents of Umm al-Khair. “Their villages can be destroyed any day… Settlers who come from my own district in New York could kill them. I can’t make an emergency less urgent just because I’m running for office.”So, he began working directly with lawmakers, including California Congressman Ro Khanna, to push for legislation that addresses the human rights violations in the West Bank. Kasky says that having this experience, being in the West Bank physically, gives him leverage with lawmakers.“It’s easier to get a meeting when you say: ‘I saw this with my own eyes.’”The villages changed the scale of what he was seeing. For Kasky, Gaza and the West Bank are not separate moral categories. Destruction in Gaza is explosive and immediate, but it is just as procedural in the West Bank.“What’s happening in Gaza is snapping their neck,” he said. “What’s happening in the West Bank is slowly choking them out.”He rejects the idea that settler violence is a fringe problem, pointing to the leadership now shaping anti-Palestinian violence in the West Bank for evidence, namely Israel’s Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, who has publicly called for Palestinian towns to be destroyed and pushed to legalize settlements built in violation of international law. More recently, he has advanced policies allowing Israelis to purchase land in the occupied West Bank.“[Smotrich] makes Netanyahu look like a Care Bear,” Kasky explains. “He is exploiting the world’s attention towards Gaza to turn the West Bank into even more of a Wild West murder party. And nobody’s paying attention.”In addition to legislative action, Kasky also seeks to challenge the language Zionists, particularly American Zionists, are taught. As a Jewish American raised in a Zionist education system, Kasky feels a responsibility to speak directly to those who were shaped by it, having seen up close how its worldview is taught.“When you have a Zionist upbringing and you have friends with progressive values, you are presented with a choice when Israel-Palestine comes into the conversation,” Kasky said. “You can either blame your friends and assume that they’re wrong and fall victim to some predatory form of Jew hatred. Or you could make yourself uncomfortable and engage with educational materials to which you had previously been unexposed.”“I’ve lost [extended] family members over this ,” he said. “They think I’m a terrorist, and I’m like, ‘Okay, whatever. If you love this foreign country more than you love your family, that’s your problem.’”Photo Credit: Alizayuh VigilAs the shoot came to a close, Kasky seemed visibly more at ease. Somewhere in the conversation, I learned he is a Scorpio and that his parents were divorced. Small facts, but ones that shifted the tone. He felt more relaxed. He truly was just another guy who wanted to make a difference.I later asked Kasky what the word “activist” meant to him. In a world where activism is often reduced to slogans online, he talked about action.“It could mean accompanying undocumented individuals to immigration court to make sure they have somebody with them to serve as a support system while ICE is presumably waiting in the wings to pounce on their right to be free and safe,” Kasky said.He also thought back to a lot of the Westerners that he met in Palestine who sought to help by simply being there–a “protective presence,” he called it. “You are accompanying people who are on their own land to plow their fields and live their lives so you can serve as something of a buffer when the armed settlers come.” In his view, activism is simply knowing what tools are at your disposal and putting them to work for something that matters. It’s carrying the stories and experiences people in the West Bank shared with him—and telling the world about them.As he took his leave, Kasky turned to me and made a little gesture that I’ll never forget. It is a gesture he had learned from Muslim friends in the U.S. years earlier, one that took on new meaning in Palestine: a hand to the heart, then a subtle nod.Tap. “See you tomorrow, Inshallah.” Nod. That’s how he says hello and goodbye now."
}
]
}