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On Art, Life & Activism
Nan Goldin, photographed by Mohamad Abdouni, interviewed by Céline Semaan

I encountered Nan Goldin’s work in person at the age of eighteen while studying art in Paris. Her work was exhibited at the Centre Georges Pompidou where I spent most days after school. It was my sanctuary; having just left Lebanon, I often felt lost in Paris. But I knew my way to museums where I would sit in silence for hours, absorbing art with my entire being. At eighteen, broke yet hopeful to pursue a career in the arts in spite of the odds or my own family’s desire for me to forgo this endeavor, meeting Nan’s work transformed me. I’m sure it has transformed millions of people, yet my connection to it felt personal. The intimacy, the composition, the use of color, the honesty her work conveyed gave the viewer permission to exist, not as a product in society, but as a human. Every day after school, the photographs, the stories, the life Nan Goldin captured became part of my intimate experience of living in Paris, my existence between countries, identities and religions; her art planted a seed within me.
Nan’s work spans decades: from the HIV epidemic in the eighties, to the harm of predatory pharmaceutical companies, to documenting and celebrating queer experiences from the seventies over fifty years to today, her work always centered the intimate and personal experiences that allows us to connect with the larger social context, and understand that everything is political.
Years later, at a dinner at a friend’s house in New York City, I noticed she was there. My heart stopped. I approached her and asked: Nan Goldin? She smiled while eating her last bite of dessert. She gave me an inviting look that welcomed me to sit by her. I sat uncomfortably at first, a little star struck, but as soon as we started talking, I felt as though we had met many times before. I readjusted my position and shared my teenage encounter with her work. We dove right into discussing the situation in Palestine, it was after all hundreds of days into this harrowing genocide. We were both invited to explore ways that art, culture and our collective efforts could be mobilized to end the violent occupation of Gaza. We stayed in touch.
On another occasion, we had lunch on a terrasse in Brooklyn and a vision came over me. As we were discussing the reality of the art world with Palestine and Lebanon, the work of Mohamad Abdouni came to my mind. I had brought Nan an issue of Everything is Political where Mohamad’s work was featured: Treat Me Like Your Mother. Nan carefully looked at the images, and there, a thought escaped my mouth, I asked her: “Would you like to meet Mohamad? His work is directly connected to your legacy and I could see this encounter not only as a magical moment between two artists, but as a wrinkle in the fabric of reality: Lebanese queer artists meeting a New York icon that has opened up his world and imagination.” The idea made her smile, then we smoked a cigarette together before her cab picked her up. As I was driving back home that day, I couldn’t help but feel as though time was folding, my eighteen year old self, my world in Lebanon and the world I had built in NewYork were finally connecting. That connection sparked new possibilities, a meeting of cultures. From that moment I began inquiring about inviting Mohamad to fly to NewYork, for the first time in his life, and sort out this possible meeting of the minds. I let the idea guide the process, and completely surrendered to the possibility of connecting art worlds together. When I texted Mohamad about it, we immediately jumped on a call—his first words were “you made my week”.
Months later, we walked up to Nan’s apartment, arms filled with cookies, flowers, lunch, cameras, newspapers. Little did we know we were about to spend a magical afternoon bridging cultures and experiences in such a rewarding way. While waiting for her to join us in the living room, we saw the gorgeous sunlight travel across the art on the walls of her rich collection of sculptures and paintings by friends who once were like family. Once Nan entered the room, Mohamad, Charlie (Mohamad’s best friend and muse), and myself exchanged stories on politics, drag queens in Lebanon, Syria and Palestine, queer culture during the war, all stories captured in Mohamad’s book “Treat Me Like Your Mother”.
The conversation kicked off around cigarettes, coffee, cookies and exchanging books and signatures between both photographers.

CÉLINE: Nan, You are an icon in the art world, were you surprised to know you were an icon for queer artists living in Lebanon and Palestine?
NAN: Actually I had no idea that my work had traveled there. I’m deeply gratified to know this. I hope it helps make queer people there feel visible.
CÉLINE: Your advocacy for Palestine didn’t start this year. When we met, you shared that you used to be aware and active for the cause in the 70’s and 80’s in New York. Can you share more about how you got involved?
NAN: In the 70’s when I was a teenager, a boyfriend of mine showed me a book about the camps for displaced people in Palestine, and I was outraged. From then on I refused to go to Israel or let my work be shown there. I was on my own cultural boycott. Later, I worked in a bar in Times Square and the woman who owned the bar, Maggie Smith, was my political mentor. She was deeply involved with the Puerto Rican Liberation Movement and prisoner rights. It was during this time that I went to a few PLO meetings. In those days there was no internet so you had to find these things out, by word of mouth. For a few years leading up to October 7th, I was going to Pro-Palestine protests here in New York.

CÉLINE: Your speech in Berlin was shared by millions of people. Before you left, you were concerned about the gallery potentially censoring you. How did it go? What can you share about censorship in the art world and what you think about the artist’s role in these times?
NAN: It was my mountaintop speech, I’m thrilled that it’s gone viral.
The museum did try to censor me. Without my knowledge, the Director of the museum, Klaus Biesenbach, set up a symposium with panelists that were almost entirely Pro-Zionist. The intent was to disprove my position. It was very bizarre that a director of a museum would go so far to disavow an artist he was showing in his museum. So he gave a speech right after mine that was drowned out by the voices of STRIKE GERMANY who orchestrated a powerful action.
I also gave an interview to Hanno Hauenstein who reported about the censorship that had occurred at the Neue National galerie. We made a new credit slide for the analogue slideshow of The Other Side and The Ballad of Sexual Dependency, that reads “In solidarity with the people of Gaza, the West Bank, and Lebanon. And the Israeli civilians killed on October 7.” They had coerced us to take the slides out and we had, but I decided it had to go back in and they wouldn’t allow it. When they reached out to the paper to say that they hadn’t censored me, I wrote to thank them and asked when I could put the slide back in. I’m happy to say the credits are in the exhibition now.
It’s abhorrent that Germany has censored about 200 artists, writers and academics, about a quarter of them Jewish, since October 7th. It’s crazy that Germans think it’s okay to tell Jews they’re anti-semitic in support of Palestine. There’s a policy in the German government that criminalizes boycotting Israel or showing support for Palestine. The policy is called Staatsräson- a key part of German foreign policy which views Israel’s security linked to German national interest, and a “logical consequence of Germany’s responsibility for the Holocaust.” meaning that the German state can not exist without supporting Israel. Which is meant to assuage their guilt about the Nazi holocaust. It’s illegal to make a comparison between the Nazi holocaust to what’s happening in Gaza. The conflation of anti-zionism and anti-semitism is very dangerous as it empowers the extreme right wing who are truly anti-semitic.
CÉLINE: Reclaiming silence was powerful. Since all phones were off while it was happening, that part wasn’t shared with the world. What was it like in person?
NAN: Good question. Actually Céline, it was your idea and it was brilliant. I asked the whole audience to observe silence. I extended the silence to four minutes which represented one one-hundredth of a second for the 44,757 people “officially” killed in Palestine by Israeli forces, half of them children, and the 3,516 people killed in Lebanon by Israeli forces and the 815 Israeli civilians killed on October 7th. The silence was also in honor of the at least 10,000 people buried under the rubble. I wanted people to feel uncomfortable so they could feel what it would be like to have their bodies hijacked for a minute. The audience of a thousand people maintained the silence, which was so moving. Everyone put away their phones so I haven’t found any footage. As I said in my speech, these numbers are a gross undercount and certainly not up to date today, two months later. The Lancet reported that the numbers were closer to 186,000 people. The killing didn’t cease with the ceasefire.
For me the extended silence was the most powerful part of the speech.

CÉLINE: It’s hard to cope with everything that is unfolding in real time, on our screens, the level of evil is just at another threshold. We also have a change of administration in the US, one that is on the far right and deeply invested in fascism. Do you see a parallel with the past elections, even going as far as when Bush was elected? How do you think this will affect the art world and our basic freedoms?
NAN: We’ve entered into the most dystopian of times that could ever be imagined. We’ve feared the encroaching fascism in the political structure of America for decades but now it’s full fledged. It’s terrifying. In 2000 I left America for a decade after Bush stole the election. I believe this was the beginning of the erosion of the meaning of truth. Trump has cemented this into the concept of “Fake News” which has been extremely dangerous. But leaving the country was a meaningless way to resist.
Now I’m trying to find a way to engage meaningfully with what’s here to stay. I find it hard to breathe here.
I fear that nobody is safe. I fear for Palestine, I fear for the people who’ve been working so hard to support Palestine. I fear for all the people who’ve been fighting for freedom and justice. What’s especially terrifying is that anywhere you look, evil policies are being put into place. The planet is rebelling against us. AI is creating even more sophisticated surveillance in social media. Trump is talking about moving people from Gaza to Indonesia and opening his hotels on the land. Elon Musk gave a Nazi salute but the ADL defended him and called it an “awkward gesture”. It’s absolutely terrifying that we’ve arrived here. I also hold Biden and Harris responsible, for their legacy of genocide. Maybe if they stopped sending billions of dollars worth of weapons, they would have gotten more support.
CÉLINE: Many of us are at risk during this upcoming presidency. Do you feel that art, the power of images, has the power to change the way things are going to be? In other words, does art still hold the kind of power that changes politics?
NAN: About Art, I wish I could say yes. I don’t expect it to change policies or the government, but my hope is that there are gestures made that are strong enough to open people’s minds.
Artists have always been the ones who speak out. If more artists had publicly supported Palestine, the people who spoke out wouldn’t be so blacklisted. There would be more of a sense of unity. The collective voice is stronger. The more of us there are, the more of us there are.

In Conversation:
Photography by:
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Location:
{
"article":
{
"title" : "On Art, Life & Activism: Nan Goldin, photographed by Mohamad Abdouni, interviewed by Céline Semaan",
"author" : "Nan Goldin, Mohamad Abdouni, Céline Semaan",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/nan-goldin-mohamad-abdouni-celine-semaan",
"date" : "2025-02-04 16:33:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/nan-cover.jpg",
"excerpt" : "",
"content" : "I encountered Nan Goldin’s work in person at the age of eighteen while studying art in Paris. Her work was exhibited at the Centre Georges Pompidou where I spent most days after school. It was my sanctuary; having just left Lebanon, I often felt lost in Paris. But I knew my way to museums where I would sit in silence for hours, absorbing art with my entire being. At eighteen, broke yet hopeful to pursue a career in the arts in spite of the odds or my own family’s desire for me to forgo this endeavor, meeting Nan’s work transformed me. I’m sure it has transformed millions of people, yet my connection to it felt personal. The intimacy, the composition, the use of color, the honesty her work conveyed gave the viewer permission to exist, not as a product in society, but as a human. Every day after school, the photographs, the stories, the life Nan Goldin captured became part of my intimate experience of living in Paris, my existence between countries, identities and religions; her art planted a seed within me.Nan’s work spans decades: from the HIV epidemic in the eighties, to the harm of predatory pharmaceutical companies, to documenting and celebrating queer experiences from the seventies over fifty years to today, her work always centered the intimate and personal experiences that allows us to connect with the larger social context, and understand that everything is political.Years later, at a dinner at a friend’s house in New York City, I noticed she was there. My heart stopped. I approached her and asked: Nan Goldin? She smiled while eating her last bite of dessert. She gave me an inviting look that welcomed me to sit by her. I sat uncomfortably at first, a little star struck, but as soon as we started talking, I felt as though we had met many times before. I readjusted my position and shared my teenage encounter with her work. We dove right into discussing the situation in Palestine, it was after all hundreds of days into this harrowing genocide. We were both invited to explore ways that art, culture and our collective efforts could be mobilized to end the violent occupation of Gaza. We stayed in touch.On another occasion, we had lunch on a terrasse in Brooklyn and a vision came over me. As we were discussing the reality of the art world with Palestine and Lebanon, the work of Mohamad Abdouni came to my mind. I had brought Nan an issue of Everything is Political where Mohamad’s work was featured: Treat Me Like Your Mother. Nan carefully looked at the images, and there, a thought escaped my mouth, I asked her: “Would you like to meet Mohamad? His work is directly connected to your legacy and I could see this encounter not only as a magical moment between two artists, but as a wrinkle in the fabric of reality: Lebanese queer artists meeting a New York icon that has opened up his world and imagination.” The idea made her smile, then we smoked a cigarette together before her cab picked her up. As I was driving back home that day, I couldn’t help but feel as though time was folding, my eighteen year old self, my world in Lebanon and the world I had built in NewYork were finally connecting. That connection sparked new possibilities, a meeting of cultures. From that moment I began inquiring about inviting Mohamad to fly to NewYork, for the first time in his life, and sort out this possible meeting of the minds. I let the idea guide the process, and completely surrendered to the possibility of connecting art worlds together. When I texted Mohamad about it, we immediately jumped on a call—his first words were “you made my week”.Months later, we walked up to Nan’s apartment, arms filled with cookies, flowers, lunch, cameras, newspapers. Little did we know we were about to spend a magical afternoon bridging cultures and experiences in such a rewarding way. While waiting for her to join us in the living room, we saw the gorgeous sunlight travel across the art on the walls of her rich collection of sculptures and paintings by friends who once were like family. Once Nan entered the room, Mohamad, Charlie (Mohamad’s best friend and muse), and myself exchanged stories on politics, drag queens in Lebanon, Syria and Palestine, queer culture during the war, all stories captured in Mohamad’s book “Treat Me Like Your Mother”.The conversation kicked off around cigarettes, coffee, cookies and exchanging books and signatures between both photographers.CÉLINE: Nan, You are an icon in the art world, were you surprised to know you were an icon for queer artists living in Lebanon and Palestine?NAN: Actually I had no idea that my work had traveled there. I’m deeply gratified to know this. I hope it helps make queer people there feel visible.CÉLINE: Your advocacy for Palestine didn’t start this year. When we met, you shared that you used to be aware and active for the cause in the 70’s and 80’s in New York. Can you share more about how you got involved?NAN: In the 70’s when I was a teenager, a boyfriend of mine showed me a book about the camps for displaced people in Palestine, and I was outraged. From then on I refused to go to Israel or let my work be shown there. I was on my own cultural boycott. Later, I worked in a bar in Times Square and the woman who owned the bar, Maggie Smith, was my political mentor. She was deeply involved with the Puerto Rican Liberation Movement and prisoner rights. It was during this time that I went to a few PLO meetings. In those days there was no internet so you had to find these things out, by word of mouth. For a few years leading up to October 7th, I was going to Pro-Palestine protests here in New York.CÉLINE: Your speech in Berlin was shared by millions of people. Before you left, you were concerned about the gallery potentially censoring you. How did it go? What can you share about censorship in the art world and what you think about the artist’s role in these times?NAN: It was my mountaintop speech, I’m thrilled that it’s gone viral.The museum did try to censor me. Without my knowledge, the Director of the museum, Klaus Biesenbach, set up a symposium with panelists that were almost entirely Pro-Zionist. The intent was to disprove my position. It was very bizarre that a director of a museum would go so far to disavow an artist he was showing in his museum. So he gave a speech right after mine that was drowned out by the voices of STRIKE GERMANY who orchestrated a powerful action.I also gave an interview to Hanno Hauenstein who reported about the censorship that had occurred at the Neue National galerie. We made a new credit slide for the analogue slideshow of The Other Side and The Ballad of Sexual Dependency, that reads “In solidarity with the people of Gaza, the West Bank, and Lebanon. And the Israeli civilians killed on October 7.” They had coerced us to take the slides out and we had, but I decided it had to go back in and they wouldn’t allow it. When they reached out to the paper to say that they hadn’t censored me, I wrote to thank them and asked when I could put the slide back in. I’m happy to say the credits are in the exhibition now.It’s abhorrent that Germany has censored about 200 artists, writers and academics, about a quarter of them Jewish, since October 7th. It’s crazy that Germans think it’s okay to tell Jews they’re anti-semitic in support of Palestine. There’s a policy in the German government that criminalizes boycotting Israel or showing support for Palestine. The policy is called Staatsräson- a key part of German foreign policy which views Israel’s security linked to German national interest, and a “logical consequence of Germany’s responsibility for the Holocaust.” meaning that the German state can not exist without supporting Israel. Which is meant to assuage their guilt about the Nazi holocaust. It’s illegal to make a comparison between the Nazi holocaust to what’s happening in Gaza. The conflation of anti-zionism and anti-semitism is very dangerous as it empowers the extreme right wing who are truly anti-semitic.CÉLINE: Reclaiming silence was powerful. Since all phones were off while it was happening, that part wasn’t shared with the world. What was it like in person?NAN: Good question. Actually Céline, it was your idea and it was brilliant. I asked the whole audience to observe silence. I extended the silence to four minutes which represented one one-hundredth of a second for the 44,757 people “officially” killed in Palestine by Israeli forces, half of them children, and the 3,516 people killed in Lebanon by Israeli forces and the 815 Israeli civilians killed on October 7th. The silence was also in honor of the at least 10,000 people buried under the rubble. I wanted people to feel uncomfortable so they could feel what it would be like to have their bodies hijacked for a minute. The audience of a thousand people maintained the silence, which was so moving. Everyone put away their phones so I haven’t found any footage. As I said in my speech, these numbers are a gross undercount and certainly not up to date today, two months later. The Lancet reported that the numbers were closer to 186,000 people. The killing didn’t cease with the ceasefire.For me the extended silence was the most powerful part of the speech.CÉLINE: It’s hard to cope with everything that is unfolding in real time, on our screens, the level of evil is just at another threshold. We also have a change of administration in the US, one that is on the far right and deeply invested in fascism. Do you see a parallel with the past elections, even going as far as when Bush was elected? How do you think this will affect the art world and our basic freedoms?NAN: We’ve entered into the most dystopian of times that could ever be imagined. We’ve feared the encroaching fascism in the political structure of America for decades but now it’s full fledged. It’s terrifying. In 2000 I left America for a decade after Bush stole the election. I believe this was the beginning of the erosion of the meaning of truth. Trump has cemented this into the concept of “Fake News” which has been extremely dangerous. But leaving the country was a meaningless way to resist.Now I’m trying to find a way to engage meaningfully with what’s here to stay. I find it hard to breathe here.I fear that nobody is safe. I fear for Palestine, I fear for the people who’ve been working so hard to support Palestine. I fear for all the people who’ve been fighting for freedom and justice. What’s especially terrifying is that anywhere you look, evil policies are being put into place. The planet is rebelling against us. AI is creating even more sophisticated surveillance in social media. Trump is talking about moving people from Gaza to Indonesia and opening his hotels on the land. Elon Musk gave a Nazi salute but the ADL defended him and called it an “awkward gesture”. It’s absolutely terrifying that we’ve arrived here. I also hold Biden and Harris responsible, for their legacy of genocide. Maybe if they stopped sending billions of dollars worth of weapons, they would have gotten more support.CÉLINE: Many of us are at risk during this upcoming presidency. Do you feel that art, the power of images, has the power to change the way things are going to be? In other words, does art still hold the kind of power that changes politics?NAN: About Art, I wish I could say yes. I don’t expect it to change policies or the government, but my hope is that there are gestures made that are strong enough to open people’s minds. Artists have always been the ones who speak out. If more artists had publicly supported Palestine, the people who spoke out wouldn’t be so blacklisted. There would be more of a sense of unity. The collective voice is stronger. The more of us there are, the more of us there are."
}
,
"relatedposts": [
{
"title" : "What We Can Learn from the Inuit Mapping of the Arctic",
"author" : "William Rankin",
"category" : "excerpts",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/inuit-mapping-arctic",
"date" : "2025-12-02 12:49:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Cover_EIP_Template-Inuit_Map.jpg",
"excerpt" : "This excerpt is from RADICAL CARTOGRAPHY by William Rankin, published by Viking, an imprint of Penguin Publishing Group, a division of Penguin Random House, LLC. Copyright © 2025 by William Rankin.",
"content" : "This excerpt is from RADICAL CARTOGRAPHY by William Rankin, published by Viking, an imprint of Penguin Publishing Group, a division of Penguin Random House, LLC. Copyright © 2025 by William Rankin.In 1994, the Berkeley geographer Bernard Nietschmann made a famous claim about the power of mapping in the global struggle for Indigenous rights. It was a claim about how the tools of historical oppression could be reclaimed by the oppressed: “More Indigenous territory has been claimed by maps than by guns. This assertion has its corollary: more Indigenous territory can be defended and reclaimed by maps than by guns.” The idea was that by putting themselves on the map—documenting their lives and their communities—Indigenous peoples would not be so easy to erase. Nietschmann was working in Central America, often heroically, during a time of violence and displacement, and he inspired a generation of researchers and activists interested in flipping the power structure of state-centric cartography on its head.But despite the spread of bottom-up mapping projects in the past 30 years, perhaps the most successful example of Indigenous mapping actually predates Nietschmann’s call to action. Just one year prior, in 1993, the Inuit of northern Canada signed a treaty creating the territory of Nunavut—the largest self-governing Indigenous territory in the world—and mapping was central to both the negotiation and the outcome. It remains one of the rare cases of Indigenous geographic knowledge decolonizing the world map.So why hasn’t the Inuit project been replicable elsewhere, despite decades more work on Indigenous mapping? The answer lies in the very idea of territory itself, and in particular in one of the most threatened parts of the Inuit landscape today: ice. The winter extent of Arctic sea ice reached a record low earlier this year, and a new low is predicted for the winter ahead. Yet the shrinking ice isn’t just an unshakable sign of Arctic warming; it’s also a poignant reminder of what Nietschmann got right—and what he missed—about the relationship between cartography and power. In particular, it shows how Inuit conceptions of space, place, and belonging are rooted in a dynamic, seasonal geography that’s often completely invisible on Western-style maps.The story begins in the 1970s, when the young Inuit leader Tagak Curley, today considered a “living father” of Nunavut, hired the Arctic anthropologist Milton Freeman to lead a collaborative mapping project of unprecedented scope and ambition. Freeman taught at McMaster University about an hour outside Toronto; he was white, but his wife, Mini Aodla Freeman, was Inuit (she was a translator and later a celebrated writer). Freeman assembled a team of other anthropologists and Arctic geographers—also white—to split the mapping into regions. They called their method the “map biography.” The goal was to capture the life history of every Inuit hunter in cartographic form, recording each person’s memories of where, at any point in their life, they had found roughly three dozen species of wildlife—from caribou and ptarmigan to beluga, narwhal, and seaweed. Each map biography would be a testimony of personal experience.After the mapping was split into regions, about 150 field-workers—almost all Inuit—traveled between 33 northern settlements with a stack of government-issued topographic maps to conduct interviews. Each hunter was asked to draw lines or shapes directly on the maps with colored pens or pencils. The interviewers stayed about 10 weeks in each settlement, visiting most hunters in their own homes, and the final participation rate was an astonishing 85 percent of all adult Inuit men. They collected 1,600 biographies in total, some on maps as large as 10 feet square.Then came the cartographers, back in Ontario: one professor and a team of about 15 students. The first map below (Figure 1) shows how the individual map biographies were transformed into summary maps, one for each community. For every species, the overlap of all hunters’ testimony became a single blob, and then blobs for all species were overlaid to make a complete map. The second map (Figure 2) shows one of the finished atlas pages along the Northwest Passage. The immediate impression is that the Arctic is in no way an empty expanse of barren land and unclaimed mineral riches. It is dense with human activity, necessary for personal and collective survival. The community maps combined to show almost uninterrupted Inuit presence stretching from northern Labrador to the Alaska border.Figure 1: Top left is a simplified version of a “map biography” from a single Inuit hunter, showing his birthplace and the places he hunted caribou, fox, wolf, grizzly bear, moose, and fish at various points in his life. (The original biography would have been drawn over a familiar government-issued topographic map.) The other three maps show how multiple biographies were then combined into patterned blobs for all hunters and all species. (Map courtesy of William Rankin/ Penguin Random House LLC.)Figure 2: A two-page spread from the finished atlas showing the seven kinds of animals hunted from the settlements of Igloolik and Hall Beach, in an area about 500 by 300 miles: caribou, polar bear, walrus, whale, fish, seal, and waterfowl. (Because of the large number of individual species recorded in the map biographies, some species were grouped together in the final maps.) The blobs are a strong, even overpowering figure atop an unusually subtle ground. Notice in particular how difficult it is to distinguish land and water areas, since the dark shading extends beyond coastlines even for individual species. This map in fact includes the Northwest Passage—the famous sea route around the tip of North America—but the crucial Fury and Hecla Strait (named after the two British ships that first learned of, but did not navigate, the passage in 1822) is almost entirely obscured. (Map courtesy of William Rankin/ Penguin Random House LLC.)Nothing about the cartography was meant to be subversive—or even controversial. For the cartographers, the only message was that the Inuit hunted a variety of species over large areas. But look again at the finished map in Figure 2. Yes, a foreground is layered over a background in the usual way, but the visual argument is strikingly different from a typical layered map in, say, a census atlas, where the foreground data doesn’t stray beyond crisp pre-existing borders. Here, in contrast, even the basic distinction between land and water is often obscure. The maps’ content is the facts of species and area; the maps’ argument is that Inuit culture is grounded in a substantially different understanding of territory than the one Western cartography was designed to show.As a result, this new atlas shifted the negotiations between the Inuit and the Canadian government decisively. Not only did the maps provide a legal claim to the Inuit-used land, documenting 750,000 square miles—an area the size of Mexico—but also a claim to the sea, showing an additional 325,000 square miles offshore.It took many years for the full implications to play out, but the erosion of the land–water boundary became central to the Inuit vision. At the time, wildlife on land was managed by the regional Northwest Territories government, while offshore marine species were the responsibility of centralized federal agencies. The Inuit used the atlas to win agreement for a new agency with equal responsibility over both. At the same time, the Inuit also improved their position by offering their offshore claims as evidence the Canadian government would use—not just in the 1980s, but even as recently as 2024—to resist foreign encroachment in the Northwest Passage. The final agreement in 1993 granted the Inuit $1.15 billion in cash, title to about 17 percent of the land in the “settlement area,” representation on several new management agencies, a share of all natural-resource revenue, broad hunting and fishing rights, and a promise that the territory of Nunavut would come into being on April 1, 1999.It’s easy to count this project as a success story, but it’s also important to remember that it depended both on the government’s own interest in negotiation and on the willingness of Indigenous peoples, or at least their leadership, to translate their sense of space onto a map, solidifying what had previously been fluid. It also meant abandoning claims to ancestral lands that had not been used in living experience and provoking new boundary disputes with neighboring, and previously amicable, Indigenous groups. These tradeoffs have led some scholars to critique mapping as only “drawing Indigenous peoples into a modern capitalist economy while maintaining the centrality of state power.” But for the Inuit, the alternatives seemed quite a bit worse.With the more recent proliferation of Indigenous mapping initiatives elsewhere—in Latin America, Africa, and Asia—the tradeoffs have been harder to evaluate. Most governments have shown little interest in addressing Indigenous claims, and when bottom-up mapping has been pushed instead by international nonprofits interested in environmental conservation, the downsides of mapping have often come without any of the upsides.Yet it’s not just the attitude of the state that’s been different; it’s also the cartography. In nearly all these other cases, the finished maps have shown none of the territorial inversion of the Inuit atlas. Instead, Indigenous knowledge is either overlaid on an existing base map in perfectly legible form, or it’s used to construct a new base map of a remarkably conventional sort, using the same visual vocabulary as Western maps.Did the Inuit project just show the data so clearly that its deeper implications were immediately apparent? No, not really, since the great irony here is that the cartographers were in fact quite dissatisfied. Follow-up surveys reached the conclusion that the atlas was only “moderately successful” by their usual mapmaking standards.The Inuit atlas was a kind of happy accident—one that doesn’t conform to any of the usual stories about Indigenous mapping, in Canada or elsewhere. The lesson here isn’t that maps should be as Indigenous as possible, or that they should be as orthodox as possible. These maps were neither. My take is simpler: the atlas shows that maps can, in fact, support alternative conceptions of space—and that showing space in a different way is crucial.The possibilities aren’t endless, but they’re broader than we might think. Plotting different sorts of data is a necessary step, but no less important are the relationships between that data and the assumptions of what lies below. For the Inuit, these assumptions were about land, water, and territory. These were in the background both visually and politically, and they were upstaged by an unexpectedly provocative foreground. The layers did not behave as they were meant to, and despite the tradeoffs, they allowed an Indigenous community to fight for their home and their way of life."
}
,
{
"title" : "Malcolm X and Islam: U.S. Islamophobia Didn’t Start with 9/11",
"author" : "Collis Browne",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/malcolm-x-and-islam",
"date" : "2025-11-27 14:58:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/life-malcolm-3.jpg",
"excerpt" : "",
"content" : "Anti-Muslim hate has been deeply engrained and intertwined with anti-Black racism in the United States for well over 60 years, far longer than most of us are taught or are aware.As the EIP team dug into design research for the new magazine format of our first anniversary issue, we revisited 1960s issues of LIFE magazine—and landed on the March 1965 edition, published just after the assassination of Malcolm X.The reporting is staggering in its openness: blatantly anti-Black and anti-Muslim in a way that normalizes white supremacy at its most fundamental level. The anti-Blackness, while horrifying, is not surprising. This was a moment when, despite the formal dismantling of Jim Crow, more than 10,000 “sundown towns” still existed across the country, segregation remained the norm, and racial terror structured daily life.What shocked our team was the nakedness of the anti-Muslim propaganda.This was not yet framed as anti-Arab in the way Western Islamophobia is often framed today. Arab and Middle Eastern people were not present in the narrative at all. Instead, what was being targeted was organized resistance to white supremacy—specifically, the adoption of Islam by Black communities as a source of political power, dignity, and self-determination. From this moment, we can trace a clear ideological line from anti-Muslim sentiment rooted in anti-Black racism in the 1960s to the anti-Arab, anti-MENA, and anti-SWANA racism that saturates Western culture today.The reporting leaned heavily on familiar colonial tropes: the implication of “inter-tribal” violence, the suggestion that resistance to white supremacy is itself a form of reverse racism or inherent aggression, and the detached, almost smug tone surrounding the violent death of a cultural leader.Of course, the Nation of Islam and Elijah Muhammad represent only expressions within an immense and diverse global Muslim world—spanning Morocco, Sudan, the Gulf, Iraq, Pakistan, Indonesia, and far beyond. Yet U.S. cultural and military power has long blurred these distinctions, collapsing complexity into a singular enemy image.It is worth naming this history clearly and connecting the dots: U.S. Islamophobia did not begin with 9/11. It is rooted in a much older racial project—one that has always braided anti-Blackness and anti-Muslim sentiment together in service of white supremacy, at home and abroad."
}
,
{
"title" : "The Billionaire Who Bought the Met Gala: What the Bezoses’ Check Means for Fashion’s Future",
"author" : "Louis Pisano",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/the-billionaire-who-bought-the-met-gala",
"date" : "2025-11-27 10:41:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Cover_EIP_TBesos_MET_Galajpg.jpg",
"excerpt" : "On the morning of November 17, 2025, the Metropolitan Museum of Art announced that Jeff Bezos and Lauren Sánchez Bezos would serve as the sole lead sponsors of the 2026 Met Gala and its accompanying Costume Institute exhibition, “Costume Art”. Saint Laurent and Condé Nast were listed as supporting partners. To be clear, this is not a co-sponsorship. It is not “in association with.” It is the first time in the modern history of the gala that the headline slot, previously occupied by Louis Vuitton, TikTok, or a discreet old-money surname, has been handed to a tech billionaire and his wife. The donation amount remains undisclosed, but sources familiar with the negotiations place it comfortably north of seven figures, in line with the checks that helped the event raise $22 million last year.",
"content" : "On the morning of November 17, 2025, the Metropolitan Museum of Art announced that Jeff Bezos and Lauren Sánchez Bezos would serve as the sole lead sponsors of the 2026 Met Gala and its accompanying Costume Institute exhibition, “Costume Art”. Saint Laurent and Condé Nast were listed as supporting partners. To be clear, this is not a co-sponsorship. It is not “in association with.” It is the first time in the modern history of the gala that the headline slot, previously occupied by Louis Vuitton, TikTok, or a discreet old-money surname, has been handed to a tech billionaire and his wife. The donation amount remains undisclosed, but sources familiar with the negotiations place it comfortably north of seven figures, in line with the checks that helped the event raise $22 million last year.Within hours of the announcement, the Met’s Instagram post was overrun with comments proclaiming the gala “dead.” On TikTok and X, users paired declarations of late-stage capitalism with memes of the museum staircase wrapped in Amazon boxes. Not that this was unexpected. Anyone paying attention could see it coming for over a decade.When billionaires like Bezos, whose Amazon warehouses reported injury rates nearly double the industry average in 2024 and whose fashion supply chain has been linked to forced labor and poverty wages globally, acquire influence over prestigious institutions like the Met Museum through sponsorships, it risks commodifying fashion as a tool for not only personal but corporate image-laundering. To put it simply: who’s going to bite the hand that feeds them? Designers, editors, and curators will have little choice but to turn a blind eye to keep the money flowing and the lights on.Back in 2012, Amazon co-chaired the “Schiaparelli and Prada” gala, and honorary chair Jeff Bezos showed up in a perfectly respectable tux with then-wife MacKenzie Scott by his side and an Anna Wintour-advised pocket square. After his divorce from Scott in 2019, Bezos made a solo appearance at the Met Gala, signaling that he was becoming a familiar presence in fashion circles on his own. Of course, by that point, he already had Lauren Sánchez. Fast forward to 2020: print advertising was crumbling, and Anna Wintour co-signed The Drop, a set of limited CFDA collections sold exclusively on Amazon, giving the company a veneer of fashion credibility. By 2024, Sánchez made her Met debut in a mirrored Oscar de la Renta gown personally approved by Wintour, signaling that the Bezos orbit was now squarely inside the fashion world.Then, the political world started to catch up, as it always does. In January 2025, Sánchez and Bezos sat three rows behind President-elect Donald Trump at the inauguration. Amazon wrote a one-million-dollar check to Trump’s inaugural fund, and Bezos, once mocked by Trump as “Jeff Bozo,” publicly congratulated Trump on an “extraordinary political comeback.” By June 2025, Bezos and Sánchez became cultural and political mainstays: Sánchez married Bezos in Venice, wearing a Dolce & Gabbana gown Wintour had helped select. This landed Sánchez the digital cover of American Vogue almost immediately afterward. Wintour quietly handed day-to-day control of the magazine to Chloe Malle but kept the Met Gala, the global title, and her Condé Nast equity stake, cementing a new era of fashion power where money, influence, and optics are inseparable.Underneath all of it, the quiet hum of Amazon’s fashion machine continued to whirr. By 2024, the company already controlled 16.2 percent of every dollar Americans spent on clothing, footwear, and accessories—more than Walmart, Target, Macy’s, and Nordstrom combined. That same year, it generated $34.7 billion in U.S. apparel and footwear revenue that year, with the women’s category alone on pace to top $40 billion. No legacy house has ever had that volume of real-time data on what people actually try on, keep, or return in shame. Amazon can react in weeks rather than seasons, reordering winning pieces, tweaking existing ones, and killing unpopular options before they’re even produced at scale.Wintour did more than simply observe this shift; she engineered a soft landing by bringing Amazon in when it was still somewhat uncool and seen mostly as a discount retailer, lending it credibility when it needed legitimacy, and spending the last two years turning Sánchez from tabloid footnote to Vogue cover star. The Condé Nast sale rumors that began circulating in July 2025, complete with talk of Wintour cashing out her equity and Sánchez taking a creative role, have been denied by every official mouthpiece. But they have also refused to die, because the timeline is simply too tidy.The clearest preview of what billionaire ownership can do to a cultural institution remains Bezos’ other pet project, The Washington Post. Bezos bought it for $250 million in 2013, saved it from bankruptcy, and built it into a profitable digital operation with 2.5 million subscribers. Then, in October 2024, he personally blocked a planned editorial endorsement of Kamala Harris. More than 250,000 subscribers canceled in the following days. By February 2025, the opinion section was restructured around “personal liberties and free markets,” triggering another exodus and the resignation of editorial page editor David Shipley. Former executive editor Marty Baron called it “craven.” The timing, just months after Bezos began warming to the incoming Trump administration, was not lost on anyone. The story didn’t stop there: in the last few days, U.S. Vice President J.D. Vance revealed he had texted Bezos suggesting the hiring of a right-leaning Breitbart journalist, Matthew Boyle, to run the Post’s political coverage. This is a clear signal of how staffing decisions at a storied paper now sit within the same power matrix that funds the Met Gala and shapes culture, media, and politics alike. It’s a tangled, strategic web—all of Bezos’ making.It’s curious that, in the same 30-day window that the Trump DOJ expanded its antitrust inquiry into Amazon, specifically how its algorithms favor its own products over third-party sellers, including many fashion brands, the MET, a city-owned museum, handed the keys of its marquee event to the man whose company now wields outsized influence over designers’ fortunes and faces regulatory scrutiny from the administration he helped reinstall. This is not sponsorship; it’s leverage. Wintour once froze Melania Trump out of Vogue because she could afford to.But she cannot freeze out Sánchez or Bezos. Nor does she want to.So on the first Monday in May, the museum doors will open as they always do for the Met Gala. The carpet will still be red (or whatever color the theme demands). The photographs of celebrities posing in their interpretations of “Costume Art” will still break the internet. Andrew Bolton’s exhibition, roughly 200 objects tracing the dressed body across five millennia, displayed in the newly renamed Condé Nast Galleries, will still be brilliant. But the biggest check will come from the couple who already control 16 percent of America’s clothing spend, who own The Washington Post, and who sat three rows behind Trump at the inauguration. Everything else, guest list tweaks, livestream deals, shoppable moments, will flow from that single source of money and power. That is who now has the final word on the most influential night in American fashion."
}
]
}