Digital & Print Membership
Yearly + Receive 8 free printed back issues
$420 Annually
Monthly + Receive 3 free printed back issues
$40 Monthly
Middle Eastern / North African Tattoo Artists
Queering Tattoo Culture
ARYANA GOODARZI— I can attest that almost every queer person I know has at least one tattoo. It is still rare to find Middle Eastern/North African (MENA) tattoo artists in the states, and for a huge cultural moment to be generated by queer MENA people makes me proud – and its implications go far beyond tattoos. Born in the West and raised in the diaspora, these artists found themselves able to hold the at-onceness of their identities through ink.
As I write this, I can count 15 tattoos on myself, many of which have queer and MENA undertones. I have an overtly sapphic Georgia O’Keefe tattoo, a Botero painting of a man in a dress, and more. I’m currently saving up money to schedule my next tattoo appointment for my current fixation: a sketch of one of Pippa Garner’s art pieces.
The first time I got a tattoo, I was 20. I went to the nearest tattoo shop I could find that took walk ins. I’ve had heavily inked, tough-looking guys tattoo very queer pieces on me, as I’m sure many of us have. I didn’t chitchat with the tattoo artist, as he clearly didn’t seem to care to. After a few more experiences like that, I began to think that the tattoo artist was as important to me as the art itself. I know there are tattoo artists near me that have the artistic skill to give me the tattoo I want. However, I would rather just hold off on until I can get on a queer MENA tattoo artists’ books.
Several years ago, at the New York City Dyke March, amid thousands of people. I spotted someone who, by all indications, appeared to be queer. Then, judging by one of their tattoos, I realized they are also Iranian. That was the first time I saw the established traditional tattoo style colliding with MENA art. Though I yearned for it, I had never been tattooed by another queer MENA person, as I didn’t know any who were tattoo artists. I’ve often fantasized about how our culture could be embodied in traditional tattooing. I’m currently working with an artist on a lady head resting on a roaring black panther’s head as a back piece—a common tattoo flash in American traditional style—but with thick, connected eyebrows, and full, wavy black hair decorated with some ornaments in red ink.

In August 2023, I wanted a piece of art, by a queer Syrian named Yasmin Almokhamad-Sarkisian. If I went to a MENA tattoo artist, they told me, I wouldn’t have to pay them commission. When I put out a call for one, I was introduced to several queer MENA tattoo artists – in New York City, Montréal, and Mexico City.
This goes beyond tattoos; it’s about cultural reclamation. Historically, the experiences of queer and trans people, especially that of MENA diasporas, have been divided, kept apart by a culture that uses shame and repression, hugely influenced by Whiteness’ hold on both queerness and tattooing. There is a new generation queer MENA tattoo artists who are shifting the homogeneity of queer, MENA, and tattoo culture without permission from, or pleading with, Whiteness. These tattoo artists talk about a culture that is both necessary and beautiful for queer MENA people, and what it means to bring tattoos in.
Nassim (Sema) Dayoub, @seem.tattoo, is a trans Arab tattoo artist based in Brooklyn, New York. I spent an afternoon last March in conversation with them as they tattooed me. We spoke further about ink and identity.
Tattoos have provided life-giving moments for me, where artists are not just creators but messengers. On the Nostrand A and G train over to Nassim’s tattoo shop, the reality of the upcoming tattoo and the conversation we would be having was beginning to settle. It was deep in my stomach, where it took root, and a mix of pre-tattoo nerves and excitement grew to my head.
Not every tattoo has to be overtly queer or of MENA influence. For many queer people, tattoos can be a form of gender affirming care. There’s sanitation, there’s some blood, and your body looks different after the process. The experience of agency that tattoos can provide can also help people get to a point to pursue other forms of gender affirmation. It’s a relatively affordable and accessible way to transition.
Alive with the buzzing tattoo machine and the needle’s cat- scratching sensation digging into my skin, Nassim told me about how as soon as they learned what top surgery was, they knew they wanted to get it: “I didn’t grow up with a lot of money and I didn’t have health insurance. I still don’t. I was like, ‘How am I going to [get top surgery]?’ I was saving up for years. While I was saving up, I was experiencing so much gender dysphoria that eventually I decided to just get my whole chest tattooed. My friend Karina did it. That kind of held off some of the gender dysphoria for a few years. Even after I got top surgery, when the bandages came off, I remember I thought, ‘Damn, even if I got top surgery years and years ago, when I first realized it was something I wanted…If I didn’t have tattoos, I would still feel dysphoric.’ The tattoos ground me in my body in a way that’s kind of separate from gender.”
After a break, as I laid back down on my stomach and Nassim dipped the tattoo pen in more red ink, we began talking about how their identity as a trans MENA person informs their relationship with tattooing. Scanning the walls of their tattoo shop for past stencils, they told me that their tattoo style is somewhat American traditional: “I love tattoos that look like tattoos. I like bold lines and bright colors – the technical aspects of a tattoo that make it last a really long time as someone ages. However, there’s a lot I can’t relate to at all. I like the design principles, and then subbing in gay shit. My queerness and Arabness is in imagery.”

I spoke to another tattoo artist, who is based in Montréal. Antar, @grungycorpsetattoo, is Coptic (North African Indigenous), nonbinary, and transmasculine, and has been tattooing for four years. Unable to fly out to them for this interview, I found my hands moving over each of my tattoos as we spoke, like they were a portal to Montréal. Collecting tattoos and the practice of tattooing is more than just art to Antar. 90% of the people they tattoo are queer and/or trans. I hope to be one of the next. They also started getting tattoos before they had access to medical gender affirming care, like testosterone. Unable to control how they were being perceived, Antar pursued tattoos as an alternative avenue of gender affirming care, and the agency it provided allowed them to assert themselves the way they wanted.
I have one of my favorite queer Iranian paintings from the Qajar era tattooed on the back of my upper arm. There was a lot of gender queerness during that time and in many paintings, you cannot tell who the “man” or “woman” is or if it even is a man or woman – perhaps it’s a queer couple. There is a Western hold on queerness that cannot fathom my Iranianness, and a lack of imagination of Iranian identity that made me think I wasn’t as Iranian because I’m queer. We are existing where others once did. There’s a tethering, a pull that the art that is these tattoos honor.
Sema started tattooing eight years ago. “At the time in Chicago, it was more underground tattooing. There were very few queer tattooers that I knew, and definitely no other queer Arab tattooers. That has changed so much in the past eight years, especially in New York – there are my coworkers Haitham, @_sukhmat, and Hassan, @scutttle.butt. It’s been the best thing, and it makes me excited to not be the only [queer Arab tattoo artist]. I’m sure I wasn’t ever the only one, but the only one I knew.”
Ultimately, tattoos and tattoo practices are not going to change the laws; there are at least 600 anti-queer and trans bills being considered across the country, LGBTQ+ people experience higher suicide and targeted homicide rates, and housing and employment discrimination, among many other things. Still, the practices of these queer MENA tattoo artists, and their relationship to tattoos, celebrates the at-onceness of our identities through ink, both archiving our existence and increasing our willfulness.

Topics:
Filed under:
Location:
{
"article":
{
"title" : "Middle Eastern / North African Tattoo Artists: Queering Tattoo Culture",
"author" : "Aryana Goodarzi",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/middle-eastern-north-african-artists-queering-tattoo-culture",
"date" : "2025-02-04 15:33:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/queering-tattoo-1.jpg",
"excerpt" : "ARYANA GOODARZI— I can attest that almost every queer person I know has at least one tattoo. It is still rare to find Middle Eastern/North African (MENA) tattoo artists in the states, and for a huge cultural moment to be generated by queer MENA people makes me proud – and its implications go far beyond tattoos. Born in the West and raised in the diaspora, these artists found themselves able to hold the at-onceness of their identities through ink.",
"content" : "ARYANA GOODARZI— I can attest that almost every queer person I know has at least one tattoo. It is still rare to find Middle Eastern/North African (MENA) tattoo artists in the states, and for a huge cultural moment to be generated by queer MENA people makes me proud – and its implications go far beyond tattoos. Born in the West and raised in the diaspora, these artists found themselves able to hold the at-onceness of their identities through ink.As I write this, I can count 15 tattoos on myself, many of which have queer and MENA undertones. I have an overtly sapphic Georgia O’Keefe tattoo, a Botero painting of a man in a dress, and more. I’m currently saving up money to schedule my next tattoo appointment for my current fixation: a sketch of one of Pippa Garner’s art pieces.The first time I got a tattoo, I was 20. I went to the nearest tattoo shop I could find that took walk ins. I’ve had heavily inked, tough-looking guys tattoo very queer pieces on me, as I’m sure many of us have. I didn’t chitchat with the tattoo artist, as he clearly didn’t seem to care to. After a few more experiences like that, I began to think that the tattoo artist was as important to me as the art itself. I know there are tattoo artists near me that have the artistic skill to give me the tattoo I want. However, I would rather just hold off on until I can get on a queer MENA tattoo artists’ books.Several years ago, at the New York City Dyke March, amid thousands of people. I spotted someone who, by all indications, appeared to be queer. Then, judging by one of their tattoos, I realized they are also Iranian. That was the first time I saw the established traditional tattoo style colliding with MENA art. Though I yearned for it, I had never been tattooed by another queer MENA person, as I didn’t know any who were tattoo artists. I’ve often fantasized about how our culture could be embodied in traditional tattooing. I’m currently working with an artist on a lady head resting on a roaring black panther’s head as a back piece—a common tattoo flash in American traditional style—but with thick, connected eyebrows, and full, wavy black hair decorated with some ornaments in red ink.In August 2023, I wanted a piece of art, by a queer Syrian named Yasmin Almokhamad-Sarkisian. If I went to a MENA tattoo artist, they told me, I wouldn’t have to pay them commission. When I put out a call for one, I was introduced to several queer MENA tattoo artists – in New York City, Montréal, and Mexico City.This goes beyond tattoos; it’s about cultural reclamation. Historically, the experiences of queer and trans people, especially that of MENA diasporas, have been divided, kept apart by a culture that uses shame and repression, hugely influenced by Whiteness’ hold on both queerness and tattooing. There is a new generation queer MENA tattoo artists who are shifting the homogeneity of queer, MENA, and tattoo culture without permission from, or pleading with, Whiteness. These tattoo artists talk about a culture that is both necessary and beautiful for queer MENA people, and what it means to bring tattoos in.Nassim (Sema) Dayoub, @seem.tattoo, is a trans Arab tattoo artist based in Brooklyn, New York. I spent an afternoon last March in conversation with them as they tattooed me. We spoke further about ink and identity.Tattoos have provided life-giving moments for me, where artists are not just creators but messengers. On the Nostrand A and G train over to Nassim’s tattoo shop, the reality of the upcoming tattoo and the conversation we would be having was beginning to settle. It was deep in my stomach, where it took root, and a mix of pre-tattoo nerves and excitement grew to my head.Not every tattoo has to be overtly queer or of MENA influence. For many queer people, tattoos can be a form of gender affirming care. There’s sanitation, there’s some blood, and your body looks different after the process. The experience of agency that tattoos can provide can also help people get to a point to pursue other forms of gender affirmation. It’s a relatively affordable and accessible way to transition.Alive with the buzzing tattoo machine and the needle’s cat- scratching sensation digging into my skin, Nassim told me about how as soon as they learned what top surgery was, they knew they wanted to get it: “I didn’t grow up with a lot of money and I didn’t have health insurance. I still don’t. I was like, ‘How am I going to [get top surgery]?’ I was saving up for years. While I was saving up, I was experiencing so much gender dysphoria that eventually I decided to just get my whole chest tattooed. My friend Karina did it. That kind of held off some of the gender dysphoria for a few years. Even after I got top surgery, when the bandages came off, I remember I thought, ‘Damn, even if I got top surgery years and years ago, when I first realized it was something I wanted…If I didn’t have tattoos, I would still feel dysphoric.’ The tattoos ground me in my body in a way that’s kind of separate from gender.”After a break, as I laid back down on my stomach and Nassim dipped the tattoo pen in more red ink, we began talking about how their identity as a trans MENA person informs their relationship with tattooing. Scanning the walls of their tattoo shop for past stencils, they told me that their tattoo style is somewhat American traditional: “I love tattoos that look like tattoos. I like bold lines and bright colors – the technical aspects of a tattoo that make it last a really long time as someone ages. However, there’s a lot I can’t relate to at all. I like the design principles, and then subbing in gay shit. My queerness and Arabness is in imagery.”I spoke to another tattoo artist, who is based in Montréal. Antar, @grungycorpsetattoo, is Coptic (North African Indigenous), nonbinary, and transmasculine, and has been tattooing for four years. Unable to fly out to them for this interview, I found my hands moving over each of my tattoos as we spoke, like they were a portal to Montréal. Collecting tattoos and the practice of tattooing is more than just art to Antar. 90% of the people they tattoo are queer and/or trans. I hope to be one of the next. They also started getting tattoos before they had access to medical gender affirming care, like testosterone. Unable to control how they were being perceived, Antar pursued tattoos as an alternative avenue of gender affirming care, and the agency it provided allowed them to assert themselves the way they wanted.I have one of my favorite queer Iranian paintings from the Qajar era tattooed on the back of my upper arm. There was a lot of gender queerness during that time and in many paintings, you cannot tell who the “man” or “woman” is or if it even is a man or woman – perhaps it’s a queer couple. There is a Western hold on queerness that cannot fathom my Iranianness, and a lack of imagination of Iranian identity that made me think I wasn’t as Iranian because I’m queer. We are existing where others once did. There’s a tethering, a pull that the art that is these tattoos honor.Sema started tattooing eight years ago. “At the time in Chicago, it was more underground tattooing. There were very few queer tattooers that I knew, and definitely no other queer Arab tattooers. That has changed so much in the past eight years, especially in New York – there are my coworkers Haitham, @_sukhmat, and Hassan, @scutttle.butt. It’s been the best thing, and it makes me excited to not be the only [queer Arab tattoo artist]. I’m sure I wasn’t ever the only one, but the only one I knew.”Ultimately, tattoos and tattoo practices are not going to change the laws; there are at least 600 anti-queer and trans bills being considered across the country, LGBTQ+ people experience higher suicide and targeted homicide rates, and housing and employment discrimination, among many other things. Still, the practices of these queer MENA tattoo artists, and their relationship to tattoos, celebrates the at-onceness of our identities through ink, both archiving our existence and increasing our willfulness."
}
,
"relatedposts": [
{
"title" : "Censorship Didn’t Start With Kimmel:: Why Independent Media Is Our Biggest Asset",
"author" : "Céline Semaan",
"category" : "",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/censorship-didnt-start-with-kimmel-why-independent-media-is-our-biggest-asset",
"date" : "2025-09-19 13:55:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/EIP_Cover_Independent_Media.jpg",
"excerpt" : "Jimmy Kimmel is off the air. ABC suspended Jimmy Kimmel Live! after his monologue criticizing the political reaction to Charlie Kirk’s killing. The network, under pressure from conservative outrage, FCC threats, and nervous affiliates, caved. Suddenly, liberal commentators are outraged. Suddenly, people who considered themselves guardians of democracy are crying censorship. But here’s the uncomfortable truth: their tears are 700 days too late.",
"content" : "Jimmy Kimmel is off the air. ABC suspended Jimmy Kimmel Live! after his monologue criticizing the political reaction to Charlie Kirk’s killing. The network, under pressure from conservative outrage, FCC threats, and nervous affiliates, caved. Suddenly, liberal commentators are outraged. Suddenly, people who considered themselves guardians of democracy are crying censorship. But here’s the uncomfortable truth: their tears are 700 days too late.The silencing of voices did not begin with Kimmel. It has been happening all along, in classrooms where burning books was occurring under a democratic leadership, in newsrooms, in publishing houses, in theaters and comedy clubs. It has been happening quietly, steadily, almost imperceptibly—until the silence was too loud to ignore. Karen Attiah, one of the most important voices at The Washington Post, was recently fired. Writers have lost contracts. My own book was shelved by my publisher and literary agents for political reasons. Academics have been dismissed from universities, and journalists pushed out of their jobs. Each case is framed as an exception, but together they reveal a pattern: dissent is increasingly treated as a liability, not a public necessity.Nothing of this is an isolated punishment of individuals but it is a structural effort to narrow the bounds of what can be said. It is McCarthyism repackaged for a new century, only this time its reach extends beyond the Cold War paranoia of communism into the broader realm of political dissent. What we are witnessing is censorship as part of a larger effort to reshaping of the public sphere itself.The Illusion of Democratic ProtectionMany still cling to the idea that democracy, by its very nature, will protect us. That the courts will intervene, that the institutions will hold, that the First Amendment will somehow enforce itself. But democracy is not self-executing. Rights written on paper mean nothing if the institutions that carry them — universities, newsrooms, publishing houses, even late-night television — are captured or hollowed out.The so-called “marketplace of ideas” is an economy owned by corporations, hedge funds, and media conglomerates. What we read, what we watch, what we hear is already shaped by the profit motive and the political pressures of advertisers and owners. When Disney owns the network, when billionaires own the newspapers, when Silicon Valley decides who gets amplified and who gets shadow-banned, it is naïve to think the First Amendment alone will safeguard us. Democracy does not protect its people when its most basic infrastructure has already been sold off.The Long ErosionWhat happened to Kimmel is not shocking; it is predictable. The erosion of free expression has been slow, but steady. It shows up in grant applications denied for being “too political.” In canceled contracts and disappearing op-eds and governmental information wiped out of governmental websites. In comedians who decide not to say something, not because they don’t believe it, but because they know the cost of saying it. In students who fear speaking out, lest it follow them for life. In social media platforms quietly throttling reach under vague “community guidelines.”For over 700 days, genocide has been live-broadcast to the world, and yet the people who speak most clearly about it have been punished — whether by suspension, firing, or erasure. It’s by design, silence is the product of systems working exactly as designed. Even when Arab voices work tirelessly behind the scenes, they are surely to be erased on the world stages. Most convenient to have their message co-opted by palatable influencers or celebrities, who take up space with little critical thinking. This too is a form of censorship.The Role of Independent MediaThis is why independent media is not a luxury. It is a necessity. The survival of democracy depends not on the myth of neutrality in corporate media but on the ability of independent voices to hold power accountable. Independent outlets can say what others cannot, not because they are more radical, but because they are less beholden to greed and power. They exist outside the corridors of corporate profit and political pressure.Independent media tells the stories that otherwise disappear — the stories of people on the margins, the stories of communities under siege, the stories that advertisers would rather you didn’t hear. Acting both as a living archive and the public’s voice, it does more than just document: it builds the collective resilience we need to withstand propaganda. In a landscape flooded with misinformation, independent outlets give people the tools to see through the fog. They are not divisive; they are connective. They create solidarity across differences, reminding us that liberation is never zero-sum.The Structure of SuppressionWhen we talk about censorship, it’s tempting to imagine it as a blunt act: a book banned, a show canceled, a journalist jailed. But most censorship is quieter, structural, and bureaucratic. It looks like funding cuts that suffocate small outlets. It looks like corporate consolidations that shrink the diversity of voices. It looks like algorithms that bury dissent under oceans of entertainment. It looks like lawsuits, defamation threats, and regulatory red tape designed to exhaust those who dare to challenge power.These forms of suppression rarely make headlines, but they are precisely how freedom dies: not with a bang, but with a spreadsheet.Building Cultural InfrastructureIf we are to survive this moment and outlive fascism, we must recognize independent media as cultural infrastructure. It is as essential to democracy as clean water is to life. Without it, we cannot breathe politically. Without it, we cannot resist.This requires resources — not just clicks, likes, or shares, but real investment and independent platforms that can survive Silicon Valley’s censorships. Subscriptions and memberships from everyday people matter, but so does the responsibility of philanthropists and foundations. For too long, they have hidden behind the veil of “neutrality,” funding depoliticized projects while democracy itself collapses. To defend free expression requires courage — the courage to support media that tells uncomfortable truths.Independent media is not disposable content. It is the bedrock of collective survival. And if we allow it to be starved, silenced, or crushed under the weight of corporate monopolies, then we should not be surprised when democracy fails to save us.The CrossroadsWe are at a crossroads. Either we continue to wring our hands as one voice after another is silenced, or we begin to treat the media as the public good it has always been. Either we accept the narrowing of what can be said, or we invest in the broad chorus of voices that democracy requires.Censorship did not begin with Jimmy Kimmel, and it will not end with him. But it can end with us, if we choose to build and defend the cultural infrastructure that outlasts fascism.The choice is simple, but urgent: fund the voices that tell the truth — or watch them disappear.Not tomorrow. Not when it’s convenient. Not when the damage is already done.Now. Thank you for being a member. Invite your peers.Write for EIP."
}
,
{
"title" : "From Sabra & Shatila to Gaza: The UN’s Century of Failure and the Rise of Alternatives",
"author" : "Collis Browne",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/from-sabra-and-shatila-to-gaza",
"date" : "2025-09-16 10:47:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/2025_9_16_UN_Genocide_1.jpg",
"excerpt" : "On the 43rd anniversary of the massacres committed under Israeli authority at Sabra and Shatila camps in Beirut in 1982, a United Nations Commission Of Inquiry has concluded, as would any rational observer, that Israel has been committing genocide in Gaza since October 2023.",
"content" : "On the 43rd anniversary of the massacres committed under Israeli authority at Sabra and Shatila camps in Beirut in 1982, a United Nations Commission Of Inquiry has concluded, as would any rational observer, that Israel has been committing genocide in Gaza since October 2023.This is not news. It could, however, be a turning point, . The UN’s declaration cracks open the conservative West’s long-standing wall of denial about the genocidal intentions and actions of the U.S.–Israel military machine. What happens next matters.A Century of Genocidal IntentFor those who have been watching Palestine with clarity long before 2023, this genocide is not an aberration — it is the project itself. From its inception, every major Zionist leader and Israeli politician has openly articulated the goal of erasing the Indigenous people of Palestine, whether through forced expulsion or mass murder.More than a hundred years of speeches, policies, and massacres testify to this intent. The so-called “War on Gaza” is simply the most visible and livestreamed stage of an ongoing colonial project.The UN’s Empty WordsIs this UN report different? The UN has made declarative statements for decades with no action or enforcement. In 1975, the UN declared Zionism is racism, citing the “unholy alliance” between apartheid South Africa and Israel. Yet Zionists continued to enjoy privileged status across Western institutions. Since 1967, the UN has passed resolution after resolution denouncing illegal Israeli settlements on stolen Palestinian land. Still, the theft continues unchecked. In December 2022, the UN General Assembly demanded Israel end its “unlawful presence” in the Occupied Territories within one year. That deadline expires this week, September 18, 2025. Israel has ignored it completely, as expected — with no consequences. Declarations without enforcement are not justice. They are fig leaves for impunity.What Good Is the UN?The Geneva Convention obliges all states to intervene to stop and punish genocide. Yet no country has deployed forces to resist Israel’s military slaughter in Gaza. No sanctions. No accountability.If the UN cannot stop one of its own member states from carrying out genocide in full public view — in “4K” as the world watches live — then what is the UN for?The Rise of AlternativesThe cracks are widening. The government of China has announced a new Global Governance initiative, already backed by dozens of countries. Without illusions about its motivations, the concept paper at least addresses three of the UN’s structural failures: Underrepresentation of the Global South — redressing centuries of colonial imbalance. Erosion of authoritativeness — restoring the credibility of international law. Urgent need for effectiveness — accelerating stalled progress on global commitments like the UN’s 2030 Agenda. The question is not whether the UN will reform. It is whether it can survive its own irrelevance.Toward a New Global OrderFrom Sabra and Shatila to Gaza, the UN has failed to prevent — or even meaningfully resist — genocide. Its reports and resolutions pile up, while the graves in Palestine multiply.If the international body tasked with “peace and security” cannot act against the most televised genocide in history, then the world has to ask: do we need a new United Nations? Or do we need to build something entirely different — a system of global governance that serves the people, not the powerful?"
}
,
{
"title" : "France in Revolt: Debt, Uranium, and the Costs of Macron-ism",
"author" : "EIP Editors",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/france-in-revolt",
"date" : "2025-09-14 22:39:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Bloquons-Tout.jpg",
"excerpt" : "France is burning again—not only on the streets of Paris but in the brittle foundations of its political economy. What began as a mass revolt against austerity and public-service cuts has become a national convulsion: roads blocked, train stations occupied, workplaces shut down under the call to “Bloquons Tout” (Let’s Block Everything). The collapse of François Bayrou’s government is only the latest symptom. At the root of the crisis is a political project: Macronism—the steady, decade-long tilt toward pro-business reforms, tax cuts for the wealthy, and austerity by default—that has hollowed out public revenue and narrowed citizens’ options.",
"content" : "France is burning again—not only on the streets of Paris but in the brittle foundations of its political economy. What began as a mass revolt against austerity and public-service cuts has become a national convulsion: roads blocked, train stations occupied, workplaces shut down under the call to “Bloquons Tout” (Let’s Block Everything). The collapse of François Bayrou’s government is only the latest symptom. At the root of the crisis is a political project: Macronism—the steady, decade-long tilt toward pro-business reforms, tax cuts for the wealthy, and austerity by default—that has hollowed out public revenue and narrowed citizens’ options.Tax Cuts, Corporate Giveaways, and Rising DebtSince Emmanuel Macron took office in 2017, his administration rolled out a suite of pro-market reforms: the abolition of the broad wealth tax (ISF), replaced by a narrower property wealth tax (IFI); a sustained reduction of the corporate tax rate to about 25%; and a raft of tax measures framed as competitiveness fixes for companies and investors. Economists now estimate that Macron’s tax cuts account for a significant share of France’s rising public debt; his reforms helped widen deficits even before pandemic and energy-shock spending pushed them higher. Today France’s public debt sits near 113–114% of GDP, and ratings agencies and markets are watching closely. (Le Monde.fr)These policies did not produce the promised boom in broadly shared prosperity. Investment did not surge enough to offset lost revenue, and growth remained sluggish. The political consequence was predictable: when the state has less to spend, the burden of balancing budgets falls on cuts to pensions, healthcare, and social programs—measures that overwhelmingly hurt working-class and vulnerable communities. (Financial Times)Pension Reform, Social Fracture, and the Limits of ConsentMacron’s government pushed a controversial pension reform—raising the retirement age from 62 to 64—which sparked nationwide strikes and mass protests in 2023. The reform illustrated a defining feature of Macronism: when public consent falters, the state still presses forward with market-oriented restructuring, deepening social fracture and anger. The pension fight didn’t create the crisis so much as expose it. (Al Jazeera)Colonial Hangover: Uranium, Energy, and GeopoliticsFrance’s energy model has long rested on nuclear power—once a source of national pride for its emission-free nature, and geopolitical independence. Behind that story, however, is another: the colonial era’s extraction of uranium in places like Niger, where French companies (notably Orano/former Areva) secured resource access under unequal terms. As Niger reasserted sovereignty over its resources after the 2023 coup and pushed back on French access, the illusion of seamless “energy independence” began to crack. Losing preferential access to Nigerien uranium has widened France’s energy insecurity and amplified the fiscal squeeze: higher energy costs, the need to secure new supply chains, and political pressure to maintain subsidies for households. The politics of extraction are now returning home. (Le Monde.fr)Climate, Austerity, and the Moral EconomyAdd the climate emergency to the mix—record heatwaves, floods, and wildfires—and the picture becomes even more bleak. Infrastructure strain and rising costs of climate adaptation demand public investment, yet the government’s posture has been to trim and reprioritize spending to satisfy markets. In practice, that means the people least responsible for climate harm—low-income communities, migrants, and precarious workers—are asked to pay the price. The result is a moral and political rupture: climate vulnerability plus fiscal austerity equals radicalized grievance. (Financial Times)A Convergence of FailuresThis is why the current uprising cannot be reduced to a single grievance. It is the convergence of multiple failures: Economic: tax policy that favored the wealthy while starving the public purse; rising debt and cuts that fall on the poor. (Financial Times) Colonial: the unraveling of extractive arrangements that once propped up French energy and power. (Le Monde.fr) Ecological: climate shocks that amplify social need even as public services are stripped back. (Financial Times) The revolt has therefore drawn a broad constituency—students, unions, public-sector workers, and neighborhoods long marginalized by austerity. It is not merely a labor dispute; it is a crisis of legitimacy for a model of governance that privatized gains and socialized pain.What Macronism Tells Us About the Global MomentFrance is a cautionary tale for democracies worldwide. When political leaders prioritize tax breaks for capital and cut public goods to placate markets, they borrow political stability against the future. The bill eventually comes due—in rising debt, in weakened social cohesion, and in violent backlash. Where resource dependencies meet neoliberal retrenchment, the risk of social rupture grows.Three Questions for What Comes Next Will the French state return to a redistributive project—taxing wealth, reclaiming revenues, and investing in climate resilience—or double down on austerity? Can movements translate street power into institutional change that addresses colonial legacies (resource sovereignty) as well as domestic inequality? Will climate policy be woven into social policy—so that adaptation and justice go hand in hand—or will they remain separate priorities, deepening vulnerability? France stands at a crossroads: continue a model that funnels benefit to capital while exposing citizens to climate and economic shocks—or imagine a social contract rooted in redistribution, de-colonial resource politics, and ecological justice. The choice will not be made in the Élysée alone. It is being argued in the streets, in workplaces, and across borders where the costs of extraction were first paid.Everything is Political—and in France today, that truth has never been clearer."
}
]
}