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Cassandra Mayela Allen
WARD: Can you introduce yourself?
CASSANDRA: My name is Cassandra Mayela Allen. I am originally from Venezuela, and I’ve been in New York for the past 11 years. I work mostly with textiles, but I also work in a variety of mediums. I’m really interested in creating a practice that revolves around participatory and communal social work.
WARD: For Slow Forest, you’re sharing a piece of “BRAIDED PRAYER I” [2024], and you have a participatory performance guiding it through the piece. How do you think the setting of Slow Forest will change the context of that work?
CASSANDRA: Well, as you know, I’m currently at Skowhegan, and being here, I’m definitely in nature. When I first planned to come here, I packed a bunch of stuff thinking that I would be focusing on a certain kind of practice or projects, and I basically didn’t touch any of those things. I mainly focused on creating site-specific works, and I developed a net made out of these braids that’s going to be left out here. I recently learned very basic welding, so attaching the weavings could also be something fun. It truly depends on how or where we want to set it up. In a previous residency I did in Uruguay, I extended the thousand-foot-long braid along a path, which was special as a guide through a meditation path. But here, in contrast to those works, the forest “eats” the braid, if that makes sense. It’s thin and spread out, whereas in more compact compositions, there’s a dialogue between the work and the space that I think I’m more interested in exploring. Letting a space guide your work into creating something else has been fun.
You can’t be too precious or too methodical: A, when working with people in manual labor, because we all have different ways of making, and B, when installing in a site-specific space, especially outdoors, because the work is in conversation with the space. It’s been fun to see spiders building webs in the gaps of the net, or fabrics starting to sun-bleach because they’re out in the elements. That, in my opinion, adds to the work in an ephemeral way. It’s creating its own life.
WARD: One thing I love about your work is that it has a tangible use. You can feel it as a blanket or rope. I was looking at “Bodega Quilts” [2025] and could imagine covering myself with them. Even with braids, there’s so much historical context—as beauty, but also as utility. What drew you to work that is so rooted in craft?
CASSANDRA: I agree. I’m always trying to challenge notions of what can be utilitarian but also hold metaphor in that utility. It’s not just covering in a practical sense, but emotionally, feeling contained in community. Same with the net. You build the net to play, but we were trying to keep the ball in the air as long as possible, a way of holding or lifting each other up.
WARD: Your work is also tactile and ritualistic, expressing these elements through braiding, clothing, and tapestry. What are you accessing internally in your process, and how do you connect it to your history and surroundings?
CASSANDRA: For me, working with my hands is definitely an active meditation. It’s how I channel and process anxiety, calm down, and ground myself. That energy comes through my hands; it’s soothing. I’m more interested in the process of making than the conceptual part—not that there’s no concept, but I’m more excited about the making.
This connects to life in the city, carving space for yourself and connecting with others through making. A lot of artists in the Western understanding work alone in a studio, which can be isolating. I enjoy making by myself, but I’m flexible about what my studio can be. I can cut and braid fabric on the subway. I can work during a studio visit while chatting. It’s two streams of release and engagement, making the load easier because so much is repetitive and tedious at times.
I don’t work with fibers. I work with discarded clothing and fabric, material already here. I hate the concept of waste, which only exists in our modern human world. In nature, there’s no waste: leaves fall and compost, feeding the soil; metal rusts and returns nutrients to the earth. But humans put everything in garbage bags and hope for the best.
Growing up in Venezuela taught me that resources aren’t infinite. Even though larger powers could make big changes and don’t, my small protest is to reuse and repurpose. I’d rather work with materials considered waste than buy new canvas or fabric. As for ritual, society often frames ceremony as needing a temple, priest, or extraordinary setting. I believe there are many ways to tap into the ceremonial in the mundane. That communion when making with people feels sacred.
WARD: Earlier, you mentioned growing up in Venezuela and how it shaped your work and use of donated fabrics. Could you elaborate on how growing up affected your process and philosophy?
CASSANDRA: Growing up in a failing state as I became an adult shaped how I think—not just in art, but in life. In the U.S., many take certain things for granted because they’ve never seen the end of them. Experiencing state failure and lacking access to basics like water and electricity makes you resourceful. Crisis teaches you to see things differently and make something out of nothing.
I also come from a very fragmented society. This made me conscious of the need to focus on what people have in common rather than the differences. In my practice, I initially wanted to bring the Venezuelan diaspora together through a tapestry of stories, a physical space for healing and communication. But I learned that migration often means parting radically with roots, and some aren’t ready to revisit them. Non-participation became the most common form of participation. So, I shifted my focus to a broader immigrant community, and also to parallels in movement and adaptation that exist even within one’s own country or city.
Longing for home and belonging is universal, and if my work can create empathy rather than displacement, that’s my goal— establishing conversations between people who might otherwise never talk. Even if you come to one of these gatherings and sit next to someone you don’t think you have anything in common with—or don’t agree with—the space itself opens an opportunity for a conversation you wouldn’t normally have. That’s the spark you need to maybe contemplate certain things in your life.
WARD: You’ve also lived in New York for 11 years now. How do you think New York City has changed your practice compared to growing up in Venezuela?
CASSANDRA: New York has given me and taken so much. It’s a city that can embrace you, squeeze you so hard, spit you out, and then take you back again—it’s such a moody girl. It’s been an amazing place to understand what an expansive community can be. A lot of like-minded people navigate here, and things can happen spontaneously if you’re open to them. It’s tall, it’s challenging, and at this point, almost offensive to live in, but it has exposed me to so many backgrounds I never would have met in Venezuela. One of my best friends is from Cambodia; I’ve learned about weaving traditions in the Philippines that are similar to those in South America. New York shows the human part of what life can be, and I’m grateful for that.
WARD: We met in New York years ago.
CASSANDRA: Yes, and that’s a beautiful thing. You meet people in passing, connect, then life gets busy, and later you reconnect. There’s a rhythm to it, like breathing within the city with everyone else. I also love how anonymous it can be—like Where’s Waldo?—and then on a Wednesday in Astoria, you’ll run into someone and think, “I really live in New York.”
WARD: Let’s go back to your fabric use. You work with donated and reworked fabric. Do you feel there’s energetic memory in the clothing?
CASSANDRA: Definitely. When working with clothes people intentionally bring, they’re charged with energy. In gatherings, I ask people to bring something tied to their migratory story, something seen as joy, resistance, or something they want to let go of. This space offers a cathartic outlet, a way to honor and transform it. Even without telling the audience every story, the work holds those layers. You can feel that presence without knowing the details.
WARD: Could you talk about your work “Maps of Displacement” [2021-] and how shipping memory contributes to it? Do you envision an end to the project?
CASSANDRA: I’d love to return to and expand that body of work, but right now it feels precarious given the current persecution of immigrants. When I started “Maps of Displacement” [2021-], I noticed an increase in Venezuelans in New York. Venezuela’s migration is young—only in the past 20 years—and recognized as a crisis internationally for just the past decade. Compared to older diasporas like Mexican, Puerto Rican, Bangladeshi, or Filipino communities, it’s very new. I became curious about why people were choosing New York, which seems hostile if you don’t know the language. The media offered little. Right-wing narratives frame Venezuela as a communist hellhole; left-wing ones romanticize it because it’s a leftist government. Neither side holds it accountable as a dictatorship.
So I started asking Venezuelans to share something from their migratory process, regardless of why they left. I received everything from a childhood stuffed animal to the outfit worn on the day they traveled, to a favorite pair of pants that no longer fit. I kept the request flexible so people could go deep if they wanted, or keep the process internal. I’d love to continue the work, but I’d need more resources and a safer way to do it, given current immigration policing.
WARD: Back to “Braided Prayers I” [2024]—you’ve activated it in different NYC contexts, like Tambao and with Artists and Mothers. How do these contexts affect the work?
That’s something I’m still exploring. Tambao is a Latin American design store; their clientele is warm and festive. That activation felt casual and celebratory. People braided with wine, came with friends, chatted, and moved on to dinner.
CASSANDRA: With Artists and Mothers, the group was all artist-mothers, and the activity took place around Mother’s Day. The braids became reflections on motherhood and art-making—more contained; more intimate. I’ve done family braiding sessions where kids, parents, and grandparents braid together. Every variation adds something; it never subtracts.
WARD: Do you think there’s a greater narrative uniting all these activations?
CASSANDRA: Yes. Unlike “Maps of Displacement” [2021-], which focused on a specific group and experience, the braided activities invite everyone in. That creates space for people from very different backgrounds—some thinking about migration, some not—to see themselves in one another. Braiding itself is universal. It exists in every culture, whether in hair, rope, or textiles. It’s safe, accessible, and easy to learn. That universality allows participation without appropriation. It belongs to everyone.
WARD: When did you realize you wanted to be an artist, and when did you realize you were an artist?
CASSANDRA: I think I realized I was an artist as a child. I’ve always been ingenious and creative, more inclined to making than to science. But coming from a conservative, traditional family in Venezuela, I put it aside for stability. In New York, trying to live a “normal” life made me miserable. I realized there was no other option; this is the only way I can make sense of my life.
WARD: Where did you go to school and what did you study?
CASSANDRA: I studied journalism in Venezuela but dropped out. I later graduated in graphic design. In art, I’m self-taught. No formal art school, though I count Skowhegan as education.
WARD: So much of your work is about memory. Braiding itself is ancient, passed down for thousands of years. Can you tell me your first memory of braiding or being braided?
CASSANDRA: I grew up in Margarita, an island in Venezuela on the Caribbean, and wore braids in my hair— very Caribbean girl. I created tiny braids, transforming my own clothes, and making things unique so they didn’t look like everyone else’s. I went to a bilingual school and befriended braiders at the beach. They wanted more tourist customers but only had signs in Spanish. One day, I brought them a little cardboard sign in English saying “We Make Braids” so they could reach foreigners. They glued it alongside the Spanish one and used both.
{
"article":
{
"title" : "Cassandra Mayela Allen",
"author" : "Cassandra Mayela Allen, Gabrielle Richardson",
"category" : "interviews",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/heirlooms-cassandra-mayela-allen",
"date" : "2025-09-08 10:09:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/78556_CFA_Cassandra_003_09.jpg",
"excerpt" : "WARD: Can you introduce yourself?",
"content" : "WARD: Can you introduce yourself?CASSANDRA: My name is Cassandra Mayela Allen. I am originally from Venezuela, and I’ve been in New York for the past 11 years. I work mostly with textiles, but I also work in a variety of mediums. I’m really interested in creating a practice that revolves around participatory and communal social work.WARD: For Slow Forest, you’re sharing a piece of “BRAIDED PRAYER I” [2024], and you have a participatory performance guiding it through the piece. How do you think the setting of Slow Forest will change the context of that work?CASSANDRA: Well, as you know, I’m currently at Skowhegan, and being here, I’m definitely in nature. When I first planned to come here, I packed a bunch of stuff thinking that I would be focusing on a certain kind of practice or projects, and I basically didn’t touch any of those things. I mainly focused on creating site-specific works, and I developed a net made out of these braids that’s going to be left out here. I recently learned very basic welding, so attaching the weavings could also be something fun. It truly depends on how or where we want to set it up. In a previous residency I did in Uruguay, I extended the thousand-foot-long braid along a path, which was special as a guide through a meditation path. But here, in contrast to those works, the forest “eats” the braid, if that makes sense. It’s thin and spread out, whereas in more compact compositions, there’s a dialogue between the work and the space that I think I’m more interested in exploring. Letting a space guide your work into creating something else has been fun.You can’t be too precious or too methodical: A, when working with people in manual labor, because we all have different ways of making, and B, when installing in a site-specific space, especially outdoors, because the work is in conversation with the space. It’s been fun to see spiders building webs in the gaps of the net, or fabrics starting to sun-bleach because they’re out in the elements. That, in my opinion, adds to the work in an ephemeral way. It’s creating its own life.WARD: One thing I love about your work is that it has a tangible use. You can feel it as a blanket or rope. I was looking at “Bodega Quilts” [2025] and could imagine covering myself with them. Even with braids, there’s so much historical context—as beauty, but also as utility. What drew you to work that is so rooted in craft?CASSANDRA: I agree. I’m always trying to challenge notions of what can be utilitarian but also hold metaphor in that utility. It’s not just covering in a practical sense, but emotionally, feeling contained in community. Same with the net. You build the net to play, but we were trying to keep the ball in the air as long as possible, a way of holding or lifting each other up.WARD: Your work is also tactile and ritualistic, expressing these elements through braiding, clothing, and tapestry. What are you accessing internally in your process, and how do you connect it to your history and surroundings?CASSANDRA: For me, working with my hands is definitely an active meditation. It’s how I channel and process anxiety, calm down, and ground myself. That energy comes through my hands; it’s soothing. I’m more interested in the process of making than the conceptual part—not that there’s no concept, but I’m more excited about the making.This connects to life in the city, carving space for yourself and connecting with others through making. A lot of artists in the Western understanding work alone in a studio, which can be isolating. I enjoy making by myself, but I’m flexible about what my studio can be. I can cut and braid fabric on the subway. I can work during a studio visit while chatting. It’s two streams of release and engagement, making the load easier because so much is repetitive and tedious at times.I don’t work with fibers. I work with discarded clothing and fabric, material already here. I hate the concept of waste, which only exists in our modern human world. In nature, there’s no waste: leaves fall and compost, feeding the soil; metal rusts and returns nutrients to the earth. But humans put everything in garbage bags and hope for the best.Growing up in Venezuela taught me that resources aren’t infinite. Even though larger powers could make big changes and don’t, my small protest is to reuse and repurpose. I’d rather work with materials considered waste than buy new canvas or fabric. As for ritual, society often frames ceremony as needing a temple, priest, or extraordinary setting. I believe there are many ways to tap into the ceremonial in the mundane. That communion when making with people feels sacred.WARD: Earlier, you mentioned growing up in Venezuela and how it shaped your work and use of donated fabrics. Could you elaborate on how growing up affected your process and philosophy?CASSANDRA: Growing up in a failing state as I became an adult shaped how I think—not just in art, but in life. In the U.S., many take certain things for granted because they’ve never seen the end of them. Experiencing state failure and lacking access to basics like water and electricity makes you resourceful. Crisis teaches you to see things differently and make something out of nothing.I also come from a very fragmented society. This made me conscious of the need to focus on what people have in common rather than the differences. In my practice, I initially wanted to bring the Venezuelan diaspora together through a tapestry of stories, a physical space for healing and communication. But I learned that migration often means parting radically with roots, and some aren’t ready to revisit them. Non-participation became the most common form of participation. So, I shifted my focus to a broader immigrant community, and also to parallels in movement and adaptation that exist even within one’s own country or city.Longing for home and belonging is universal, and if my work can create empathy rather than displacement, that’s my goal— establishing conversations between people who might otherwise never talk. Even if you come to one of these gatherings and sit next to someone you don’t think you have anything in common with—or don’t agree with—the space itself opens an opportunity for a conversation you wouldn’t normally have. That’s the spark you need to maybe contemplate certain things in your life.WARD: You’ve also lived in New York for 11 years now. How do you think New York City has changed your practice compared to growing up in Venezuela?CASSANDRA: New York has given me and taken so much. It’s a city that can embrace you, squeeze you so hard, spit you out, and then take you back again—it’s such a moody girl. It’s been an amazing place to understand what an expansive community can be. A lot of like-minded people navigate here, and things can happen spontaneously if you’re open to them. It’s tall, it’s challenging, and at this point, almost offensive to live in, but it has exposed me to so many backgrounds I never would have met in Venezuela. One of my best friends is from Cambodia; I’ve learned about weaving traditions in the Philippines that are similar to those in South America. New York shows the human part of what life can be, and I’m grateful for that.WARD: We met in New York years ago.CASSANDRA: Yes, and that’s a beautiful thing. You meet people in passing, connect, then life gets busy, and later you reconnect. There’s a rhythm to it, like breathing within the city with everyone else. I also love how anonymous it can be—like Where’s Waldo?—and then on a Wednesday in Astoria, you’ll run into someone and think, “I really live in New York.”WARD: Let’s go back to your fabric use. You work with donated and reworked fabric. Do you feel there’s energetic memory in the clothing?CASSANDRA: Definitely. When working with clothes people intentionally bring, they’re charged with energy. In gatherings, I ask people to bring something tied to their migratory story, something seen as joy, resistance, or something they want to let go of. This space offers a cathartic outlet, a way to honor and transform it. Even without telling the audience every story, the work holds those layers. You can feel that presence without knowing the details.WARD: Could you talk about your work “Maps of Displacement” [2021-] and how shipping memory contributes to it? Do you envision an end to the project?CASSANDRA: I’d love to return to and expand that body of work, but right now it feels precarious given the current persecution of immigrants. When I started “Maps of Displacement” [2021-], I noticed an increase in Venezuelans in New York. Venezuela’s migration is young—only in the past 20 years—and recognized as a crisis internationally for just the past decade. Compared to older diasporas like Mexican, Puerto Rican, Bangladeshi, or Filipino communities, it’s very new. I became curious about why people were choosing New York, which seems hostile if you don’t know the language. The media offered little. Right-wing narratives frame Venezuela as a communist hellhole; left-wing ones romanticize it because it’s a leftist government. Neither side holds it accountable as a dictatorship.So I started asking Venezuelans to share something from their migratory process, regardless of why they left. I received everything from a childhood stuffed animal to the outfit worn on the day they traveled, to a favorite pair of pants that no longer fit. I kept the request flexible so people could go deep if they wanted, or keep the process internal. I’d love to continue the work, but I’d need more resources and a safer way to do it, given current immigration policing.WARD: Back to “Braided Prayers I” [2024]—you’ve activated it in different NYC contexts, like Tambao and with Artists and Mothers. How do these contexts affect the work?That’s something I’m still exploring. Tambao is a Latin American design store; their clientele is warm and festive. That activation felt casual and celebratory. People braided with wine, came with friends, chatted, and moved on to dinner.CASSANDRA: With Artists and Mothers, the group was all artist-mothers, and the activity took place around Mother’s Day. The braids became reflections on motherhood and art-making—more contained; more intimate. I’ve done family braiding sessions where kids, parents, and grandparents braid together. Every variation adds something; it never subtracts.WARD: Do you think there’s a greater narrative uniting all these activations?CASSANDRA: Yes. Unlike “Maps of Displacement” [2021-], which focused on a specific group and experience, the braided activities invite everyone in. That creates space for people from very different backgrounds—some thinking about migration, some not—to see themselves in one another. Braiding itself is universal. It exists in every culture, whether in hair, rope, or textiles. It’s safe, accessible, and easy to learn. That universality allows participation without appropriation. It belongs to everyone.WARD: When did you realize you wanted to be an artist, and when did you realize you were an artist?CASSANDRA: I think I realized I was an artist as a child. I’ve always been ingenious and creative, more inclined to making than to science. But coming from a conservative, traditional family in Venezuela, I put it aside for stability. In New York, trying to live a “normal” life made me miserable. I realized there was no other option; this is the only way I can make sense of my life.WARD: Where did you go to school and what did you study?CASSANDRA: I studied journalism in Venezuela but dropped out. I later graduated in graphic design. In art, I’m self-taught. No formal art school, though I count Skowhegan as education.WARD: So much of your work is about memory. Braiding itself is ancient, passed down for thousands of years. Can you tell me your first memory of braiding or being braided?CASSANDRA: I grew up in Margarita, an island in Venezuela on the Caribbean, and wore braids in my hair— very Caribbean girl. I created tiny braids, transforming my own clothes, and making things unique so they didn’t look like everyone else’s. I went to a bilingual school and befriended braiders at the beach. They wanted more tourist customers but only had signs in Spanish. One day, I brought them a little cardboard sign in English saying “We Make Braids” so they could reach foreigners. They glued it alongside the Spanish one and used both."
}
,
"relatedposts": [
{
"title" : "Trump’s attack on Venezuela: An Exemplary Punishment",
"author" : "Simón Rodriguez",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/trumps-attack-on-venezuela-an-exemplary-punishment",
"date" : "2026-01-14 10:13:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Uncle_Sam_Straddles_the_Americas_Cartoon.jpg",
"excerpt" : "After four months of maritime siege in which the US military killed more than 100 people in alleged anti-drug trafficking operations and seized oil tankers, as well as the bombing of a small dock in northwestern Venezuela, Trump launched a large-scale attack and kidnapped de facto ruler Nicolás Maduro and his wife Cilia Flores, who were in Fuerte Tiuna, the country’s main military complex in Caracas.",
"content" : "After four months of maritime siege in which the US military killed more than 100 people in alleged anti-drug trafficking operations and seized oil tankers, as well as the bombing of a small dock in northwestern Venezuela, Trump launched a large-scale attack and kidnapped de facto ruler Nicolás Maduro and his wife Cilia Flores, who were in Fuerte Tiuna, the country’s main military complex in Caracas.The invaders attacked civilian targets such as the port of La Guaira, the Venezuelan Institute for Scientific Research, the Charallave airport, and electrical transmission infrastructure, as well as military installations in Caracas, Maracay, and Higuerote. The preliminary toll is around 80 dead and more than a hundred wounded. The US government claims that it suffered no casualties and that it had the support of infiltrators working for the CIA. This internal collaboration was crucial to the success of the attack.The Venezuelan military defeat has political causes, beyond US technical superiority. Chavismo has prioritized coup-proofing over military effectiveness, going so far as to have one of the highest rates of generals per capita in the world, who have been given control of various economic sectors for cronyism. Furthermore, the government lacks a military strategy for asymmetric resistance to imperialist aggression. During Chávez’s administration, in 2007, there was debate over which military model to adopt. Retired General Müller Rojas criticized the large investments in sophisticated military equipment, proposed by then-Defense Minister Raúl Isaías Baduel, proposing instead a doctrine of popular resistance and asymmetric warfare. Chávez settled the debate in Baduel’s favor, and in the following years, the Venezuelan government spent billions of dollars on arms purchases from Russia and China. This equipment proved useless in the face of the US attack, as the late Müller Rojas predicted, but it was part of the patronage system that enriched the Chavista military. Ironically, Baduel died as a political prisoner in 2021.Corrupt military personnel may be useful for repressing workers, students, or Indigenous peoples, but they can always be bribed. Maduro himself does not seem to have had much confidence in the Venezuelan military, having entrusted his security largely to Cuban military personnel, 32 of whom died in the US attack.Vice President Delcy Rodríguez assumed the interim presidency. She declared a state of emergency to avoid the constitutional requirement to call elections in the event of the head of state’s absence. The US government has stated that, through the continuation of the naval blockade and the threat of a second attack, it hopes to ensure that the Venezuelan government serves US interests. When asked whether they would use this pressure to demand the release of Venezuelan political prisoners, Trump responded emphatically that he is interested in oil, and everything else can wait.The rights of Venezuelans have never interested Trump, as demonstrated not only by his lack of interest in democratic rights in Venezuela, but also by the racist persecution of Venezuelan immigrants in the US, stigmatized by Trump as criminals and mentally ill people allegedly sent by Maduro to “invade” the country, a fascistic discourse endorsed by the Venezuelan right-wing leader María Corina Machado. Thousands of Venezuelans have been deported to Venezuela, while hundreds have been sent to the CECOT, Latin America’s largest torture center, run by the dictatorship of El Salvador, under false accusations of belonging to the Tren de Aragua, a gang classified as a terrorist organization by Trump.Delcy Rodríguez has reportedly already reached an agreement with Trump to deliver between 30 and 50 million barrels of oil. The US government would sell the oil, establishing offshore accounts for this purpose outside the control of its own Treasury Department; part of the petrodollars generated would be used to pay debtors, and payments in kind would be made to the Venezuelan state, including equipment and supplies for oil production itself, as well as food and medicine.This policy bears similarities to the “Oil for food” program applied as part of the sanctions regime of the 1990s against Iraq. That program became a huge source of corruption in the UN. We can expect something similar or worse from Trump’s corrupt government.We are facing a new version of imperialist “gunboat diplomacy” and the methods of the “Roosevelt Corollary,” on which the US based its invasion of Latin American and Caribbean countries in the first half of the 20th century, taking control of their customs, as in the cases of the Dominican Republic, Haiti, and Nicaragua.Rodríguez’s capitulation has been interpreted by some as evidence that her rise to power was agreed with Trump and that she represents a pro-US government. Certainly, Chavismo’s anti-imperialism was always rather performative, with the US maintaining a predominant presence in the oil industry through Chevron, and the US remaining Venezuela’s main trading partner until at least 2023. But diplomatic relations have not been reestablished, and the theft of Venezuelan oil has been enforced through a naval blockade and threats of new attacks, when the possibilities of storing oil on land or in ships off the Venezuelan coast reached their limit and the alternative was to stop production.The regime decided to cooperate with the extortionist Trump, not to resist. The traditional right-wing opposition, which celebrated the January 3 attack (describing it as the beginning of Venezuela’s liberation), welcomes Trump’s measures. Not even Trump’s humiliation of Machado, when he declared she lacked “support” and “respect” within Venezuela, has led Venezuelan Trumpists to regain a modicum of sobriety. Their entire political strategy, after Maduro’s 2024 electoral fraud, has been solely to wait for Trump to hand them power.Trump’s priorities are different, although they could converge in the future with Machado: to distract attention from recently published documents reflecting his friendship with the criminal Jeffrey Epstein; to enhance his foreign policy based on extortion, refuting the Democratic slogan “Trump Always Chickens Out”, and to manage billions of petrodollars at the service of his business circle. And finally, in a more strategic sense, it represents the application of the new National Security doctrine, which gives priority to absolute US control of the hemisphere, expelling its imperialist competitors, China and Russia. Venezuela represented the most vulnerable point in the hemisphere for spectacular and exemplary military action. After the attack on Venezuela, threats against Colombia, Mexico, and even Greenland follow.Chavismo itself largely created its own vulnerability after years of anti-popular and anti-worker policies, such as imposing a minimum wage of less than USD$5 per month, eliminating workers’ freedom of association, persecuting indigenous peoples, defunding public health and education, and forcing the migration of 8 million Venezuelan workers, all while favoring the emergence of a new Bolivarian bourgeoisie through rampant corruption, creating new chasms of social inequality.Until 2015, Chavismo ruled with the support of electoral majorities. After its defeat in that year’s parliamentary elections, it took a dictatorial turn, relying on repression and electoral fraud, while bleeding the economy dry to pay off foreign debt, creating hellish hyperinflation. The economy contracted by around 80% between 2013 and 2021, most of this before US sanctions. The destruction was such that the export of scrap metal, obtained from the dismantling of abandoned industries, became one of Venezuela’s largest exports.It is illustrative to recall the cables from the US embassy in Caracas to the State Department, published by Wikileaks, which asked the Obama administration not to publicly confront Chávez, as this would strengthen him in the context of widespread popular rejection of the US. The current situation is different, with many Venezuelans cynically accepting US domination. Opposing imperialist intervention, on the other hand, does not save dissidents from persecution either. The presidential candidate backed by the Communist Party of Venezuela in 2024, Enrique Márquez, has been in prison for 10 months without formal charges.The humiliation to which the Venezuelan people are subjected today, under the double yoke of a dictatorship and a US siege, is brutal. The policy of aggression against Latin America and the Caribbean, the perceived sphere of US dominance, gains momentum with this attack. A continental response, to defend the possibility of a free and dignified future for Venezuela and for all of Latin America and the Caribbean."
}
,
{
"title" : "A Lone Protester, Rain or Shine: One Man’s Daily Act of Dissent in Japan",
"author" : "Yumiko Sakuma",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/a-lone-protester-rain-or-shine",
"date" : "2026-01-13 10:00:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Cover_EIP_Lone_Gaza_Japan.jpg",
"excerpt" : "Photographs by Chisato Hikita",
"content" : "Photographs by Chisato HikitaThe way Japan’s grassroots activism has shown up for the people of Palestine has been nothing short of extraordinary. In a country known for its low political engagement, I’ve met countless newly woken activists who not only joined the international movement but have also incorporated direct action into their daily lives through street protests, fundraising events and content creation, writing campaigns, etc. Many of them express frustration that demonstrations in Japan aren’t as large as those abroad, or that their efforts seem to yield little visible change, but their persistence and quiet stubbornness are unlike anything I’ve ever seen.One of the figures who has emerged from this movement is Yusuke Furusawa, who has taken to the streets every single day, seven days a week, for more than two years, usually for an hour or so each time. I came across him on social media and reached out while I was in Tokyo.The day we met was an excruciatingly hot Saturday in July. On my way to meet him near Shinjuku Station, a sprawling terminal of train lines, subways, and shopping complexes, he messaged to say he’d had to relocate because of a nearby Uyoku (right-wing nationalist) presence. As I exited one wing of the station, I passed a large crowd gathered around Uryu Hirano, a young hardline activist who had just lost her bid for a national council seat.Then I found Furusawa, delivering a monologue about what the Palestinian people have been enduring, about the complicity of the Japanese government, and about the tangled relationship between the U.S. military-industrial complex and the Israeli state. He stood in the middle of two opposing streams of foot traffic, turning every few seconds to address people coming from both directions, waving a large flag and holding a sign that read “Stop GAZA Genocide.”In October 2023, he had been home-bound for Covid. “I was frustrated because I wanted to go to the protests but couldn’t. Finally, feeling restless, I eventually stumbled out holding a placard, that’s how it all began. When I thought about how I’ve never really taken any actions on this issue while seeing these terrible situations unfolding every day, I just couldn’t sort out my feelings.”Furusawa makes his living as a prop maker for a broadcasting company while occasionally getting gigs as a theater actor. He wasn’t particularly political until a few years ago when he joined a local grass-roots movement to elect Satoko Kishimoto, an environmental activist and water rights activist who had lived in Belgium, to be Suginami Ward mayor against the pro-business, pro-development incumbent. Especially, he was inspired by the Hitori Gaisen, solo street demonstration, movement which was triggered by one person who decided to campaign by standing quietly on the street with a sign, which spread like a wild fire and resulted in a win by Kishimoto, a move viewed as a victory of the People, who were determined to stop the over development and gentrification.'I’m not really good at group activities, so rallies and marches aren’t really my thing. I get too tired trying too hard to chant or keep up with everyone else.” Previously, he had been suffering from depression. “This has been helpful like as a daily rehabilitation activity.”Thus, he stands alone, daily and consistently. As I watched him speak under the glaring sun, I was struck by how most people don’t even look up, or notice him, seemingly so self-absorbed or focused on where they are going. Occasionally, non-Japanese people stop and take pictures of/with him. While I was there, a mother and a kid from Turkey stopped him to thank him through a translation app on her phone. She had tears in her eyes. Furusawa said he does get yelled at a few times a day and was once even choked by a person who identified as an IDF personnel.This was a few days after July 20th, when Japan had a national council election where more than 8 million people voted for candidates from the Sansei Party, which ran on “Japanese First” platform and a far-right, nationalist political messaging. Furusawa says, a few Japanese people who walk up to him with encouraging signs tend to be ultra nationalists and conservatives. “A lot of times, these guys who say to me ‘you are great for standing against the United States,’ are far right people, which makes me feel defeated.” And there are younger ones who mock him or laugh at him.Do you have an idea as to how long you’d be doing this? I asked him. Furusawa told me about the time an Aljazeela crew came to his apartment to shoot a segment on him. When he told them, “I will stop if Israel stopped bombing Gaza,” the reporter said, “That is how Japanese people forget about the Middle East.” Furusawa thinks about this episode daily. “I realized I hadn’t understood anything at all, and I felt this helplessness like all my actions over the past four months were being erased in an instant. That’s when I made the decision to do it every day. Those words swirled around me daily.”After I came back to New York, I procrastinated writing this story. I tried writing it many times in my head, but between being disappointed in the surge of xenophobia and racism in Japan, dealing with medical issues and being scared as an immigrant, my head was not in the right place to give a proper ending to this story. Then, so called “ceasefire” was announced. I thought of him and reached out.I apologized to him for not writing a story sooner. “I didn’t know how to write the story without glorifying the protest movements.”He told me attacks by people from Israel were happening increasingly, probably like three times more, especially after the UK recognized the state of Palestine. “They come at me with anger. I’ve also met a few people from Palestine thanking me with tears for what I do. I feel l need to keep a distance from these emotions because what I am really protesting against is the illegal occupation and apartheid of Palestine and how we are not really facing it.”He hadn’t stopped his protests, still standing out there every day with a flag and a sign, delivering his monologue. He does so because, for one, he did not trust the “ceasefire,” but also because what he stands against is not just the current wave of assaults, bombing, starvation, etc.“I want to keep going until we seriously tackle the issue, not just go through the superficial motions of Palestine’s state recognition. It isn’t about just stopping the war. It is about getting people to care so that nations collectively help them. I am not talking about months, more like years because it is going to take time.”Lately, after spending an hour on anti-genocide protest, he stands with another sign for 30 minutes or so before he goes home. The sign says “Delusion of Hate.” That is because he thinks Japan’s xenophobia and hatred come from delusions. “A mix of victim mentality and inferiority complex, plus delusions inflated by conspiracy theories that don’t even exist.”That is when I realized what he is really fighting is indifference. He went on, “Some might find my style of protests noisy, annoying, or unpleasant. I want them to reject it. I want to get on their nerves, or talk to their hearts. Maybe that is how we can break through the indifference. That is going to take time, like years of time.”"
}
,
{
"title" : "Sanctions are a Tool of Empire",
"author" : "Collis Browne",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/sanctions-are-a-tool-of-empire",
"date" : "2026-01-13 08:35:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Cover_EIP_Sanctions.jpg",
"excerpt" : "Sanctions & Embargoes only Hurt the People",
"content" : "Sanctions & Embargoes only Hurt the PeopleIn light of the economic collapse and ongoing social and political unrest in Venezuela and Iran, we must examine U.S. economic sanctions and how they contribute to and exacerbate these dynamics.Although framed as something much more innocuous or even righteous, sanctions are a form of economic warfare used to enforce U.S. & Western empire.What Sanctions AreSanctions block a country’s sovereign ability to act freely in a global world. They restrict trade, banking, investment, and access to global markets.Despite the myth of “free markets,” sanctions show how capitalism really works: Markets are only free when they serve power.They are usually installed against nations that show signs of independence from US and Western (capitalist) interests, such as any meaningful socialist policies, nationalizing resources or limiting foreign ownership or resources or property.Although the claim is usually around “punishing” a government for human rights abuses, There are plenty of governments that commit egregious human rights abuses that are never sanctioned because of favorable business policies towards US interests (global western capital), The US is itself guilty of grave human rights abuses both at home and abroad, so cannot claim to have any moral authority, and Many of the abuses are either exaggerated, outright fabricated, or are simply scapegoats to cover the real motives. To be clear: this does not excuse human rights abuses by any government, but sanctions are never the answer: they are never driven by a moral imperative, and are never successful in improving the materials conditions of the people of the countries affected.How Sanctions are UsedUS foreign policy uses sanctions as a key part of a familiar playbook: Claim that a government is a “dictatorship” or “threat” to democracy or security Cut the country off from trade and money Cause shortages, inflation, and unemployment People suffer — food, medicine, fuel become scarce Blame the suffering on the government, not the sanctions Further stir up unrest by covert actions on the ground agitating dissent and violence Often, provide material support for right-wing political opposition that favors US intervention and resource privatizationThe goal is pressure, chaos, and instability.The End GoalSanctions are a foundational step in a long-term campaign to destabilize a country or region by creating enough pain to force one of the following outcomes: Install a pro-U.S. government Enable or justify a coup Pave the way for military interventionAll of these are about resource extraction and unfettered access for multinational and Western corporations.Fact 1: Sanctions Don’t WorkSanctions Don’t Achieve Their Stated Political GoalsSince 1970, nearly 90% of sanctions have failed — meaning they did not force the target government to change its behavior or leadership. Report after report show that sanctions don’t produce freedom, democracy or peace, they produce suffering.Fact 2: Sanctions Punish PeopleSanctions Hurt the People, Not LeadersAcross 32 empirical studies*, sanctions were shown to: Increase poverty Increase inequality Increase mortality Worsen human rights outcomesRegional oligarchs and elites adapt, while ordinary people pay the price.Example: IraqIraq (1990s) Sanctions destroyed water, food, and healthcare systems Hundreds of thousands of civilians — many of them children — died as a direct result Saddam Hussein retained power, up until the eventual US invasionSanctions weakened the population, not the ruler.Example: VenezuelaVenezuela (2010s–present) Oil and banking sanctions collapsed imports and currency Medicine and food shortages surged Tens of thousands of excess deaths Massive emigration as millions fled the countryThe government survived. The people suffered. If anything, the sanctions contributed to the rise of the right-wing opposition against the strong socialist base of support.Example: SyriaSyria (2011–present) Sanctions began early in the conflict and intensified economic collapse They worsened shortages, unemployment, and infrastructure failure Economic destabilization deepened social fragmentation and displacementSanctions did not overthrow the government, but they amplified collapse, suffering, and long-term instability, making recovery and reconstruction nearly impossible.Example: IranIran (since 1979, and especially 2018–present) Sanctions targeted oil exports and global banking access Iran was cut off from foreign currency earnings The rial collapsed; inflation surged sharplySanctions directly restrict access to dollars and euros — forcing rapid currency devaluation, import inflation, and rising prices for basics even when goods are technically “allowed.”Inflation hits civilians first.Sanctions are a Tool of EmpireSanctions are a tool of global capitalist imperialism, and movements against US intervention must include a call against sanctions. They do not bring freedom or democracy. They enrich global financial elites, preserve imperial control, and devastate everyday people — again and again."
}
]
}