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Carlos Agredano
EIP: Can you introduce yourself?
CARLOS: My name is Carlos Agredano. I was born and raised in Los Angeles, and I consider myself to be a research-based conceptual artist. I’m primarily interested in the history of freeway development in 20th-century Los Angeles, particularly through the deployment of racially restrictive covenants and redlining, and analyzing the history of those discriminatory policies and how they affect Black and brown communities in the present day, namely through air pollution. The freeways have destroyed and displaced people for decades, destroyed communities, and continue to pollute the people who live around them. That’s what my art is mostly about: looking at history and how it affects the present day.
EIP: Could you tell us more about growing up in LA and its effect on making you want to create the work that you made?
CARLOS: I grew up in a town called Lynwood, which is in southeast Los Angeles. It’s between South Gate and Compton. I grew up next to the 105 and 710 freeways. The 710 freeway is known as the “diesel death corridor” because of its connection to the Ports of Long Beach and Los Angeles, where about 80% of goods come in from overseas to the entire United States. It’s one of the busiest ports in the nation so there’s always a lot of truck pollution coming in through the 710. The 105 is one of the newer freeways in Los Angeles. It was built in the 90s—but only because it was delayed for 25 years due to a lawsuit. It was originally designed to take people directly to LAX but it never quite made it there.
Every day as a kid, I remember having to sweep my room because there was always a thin layer of soot and dust that would settle overnight or throughout the day while I was in school. I grew up with asthma, allergies, and sensitivities to being outside, directly influenced by constant air pollution. I’ve always been fascinated with cars and what they’ve allowed people to do in the city. You spend your whole life in a car if you grow up here. But it wasn’t until I moved back to Los Angeles in 2020 that I started thinking about how I wanted to materialize the air pollution that shaped my life. I wanted to find ways to capture the smog and make it visible, rather than this nebulous, hard-to-grasp thing you only see in the sky.
EIP: One thing that really interests me about your work is your ability to transmute something as abstract and ephemeral as pollution and turn it into something tangible. I feel like you have a deep interest in broader destruction. What do you think about the tangibility of it through your work? And what have you learned through exploring this?
CARLOS: Well, I like the two words you used—ephemeral and abstract—to describe the material of smog—but it’s not ephemeral or abstract because it has real consequences. Its impacts happen on human bodies, through the slow growth of disease, decreased mental health, and overall contribution to a poor quality of life. There are real, tangible, material effects. It exists in people. To call it abstract or ephemeral can be misleading. It’s in the air, but it’s so small you might not think about it unless you’re forced to.
In my work, I want people to think about its materiality. I stretched canvases in my backyard for a year to show this is a year’s worth of smog. You can really see it on the canvas. It’s filthy. I’m able to capture it in a definitive way. But the challenge is: what do I do with all the smog I’ve breathed in my whole life? How do I demonstrate that? That’s the harder part, getting people to think about the larger, life-scale implications. The first step is making people understand that this is real material. It doesn’t just float away. It’s consumed, ingested, seeping into livelihoods, homes, the ground, the water, everything.
EIP: On that note, can you tell us a bit about your project “FUME” [2025] and its interest in environmental violence, and how you use measurement as material? Do you see your work as more of an art piece or scientific evidence?
CARLOS: Yeah, that’s a good question because it was my first entry point into being less abstract with the material—making pollution quantifiable. I wanted to give specific numbers showing how much pollution was in the air in a certain area. With FUME [2025], I drove a sculpture hooked to the back of my 1992 Toyota Pickup Truck to 12 different sites across Los Angeles, all next to major freeways. At each site, I invited a local LA artist to interpret their upbringing near a freeway. I started thinking a lot about evidence. What constitutes evidence? Can visual art be evidence? Or does it have to be numbers? At first, I just wanted numbers—the facts. But I think the emotional, artistic, creative production of data is also important. That could be a performance, a sculpture, a cyanotype, or a tour; they all create a public history of these sites.
I’d never call myself a scientist. But I look to science, to its conventions, and to the idea of evidence as material. This project isn’t a scientific project. But it adopts some conventions to try to make data more quantifiable. I’d never call myself a scientist. But I look to science, to its conventions, and to the idea of evidence as material. This project isn’t a scientific project. But it adopts some conventions to try to make data more quantifiable. The sculpture is designed to look like a Space Age or “Googie” styled object. It’s a direct reference to the utopian ideals of the future that emerged during the mid-century in the U.S., one that imagined automobiles as the primary vessel of transportation. Inside the all aluminum sculpture are three PurpleAir monitors, which gather information about the quality of the air where they are installed. One monitor was testing for “ambient” air quality, which is the air as we actually encounter it, the second was connected directly to my exhaust pipe as a way to measure my own emissions and address the irony of driving a gas-powered vehicle, and the third was installed inside of a modified Corsi-Rosenthal box, which is basically a cube made of air filters. The PurpleAir monitors I used can only go so far. They’re small, not industrial-grade. But I like the “citizen scientist” idea. Producing your own data, not waiting for the government to give it to you. The exciting part of the project was that 12 LA artists and I had these questions: How can we make work about this problem? How can it be used as valid data?
EIP: When we were asked to do this curatorial project, you were one of the first people we thought of. I really feel your work lies at the intersection of community activation and environmental critique. Can you speak on those recurring elements throughout your work?
CARLOS: Yeah. I almost approach it from this idea of environmental and institutional critique, thinking about the city of Los Angeles as an institution that has failed many communities through discriminatory urban planning and designing the city to benefit a select few, usually white, affluent, WASP-y communities on the West Side. I’m interested in critiquing infrastructure as an institution. That leads to a community-oriented spirit in my work. For example, the smog stones I’ll show in the forest are made by rolling clay along streets across the city to collect dust and debris. There’s a performative quality. People stop me and ask what I’m doing, prompting conversations. In that way, there are two artworks: the performance of making it and the object that results.
I’ve also partnered on workshops with East Yard Communities for Environmental Justice, an East LA organization addressing issues like polluted soil and air pollution in Mexican American and Black communities. My work is site-specific, so it’s about specific communities: Lynwood, Chinatown, Boyle Heights. I make sure the work always notes exactly where it was made and what it’s about.
EIP: You spoke earlier about how your piece “Smog Stones” [2025] consisted of both performance and the stones themselves. What is the movement between performance art and the sculptural work? And who are some of your favorite performance artists? I saw this photo while I was going through your Instagram of you pushing the ice cube—or was it a box?
CARLOS: Yeah, it’s an ice block.
EIP: The ice block. And it was paying homage to this—what’s
the artist’s name?
CARLOS: Yes, that was my Halloween costume. I love it. It was a good one.
Yeah, thank you.
EIP: But I imagine you’re inspired by his work.
CARLOS: For sure. That work in particular is about the invisible economy in Mexico City, in particular. Pushing the ice block is such an effort. The piece is [Francis Alÿs’s] “When Something Leads to Nothing” [1997]. I think of it as all this labor exerted to have the ice block melt away. At the end of the performance, there’s really nothing left, just the energy put into pushing it around. I like his engagement with the street. He’s a Belgian artist, not a native Mexican, so it becomes a little more complicated. But I like the idea of thinking of art as labor. This can be about real labor, too. In Mexico, wage discrepancies mean some people are working basically for free.
David Hammons, of course, is another big influence. A lot of his performative works—like the “Bliz-aard Ball Sale” [1983], where he arranged snowballs on the street—reminded me of Francis Alÿs’s work because you’re buying something that will cease to exist. I like David Hammons because before moving to New York, he was practicing in LA. In the ‘60s and ‘70s, he was in a group called Studio Z with Senga Nengudi, Maren Hassinger, and a few others. They were Black artists from South Central LA, and they did “Ceremony for Freeway Fets” [1978], an installation by Senga Nengudi in the ‘70s in collaboration with Caltrans.
Caltrans decides where freeways go, and they did this ceremony under the freeway, under the 10, I think. Hammons, Nengudi, and the others were performing under the freeway, with Nengudi’s sculptures wrapped around the columns. I love that engagement with the site: a freeway that’s ugly and meant to separate people, used as a place to convene and create a communal performance. Asco is another influence: an art collective from the ‘70s in
East LA. Harry Gamboa Jr., Patssi Valdez, Willie Herrón III, and Gronk. They performed in the streets and documented everything, making “No Movies”: movie stills of films that didn’t exist. Again, it’s about engaging with the street as a site for critique and artmaking. I like to think of the street as my studio because I don’t have a studio. I make things in my mom’s backyard—open air—and on the street, then figure it out.
EIP: Where did you go to school, and how do you think that has affected your practice?
CARLOS: I went to Harvard for my undergraduate degree. I studied history and literature. My thesis was on Veteranas and Rucas, an Instagram archive documenting Latina youth subcultures from 1920 to the 1990s. A lot of the archive focuses on protest through clothing and partying. There are zoot suits, worn by Chicanos and Chicanas during WWII, influenced by Black jazz musicians. They wore them during rationing as a protest against the war and discrimination against Mexican Americans in LA. Veteranas and Rucas also documents the ditch party scene of the ‘80s and ‘90s. Teens leaving high school to party in warehouses or backyards. I like that spirit of community rebellion through subculture.
While at Harvard, I took art history classes and worked at the Radcliffe Institute with two artists. One was EJ Hill, mostly a performance artist. He has a show up now at 52 Walker. He’s the reason I’m an artist. I was his assistant my junior year, spending every day in the studio working on projects about roller coasters and amusement parks, their history as discriminatory sites, safe havens for white families escaping diversifying cities. EJ made me think about infrastructure as something to critique. From the first day, he encouraged me to own being an artist.
My senior year, I worked for Gala Porras-Kim, a conceptual artist focused on repatriating stolen artifacts to their rightful owners. She critiques museums as sites of looting and colonialism. Her research-based approach influenced how I think about material and how I use writing to critique discriminatory urban histories. She encouraged me to go to graduate school, so I went to UCLA for my MFA, working with artists like Rodney McMillian, Andrea Fraser, Candice Lin, and Cameron Rowland. They shaped my mission to create work that investigates discriminatory urban planning and histories. Being back in LA for my MFA was important. I could work directly at the sites that interested me, like freeways and my childhood home.
EIP: I think a lot about this larger return you had: leaving LA, getting an education, and coming back. And how you talked about your childhood, how every day you had to sweep ash and smog. Do you think doing this repetitive motion is when you decided to become an artist? It seems like a seed that grew into what you’re doing now.
CARLOS: I guess the ingredients were always there. But truthfully, my whole adolescence—before college and even two years into college—I thought I was going to be a doctor. I had artistic tendencies, but growing up in a low-income Mexican neighborhood, the idea of being an artist wasn’t even on my radar. I didn’t know it was something you could do.
It took me a long time to accept it. But looking back, even my science fair projects were artistic in their presentation. Science and art have similar methods. You have a question, a hypothesis. I was always more interested in the visual or social components of being a doctor. So maybe sweeping soot or crafting science fair projects were the ingredients for being an artist, I just didn’t realize it. I’m grateful for EJ, Rafa Esparza, Gala, and my professors for shaping me into one.
EIP: In the work you’re placing— “Smog Stones” [2025]—there’s a bit of a comedic element in putting these man-made stones of pollution, microplastics, and debris into a forest. How do you think this context affects the work and your understanding of it? CARLOS: It’s a great question. I’ve never been to this forest, so I’m imagining. The stones have a surface layer made of debris and pollution from LA. They’re a document, kind of unassuming, maybe silly. “Okay, this is just a rock.” I think about geological time, what a rock, tree, or soil sample can tell us about an environment at a point in time. When I first made them, about five years ago, the Anthropocene was a hot topic; ; a proposed new epoch in Earth’s geological time scale, characterized by the significant and lasting impact of human activities on the planet’s geology, ecosystems, and climate. I wondered what a rock from the Anthropocene would look like, so I made these smog stones. Putting them in a lush, preserved forest is a reminder of the opposite. If there isn’t a forest, there could be an industrial wasteland. It’s like returning to a nurturing home, though I don’t know how I’ll feel until I see it.
EIP: How do you feel about them being transformed by a clean environment? And also, the history of this area. It was one of the first places in the U.S. where freed slaves could buy property, a stop on the Underground Railroad. And, a place Toni Morrison retired to. How do you see them in that environmental and sociopolitical context?
CARLOS: I think of my work as about dispossession—of people and of land. Much Black-owned land was destroyed to make way for freeways. America constantly finds ways to dispossess and disempower Black people, and in LA, Mexican people as well. The rocks are a self-portrait in a way; a proxy for people and communities discriminated against through infrastructure. So what does it mean for a polluted object to enter a lush space? Maybe not liberation, but something freeing. It’s also about imagining a future where someone can be free, without pollution, without losing their home. Maybe it’s a call to destroy freeways or reimagine cities as green spaces for everyone, not just a privileged few. In a gallery, the rocks or canvases are dirty objects in clean spaces—antagonistic, claiming space. “I’m here, I’m polluted, but who did this? It wasn’t me.”
{
"article":
{
"title" : "Carlos Agredano",
"author" : "Carlos Agredano, Gabrielle Richardson",
"category" : "interviews",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/heirlooms-carlos-agredano",
"date" : "2025-09-08 10:07:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Carlos-Agredano-and-Hunter-Baoengstrum-17.jpg",
"excerpt" : "EIP: Can you introduce yourself?",
"content" : "EIP: Can you introduce yourself?CARLOS: My name is Carlos Agredano. I was born and raised in Los Angeles, and I consider myself to be a research-based conceptual artist. I’m primarily interested in the history of freeway development in 20th-century Los Angeles, particularly through the deployment of racially restrictive covenants and redlining, and analyzing the history of those discriminatory policies and how they affect Black and brown communities in the present day, namely through air pollution. The freeways have destroyed and displaced people for decades, destroyed communities, and continue to pollute the people who live around them. That’s what my art is mostly about: looking at history and how it affects the present day.EIP: Could you tell us more about growing up in LA and its effect on making you want to create the work that you made?CARLOS: I grew up in a town called Lynwood, which is in southeast Los Angeles. It’s between South Gate and Compton. I grew up next to the 105 and 710 freeways. The 710 freeway is known as the “diesel death corridor” because of its connection to the Ports of Long Beach and Los Angeles, where about 80% of goods come in from overseas to the entire United States. It’s one of the busiest ports in the nation so there’s always a lot of truck pollution coming in through the 710. The 105 is one of the newer freeways in Los Angeles. It was built in the 90s—but only because it was delayed for 25 years due to a lawsuit. It was originally designed to take people directly to LAX but it never quite made it there.Every day as a kid, I remember having to sweep my room because there was always a thin layer of soot and dust that would settle overnight or throughout the day while I was in school. I grew up with asthma, allergies, and sensitivities to being outside, directly influenced by constant air pollution. I’ve always been fascinated with cars and what they’ve allowed people to do in the city. You spend your whole life in a car if you grow up here. But it wasn’t until I moved back to Los Angeles in 2020 that I started thinking about how I wanted to materialize the air pollution that shaped my life. I wanted to find ways to capture the smog and make it visible, rather than this nebulous, hard-to-grasp thing you only see in the sky.EIP: One thing that really interests me about your work is your ability to transmute something as abstract and ephemeral as pollution and turn it into something tangible. I feel like you have a deep interest in broader destruction. What do you think about the tangibility of it through your work? And what have you learned through exploring this?CARLOS: Well, I like the two words you used—ephemeral and abstract—to describe the material of smog—but it’s not ephemeral or abstract because it has real consequences. Its impacts happen on human bodies, through the slow growth of disease, decreased mental health, and overall contribution to a poor quality of life. There are real, tangible, material effects. It exists in people. To call it abstract or ephemeral can be misleading. It’s in the air, but it’s so small you might not think about it unless you’re forced to.In my work, I want people to think about its materiality. I stretched canvases in my backyard for a year to show this is a year’s worth of smog. You can really see it on the canvas. It’s filthy. I’m able to capture it in a definitive way. But the challenge is: what do I do with all the smog I’ve breathed in my whole life? How do I demonstrate that? That’s the harder part, getting people to think about the larger, life-scale implications. The first step is making people understand that this is real material. It doesn’t just float away. It’s consumed, ingested, seeping into livelihoods, homes, the ground, the water, everything.EIP: On that note, can you tell us a bit about your project “FUME” [2025] and its interest in environmental violence, and how you use measurement as material? Do you see your work as more of an art piece or scientific evidence?CARLOS: Yeah, that’s a good question because it was my first entry point into being less abstract with the material—making pollution quantifiable. I wanted to give specific numbers showing how much pollution was in the air in a certain area. With FUME [2025], I drove a sculpture hooked to the back of my 1992 Toyota Pickup Truck to 12 different sites across Los Angeles, all next to major freeways. At each site, I invited a local LA artist to interpret their upbringing near a freeway. I started thinking a lot about evidence. What constitutes evidence? Can visual art be evidence? Or does it have to be numbers? At first, I just wanted numbers—the facts. But I think the emotional, artistic, creative production of data is also important. That could be a performance, a sculpture, a cyanotype, or a tour; they all create a public history of these sites.I’d never call myself a scientist. But I look to science, to its conventions, and to the idea of evidence as material. This project isn’t a scientific project. But it adopts some conventions to try to make data more quantifiable. I’d never call myself a scientist. But I look to science, to its conventions, and to the idea of evidence as material. This project isn’t a scientific project. But it adopts some conventions to try to make data more quantifiable. The sculpture is designed to look like a Space Age or “Googie” styled object. It’s a direct reference to the utopian ideals of the future that emerged during the mid-century in the U.S., one that imagined automobiles as the primary vessel of transportation. Inside the all aluminum sculpture are three PurpleAir monitors, which gather information about the quality of the air where they are installed. One monitor was testing for “ambient” air quality, which is the air as we actually encounter it, the second was connected directly to my exhaust pipe as a way to measure my own emissions and address the irony of driving a gas-powered vehicle, and the third was installed inside of a modified Corsi-Rosenthal box, which is basically a cube made of air filters. The PurpleAir monitors I used can only go so far. They’re small, not industrial-grade. But I like the “citizen scientist” idea. Producing your own data, not waiting for the government to give it to you. The exciting part of the project was that 12 LA artists and I had these questions: How can we make work about this problem? How can it be used as valid data?EIP: When we were asked to do this curatorial project, you were one of the first people we thought of. I really feel your work lies at the intersection of community activation and environmental critique. Can you speak on those recurring elements throughout your work?CARLOS: Yeah. I almost approach it from this idea of environmental and institutional critique, thinking about the city of Los Angeles as an institution that has failed many communities through discriminatory urban planning and designing the city to benefit a select few, usually white, affluent, WASP-y communities on the West Side. I’m interested in critiquing infrastructure as an institution. That leads to a community-oriented spirit in my work. For example, the smog stones I’ll show in the forest are made by rolling clay along streets across the city to collect dust and debris. There’s a performative quality. People stop me and ask what I’m doing, prompting conversations. In that way, there are two artworks: the performance of making it and the object that results.I’ve also partnered on workshops with East Yard Communities for Environmental Justice, an East LA organization addressing issues like polluted soil and air pollution in Mexican American and Black communities. My work is site-specific, so it’s about specific communities: Lynwood, Chinatown, Boyle Heights. I make sure the work always notes exactly where it was made and what it’s about.EIP: You spoke earlier about how your piece “Smog Stones” [2025] consisted of both performance and the stones themselves. What is the movement between performance art and the sculptural work? And who are some of your favorite performance artists? I saw this photo while I was going through your Instagram of you pushing the ice cube—or was it a box?CARLOS: Yeah, it’s an ice block.EIP: The ice block. And it was paying homage to this—what’sthe artist’s name?CARLOS: Yes, that was my Halloween costume. I love it. It was a good one.Yeah, thank you.EIP: But I imagine you’re inspired by his work.CARLOS: For sure. That work in particular is about the invisible economy in Mexico City, in particular. Pushing the ice block is such an effort. The piece is [Francis Alÿs’s] “When Something Leads to Nothing” [1997]. I think of it as all this labor exerted to have the ice block melt away. At the end of the performance, there’s really nothing left, just the energy put into pushing it around. I like his engagement with the street. He’s a Belgian artist, not a native Mexican, so it becomes a little more complicated. But I like the idea of thinking of art as labor. This can be about real labor, too. In Mexico, wage discrepancies mean some people are working basically for free.David Hammons, of course, is another big influence. A lot of his performative works—like the “Bliz-aard Ball Sale” [1983], where he arranged snowballs on the street—reminded me of Francis Alÿs’s work because you’re buying something that will cease to exist. I like David Hammons because before moving to New York, he was practicing in LA. In the ‘60s and ‘70s, he was in a group called Studio Z with Senga Nengudi, Maren Hassinger, and a few others. They were Black artists from South Central LA, and they did “Ceremony for Freeway Fets” [1978], an installation by Senga Nengudi in the ‘70s in collaboration with Caltrans.Caltrans decides where freeways go, and they did this ceremony under the freeway, under the 10, I think. Hammons, Nengudi, and the others were performing under the freeway, with Nengudi’s sculptures wrapped around the columns. I love that engagement with the site: a freeway that’s ugly and meant to separate people, used as a place to convene and create a communal performance. Asco is another influence: an art collective from the ‘70s inEast LA. Harry Gamboa Jr., Patssi Valdez, Willie Herrón III, and Gronk. They performed in the streets and documented everything, making “No Movies”: movie stills of films that didn’t exist. Again, it’s about engaging with the street as a site for critique and artmaking. I like to think of the street as my studio because I don’t have a studio. I make things in my mom’s backyard—open air—and on the street, then figure it out.EIP: Where did you go to school, and how do you think that has affected your practice?CARLOS: I went to Harvard for my undergraduate degree. I studied history and literature. My thesis was on Veteranas and Rucas, an Instagram archive documenting Latina youth subcultures from 1920 to the 1990s. A lot of the archive focuses on protest through clothing and partying. There are zoot suits, worn by Chicanos and Chicanas during WWII, influenced by Black jazz musicians. They wore them during rationing as a protest against the war and discrimination against Mexican Americans in LA. Veteranas and Rucas also documents the ditch party scene of the ‘80s and ‘90s. Teens leaving high school to party in warehouses or backyards. I like that spirit of community rebellion through subculture.While at Harvard, I took art history classes and worked at the Radcliffe Institute with two artists. One was EJ Hill, mostly a performance artist. He has a show up now at 52 Walker. He’s the reason I’m an artist. I was his assistant my junior year, spending every day in the studio working on projects about roller coasters and amusement parks, their history as discriminatory sites, safe havens for white families escaping diversifying cities. EJ made me think about infrastructure as something to critique. From the first day, he encouraged me to own being an artist.My senior year, I worked for Gala Porras-Kim, a conceptual artist focused on repatriating stolen artifacts to their rightful owners. She critiques museums as sites of looting and colonialism. Her research-based approach influenced how I think about material and how I use writing to critique discriminatory urban histories. She encouraged me to go to graduate school, so I went to UCLA for my MFA, working with artists like Rodney McMillian, Andrea Fraser, Candice Lin, and Cameron Rowland. They shaped my mission to create work that investigates discriminatory urban planning and histories. Being back in LA for my MFA was important. I could work directly at the sites that interested me, like freeways and my childhood home.EIP: I think a lot about this larger return you had: leaving LA, getting an education, and coming back. And how you talked about your childhood, how every day you had to sweep ash and smog. Do you think doing this repetitive motion is when you decided to become an artist? It seems like a seed that grew into what you’re doing now.CARLOS: I guess the ingredients were always there. But truthfully, my whole adolescence—before college and even two years into college—I thought I was going to be a doctor. I had artistic tendencies, but growing up in a low-income Mexican neighborhood, the idea of being an artist wasn’t even on my radar. I didn’t know it was something you could do.It took me a long time to accept it. But looking back, even my science fair projects were artistic in their presentation. Science and art have similar methods. You have a question, a hypothesis. I was always more interested in the visual or social components of being a doctor. So maybe sweeping soot or crafting science fair projects were the ingredients for being an artist, I just didn’t realize it. I’m grateful for EJ, Rafa Esparza, Gala, and my professors for shaping me into one.EIP: In the work you’re placing— “Smog Stones” [2025]—there’s a bit of a comedic element in putting these man-made stones of pollution, microplastics, and debris into a forest. How do you think this context affects the work and your understanding of it? CARLOS: It’s a great question. I’ve never been to this forest, so I’m imagining. The stones have a surface layer made of debris and pollution from LA. They’re a document, kind of unassuming, maybe silly. “Okay, this is just a rock.” I think about geological time, what a rock, tree, or soil sample can tell us about an environment at a point in time. When I first made them, about five years ago, the Anthropocene was a hot topic; ; a proposed new epoch in Earth’s geological time scale, characterized by the significant and lasting impact of human activities on the planet’s geology, ecosystems, and climate. I wondered what a rock from the Anthropocene would look like, so I made these smog stones. Putting them in a lush, preserved forest is a reminder of the opposite. If there isn’t a forest, there could be an industrial wasteland. It’s like returning to a nurturing home, though I don’t know how I’ll feel until I see it.EIP: How do you feel about them being transformed by a clean environment? And also, the history of this area. It was one of the first places in the U.S. where freed slaves could buy property, a stop on the Underground Railroad. And, a place Toni Morrison retired to. How do you see them in that environmental and sociopolitical context?CARLOS: I think of my work as about dispossession—of people and of land. Much Black-owned land was destroyed to make way for freeways. America constantly finds ways to dispossess and disempower Black people, and in LA, Mexican people as well. The rocks are a self-portrait in a way; a proxy for people and communities discriminated against through infrastructure. So what does it mean for a polluted object to enter a lush space? Maybe not liberation, but something freeing. It’s also about imagining a future where someone can be free, without pollution, without losing their home. Maybe it’s a call to destroy freeways or reimagine cities as green spaces for everyone, not just a privileged few. In a gallery, the rocks or canvases are dirty objects in clean spaces—antagonistic, claiming space. “I’m here, I’m polluted, but who did this? It wasn’t me.”"
}
,
"relatedposts": [
{
"title" : "Couture in Paris, Cuts at the 'Post'",
"author" : "Louis Pisano",
"category" : "essay",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/bezos-sanchez-paris-couture-week-wapo-layoffs",
"date" : "2026-02-02 10:49:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Cover_EIP_Bezos_Sanchez_Pisano.jpg",
"excerpt" : "The Cruel Irony of the Bezos-Sánchez Empire",
"content" : "The Cruel Irony of the Bezos-Sánchez EmpireLate on January 25, as snow dusted Washington, about 60 foreign correspondents at The Washington Post hit send on an email that felt like a last stand. They had dodged gunfire in Ukraine, documented Iran’s water crises and protester crackdowns, risked sources’ lives in gang territories. Now they faced their own existential threat: rumors of up to 300 company-wide layoffs, with foreign desks, sports, metro, and arts likely gutted. Their collective letter to owner Jeff Bezos was direct, almost pleading.“Robust, powerful foreign coverage is essential to The Washington Post’s brand and its future success in whatever form the paper takes moving forward,” they wrote. “We urge you to consider how the proposed layoffs will certainly lead us first to irrelevance, not the shared success that remains attainable.” They offered flexibility on costs but drew a line: slashing overseas reporting in Trump’s second term, amid global flashpoints, would hollow out the institution they had built.Whether Bezos opened that email remains unclear. As of this writing, he has not publicly responded to it. In fact, Bezos was 4,000 miles away, strolling hand-in-hand with Lauren Sánchez Bezos into Schiaparelli’s Haute Couture show in Paris. Flashbulbs popped as they arrived, Sánchez in a blood red skirt suit from the house and a white crocodile bag. Hours on, she switched to a steel-blue-gray vintage Dior pencil-skirt suit, its enormous fur collar evoking a mob wife, for Jonathan Anderson’s couture debut with the house.The two didn’t just sit front row, either. Backstage at Dior, Bezos and Sánchez posed with Anderson and LVMH CEO Delphine Arnault. Sánchez lunched with Anna Wintour at The Ritz and was allegedly dressed by Law Roach, the “image architect” behind Zendaya’s accession to fashion darling, who once declared fashion’s power to challenge norms and amplify the marginalized. Roach reshared Sánchez’s Instagram stories, crediting the vintage Dior; later, they toured Schiaparelli’s atelier together. The partnership felt sudden and loaded.Back in D.C., the newsroom simmered. Staffers posted on X under #SaveThePost, Yeganeh Torbati recounting government violence against protesters, Loveday Morris describing blasts rattling windows and the mortal risks to sources, tagging Bezos directly in urgent appeals. In a guild-prompted twist meant to amplify the message, the Washington-Baltimore News Guild encouraged tagging even Lauren Sánchez, though not every reporter followed through. The betrayal stung deeper after years of buyouts, a libertarian-tilted Opinions section, a rebranded mission (“Riveting Storytelling for All of America”) that rang corporate. Losses topped $100 million in 2024 and now the axe is hovering over desks that produced the scoops Bezos once praised when he bought the paper for $250 million in 2013. Now, Bezos parties on in Paris, his wife climbing fashion’s ranks.While the billionaires party, a profound unease is permeating the American media landscape, exacerbated by political shifts and technological disruptions that empower owners like Bezos to sideline core missions in favor of personal ventures. The press, once a vigilant watchdog against authority, now frequently finds itself complicit with power structures, buckling under misinformation, partisan censorship, and budgetary constraints that stifle investigative depth. This dynamic deprives the public of the unflinching journalism that is capable of exposing foreign policy overreaches or everyday human struggle, amplified by economic slowdowns and subscription fatigue in an increasingly fragmented ecosystem. With eroding confidence driving audiences to social platforms, now eclipsing traditional TV and websites as the primary news source in the U.S., the fallout further deepens this public distrust.To be clear, fashion isn’t innocent in this. It loves to posture as progressive, touting body positivity, diversity, resistance as it’s relevant, but rolling out the red carpet for the ultra-rich when the checks clear, especially when the checks come from people whose fortunes are built on real harm. Once upon a time, you couldn’t simply buy your way into the Met Gala; invitations were curated by Wintour based on cultural relevance, creative influence, and a carefully guarded sense of who truly belonged in the room. That’s all over now. The Bezoses have turned every norm in fashion on its head, sponsoring the 2026 Met Gala (funding the event and reportedly influencing invites), making their debut as a couple in 2024, and now leveraging those ties to claim space in couture’s inner circles. Bezos and Sánchez’s couture jaunt is just the latest proof that fashion’s gates, once guarded by creativity and taste, now swing widest for raw wealth and access.Wintour lunches and their prominent sponsorship role in the Met Gala don’t help quell the whispers that Bezos is eyeing Condé Nast (Vogue, Vanity Fair, The New Yorker) as a “wedding gift” to Sánchez. Rumors denied yet persistent, revived by every Paris sighting.Not everyone in fashion is staying silent. Some insiders are pushing back hard against the normalization. Gabriella Karefa-Johnson, a longtime voice in the industry, posted bluntly on X: “The hyper normalization is doing my head in… keep your mouth shut about ICE if you’re mingling with them, seating them, dressing them. Accepting their cash.” She called out Amazon’s cloud systems as the backbone of DHS deportation operations and billions in government contracts that sustain what she called “Trump’s terror machine,” concluding that Bezos and Sánchez are at couture simply because they are rich—and their wealth comes from profoundly harming millions daily. “I feel crazy,” she wrote. While couture has always been a bastian of the uber-rich, Karefa-Johnson’s frustration underscores how even fashion’s own are starting to question the cost of that welcome.If that Conde-Nast deal ever materializes, the consequences would compound because control over fashion’s most influential titles would allow Bezos the opportunity to shape narratives around billionaires, soften coverage of labor abuses, environmental costs, or surveillance contracts. The same hand that funds AWS’s CIA contracts, DoD cloud deals, ICE enforcement tools, fossil-fuel operations, warehouse injuries, anti-union tactics, and small-business-crushing monopoly would quietly steer the stories about wealth and style. Already deferential to its biggest advertisers and attendees, fashion journalism would fold into the same closed loop, fusing tech dominance with cultural gatekeeping into one unassailable private empire—all of it ultimately bankrolling the yachts, the space joyrides with Katy Perry, the private-jet hops to couture shows and fashion influence, to polish an image that the Post’s own reporters once might have skewered.[x] It’s almost elegant the way one empire’s dirt gets laundered through another.It’s cruelly ironic how wide the gap between the risks assumed by WaPo correspondents tasked with holding power to account and the comfort with which their owner moves among the powerful in Paris actually is. Fashion has political power, as Roach once said. It can challenge and provoke. It can also resist. But when it courts figures like Bezos, whose empire thrives on the very inequalities it sometimes pretends to critique, it becomes another asset in his already enormous portfolio.But there is no challenge, no provocation. There is no major resistance. Instead, there’s champagne and constant disassociation. Somewhere between the clink of glasses and the photos, Bezos and his wife get a glow up while The Washington Post newsroom waits, knowing the cuts are coming but not yet here. No one is confused about what happened; this is simply how the trade now unfortunately works.Wealth drifts through media, fashion, culture, picking up prestige and shedding people along the way. Whether Bezos ever read the letter is beside the point. The stranger thing is how little anyone expects him, or anyone like him, to answer anymore."
}
,
{
"title" : "Why We Must Bring Disability into Immigrant Liberation",
"author" : "Conchita Hernandez Legorreta, Qudsiya Naqui",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/disability-immigrant-liberation",
"date" : "2026-02-02 09:49:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Disability-Immigration-Collage-Compressed.jpeg",
"excerpt" : "It is the only way to move toward collective liberation.",
"content" : "It is the only way to move toward collective liberation.A vertical digital collage in shades of orange, teal, and blue. In the background, a semi-transparent AAC communication device displays the text “I can help.” The top left shows a woman with a hearing aid in profile. On the right, a woman in a black headscarf gestures toward her ear. At the bottom, a woman and a child stand on a bed of large, realistic ice cubes; both are using white canes for the blind. Orange sparks float across the center, and the overall style is grainy, reminiscent of a Riso-printed protest zine. Illustration Credit: Jennifer White-JohnsonThe deadly surge of ICE agents in Minneapolis and across the country has wreaked havoc across communities, with particularly dangerous consequences for disabled people. In one instance on January 15, 2026, a woman in Minneapolis, Aliya Rahman, was pulled from her car and into an ICE vehicle, despite telling the ICE agents that she was on her way to a doctor’s appointment. The woman explained that she was autistic and needed accommodations, which the ICE agents readily ignored.The reentrenchment of ableism in Trump 2.0 is everywhere. In July 2025, for example, the president issued an executive order, “Ending Crime and Disorder on America’s Streets,” which seeks to overturn decades of progress for disabled people. The “R- word,” a slur against people with cognitive disabilities and a word that so many activists fought to eliminate from our daily lexicon, is back in full force. And for many immigrants with disabilities, the cultural landscape is more treacherous than ever: since Trump’s ascent, his administration has continued to double down on a centuries-old legacy of ableism and maltreatment of disabled immigrants. Most recently, the State Department announced that it will suspend the processing of immigrant visas from 75 countries because their citizens are collectively deemed likely to become reliant on public assistance if admitted into the U.S. This not only reflects our government’s racist and xenophobic approach to immigration—it is also a clear manifestation of its contempt for disabled people, or anyone perceived as unable to produce the labor that drives American capitalism.This is why conversations about disability must be central to the movement for immigrant justice. When we create resources and protections for the most marginalized, we move closer to liberation for all immigrant communities.The term “no le digas a nadie” or “do not tell anyone” is a phrase many immigrants know and take to heart. It speaks to the fear that, if you tell the wrong person, your life and your family’s can be turned upside down. This is felt tenfold by disabled immigrants: Today, an estimated 1 in 4 Americans has a disability. With over 15.2 million immigrants in the United States, a large portion may have disabilities, even if they do not identify as having one. Disability is often stigmatized, leading people to hide their conditions or have less access to information and services. Disability is also the only minority group that anyone can join at any time, whether from birth, through chronic illness, or accident. What’s more, many people become disabled as they travel long distances to cross borders. The immigration system itself creates disability in the violence of enforcement and the terrible conditions of immigrant detention.As a formerly undocumented blind educator and a blind law professor who has spent the past 15 years advocating for immigrant and disability justice, we understand firsthand the added layer that comes with being disabled, in addition to being a target of immigration enforcement. One of us (Conchita) remembers feeling anxious to go outside while growing up undocumented, for fear of having any type of encounter with law enforcement. She and her family were terrified of disclosing any information to the wrong person who might report them to immigration officials. As a result, Conchita hid her immigration and disability status from most people. This led to a lack of information and access to resources, as well as exclusion from a community that could have supported her.Conchita’s story is not unique. We have heard countless accounts of disabled immigrants being arrested and detained without basic access to the tools they need to communicate and defend themselves. In November 2025, ICE detained a blind man in New York and denied him access to his white cane and a text-to-speech app on his phone that he needed in order to read legal documents. A few months before that, in June, a Deaf man lawfully present in the U.S. was arrested in Los Angeles, and even though he signaled to the ICE agents that he could not speak, he was thrown into a vehicle and sent to a detention center without any communication about why he was being detained. ICE took away his phone when he attempted to communicate, and when he arrived at the detention facility in El Paso, Texas, he was provided with documents in Spanish, a language he cannot read. In all of these situations, lack of accessibility led to needless incarceration and family separation without fair due process.But despite this struggle, ableism, disability, and accessibility are rarely discussed in the fight for immigrant justice. Activists on the front lines of immigration work often do not understand the full scope of disability and its impact on people’s lives. Many immigration advocates tend to be on a shoestring budget and have told us, “We do not have the capacity right now” when we’ve asked to make immigration resources accessible, or to grow their understanding of disability rights laws and the lived experiences of disabled people. Not to mention, disabled lawyers and legal advocates are grossly underrepresented in their professions, and as a consequence, this perspective, including making critical legal information accessible to all, is not part of the conversation. For instance, videos that show how to confront ICE should include captions, transcripts, and audio descriptions, but rarely do.This became clear to us when we presented a “Know Your Rights” webinar to support disabled immigrants in August 2025, as ICE enforcement actions expanded across the country. To our surprise, over 150 people attended the webinar, including disabled immigrants and their allies concerned about how they would protect themselves if they encountered ICE. We received questions like, “What do I do if I’m blind and I’m presented with a paper warrant I can’t read?” or “What if ICE agents take my phone and I can’t signal to them that I’m deaf and need an interpreter?”What many people tend to forget is that when accessibility and inclusion are part of the conversation for any movement work, the result benefits everyone. We saw this during the COVID-19 pandemic, when immigration and disability rights advocates came together to challenge the detention of those at risk of severe illness or death using federal disability rights laws. This helped reduce transmission rates, reaffirm fair legal standards for all, and strengthen public health by giving everyone accessible vaccination information and even food resources. Designing a world and protections that help people with disabilities is just as crucial to our advocacy as organizing protests, defending individuals in deportation cases, and lobbying our lawmakers to support more humane immigration policies.Our plea to immigration advocates is that they make it a priority to understand the full extent of how immigration and disability justice intersect. They can do this by educating themselves on disability rights laws that apply in detention centers and when people come into contact with federal, state, and local law enforcement. Immigration advocates must also ensure that legal information and other educational content they produce are accessible to everyone.Above all, they must form coalitions with people with disabilities and incorporate their ideas into all advocacy efforts. Because our shared survival depends on the survival of every individual and community affected by this administration. Bringing disability into the immigrant struggle is the only way to move toward collective access, cross-movement solidarity, and collective liberation."
}
,
{
"title" : "Against Dictators and Intervention: Sahar Delijani on Iran",
"author" : "Sahar Delijani, Céline Semaan",
"category" : "interviews",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/sahar-delijani-on-iran",
"date" : "2026-02-01 16:53:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/2026_01_29_Sahar_Interview_1.jpg",
"excerpt" : "CÉLINE:These are very difficult times as we are watching what’s happening in Iran unfolding in such a rapid pace, there are numbers that are coming out in the news: first we saw a few thousand, then we saw 5000 reported on Democracy Now! and recently, we have gone from 30,000 to 45,000 people massacred in Iran. What is the latest that you’ve heard from your end, from Iranian sources?",
"content" : "CÉLINE:These are very difficult times as we are watching what’s happening in Iran unfolding in such a rapid pace, there are numbers that are coming out in the news: first we saw a few thousand, then we saw 5000 reported on Democracy Now! and recently, we have gone from 30,000 to 45,000 people massacred in Iran. What is the latest that you’ve heard from your end, from Iranian sources?SAHAR DELIJANI:I’m hearing the same numbers, I’ve heard anything from 20,000 to 30,000 to 40,000. It’s really hard to verify for the people on the ground and for people human rights organizations, even though I know that they’re working around the clock to be able to identify bodies, but the regime is really trying as much as it can to repress the information coming out. We are even hearing news of mass graves, of bodies that were just taken from the morgues and never seen again. We hear news of families that have been just going from morgue to morgue, station to station, hospital to hospital, looking for their loved ones, and they still haven’t found them.We hear news of doctors who were helping the wounded who are now imprisoned under the charge of collaborating with Israel or waging war against God, which is one of the charges that usually Islamic Republic uses to push for execution. Terrible news coming out from all these small towns, all these areas in Iran where thousands of people have been killed, and a lot of them with gunshot wounds at close range in their chest or their neck or their heads.So it’s an absolute to nightmare. I don’t even know what the right word is, but it’s one of the biggest slaughters of civil uprising we’ve ever seen in our recent history.CÉLINE:Thank you. And I know that now everyone is watching, holding their breath for what is potentially a US intervention. The situation is escalating. There are the people of Iran are facing their own government oppression, and they might be also under US bombs. Do you have any family members in Iran? How are you coping with the news, and what are the best ways to follow what’s happening now closely on the ground?SAHAR DELIJANI:Yes, I do have family and friends, and it’s just devastating that they are now sort of trapped between these two absolutely brutal forces. One is the Islamic Republic on the ground, just slaughtering its own people. And then you know, the threat of wars and bombs and the devastation that we know it will bring. The tragedy is immense. I don’t even have the right words to talk about it. Iranian people have worked so hard in the past 30-40 years to be able to build a democratic society, to be able to have freedom for everyone, for minorities, for women, for a society to be built on equality and justice.This isn’t the first time the Iranian people have been fighting against this regime — this has been a long, long fight, and I feel like it has reached a point of no return. We will not be the same people. I am not the same person as I was just a few days, few weeks back. And you know, this is also, in some ways, the story of our of our region. There’s just too much blood, too much violence, and there’s this open wound that had been in Iran since the 80s, with the mass executions of political prisoners, including my own family members, and that wound was still open, and now we have this we have this slaughter. Our region needs and deserves something more than wars or dictatorship. We deserve to be able to fight for what we want. We deserve to be able to live in safe societies, to live in dignity, to live in freedom, and the right to fight for it.CÉLINE:An attack on Iran is an attack on the region, on the Iranian people, first and foremost, but also has repercussions on the entire region. A lot of people think that the Iranian government is holding the Palestinian cause, and is the only force that has been against Israel. How is it looking like from your perspective, as someone who is understanding of the Palestinian cause and seeing what’s happening and unfolding today?SAHAR DELIJANI:I think any attack on any country in the region is an attack on the region. I don’t think this is only about valid for Iran. When Iraq was attacked, it was an attack on the region, when Afghanistan was attacked, when it was an attack on the region, all of our fates are intertwined, they’re not separate from each other. They’re not isolated. I do not believe that the Iranian regime has been fighting for the Palestinian cause. I believe that, yes, the Iranian regime is the enemy of Israel. That doesn’t mean that it has the Palestinian cause in its heart. It only means that it has its own geopolitical interest and advancements that it wants to push forward.It wants more power and more influence in the region. And it uses the Syrian civil war, it uses the opportunities it has in Iraq, and throughout the region, it’s only pushing forward its own agenda. I think that is very important to note also, because a country that has been torturing and killing its own people, how could it liberate another people?What does that liberation even look like when we talk about America bringing this rhetoric of liberation, why don’t we believe it? Because we know what it means, because we’ve seen it historically, and we also see what it does to its own people. If an American power that speaks of liberation for the Iranian does this to its own people—kills them in broad daylight, their shoots them in the face, in their car, or arrest protesters, abducts people. Same goes for Iran and Palestine. What kind of liberation does Iran have in mind for Palestine, if it’s killing its own people, if it’s repressing its own people?I believe that anti war movements, anti imperialist movements must go hand in hand with anti dictatorship movements and pro democracy movements. Otherwise, it’s just empty shells, it changes nothing for the people on the ground. We need to want the same things for everyone, we can’t pick and choose whose liberation we want or whose repression is okay for now, no one’s repression is okay. Because I think more everybody wants the same thing. We might have different ways of expressing it, but people want to live in dignity and safety and equality, right? Everybody wants that, so we need to listen to them, instead of imposing our own geopolitical agendas or our own interpretation of the region, without listening to the people living that reality.CÉLINE:Absolutely. How can a dictator that is also violating the rights of their own constituents and their own citizens in the United States, such as Donald Trump, want the best for Iranians? That’s where the cognitive dissonance happens online when we have members of the Iranian diaspora who are calling for US intervention, and in that same breath, harassing or attacking or creating a campaign against anyone who is raising a flag that US intervention might not lead to liberation for Iranian people. US intervention has a track record of being disastrous, from Iraq to Afghanistan to what’s going on in Venezuela around the world, wherever the United States came in to “save” it never really ended up being for the people. How do you make sense of this call for US intervention?SAHAR DELIJANI:I think in the diaspora, we have a responsibility not to call for more violence, especially when we’re not going to be the victims of that violence, not being in Iran ourselves. Because when we say no bombs, no intervention in Iran, we mean it for everybody. But the people in Iran who are asking for [US military intervention] are not just completely crazy—just think about the reality that the extremely difficult, violent reality that the Iranian regime, the Islamic Republic, has made for people, that they’ve reached a point that they’re thinking, “Oh, maybe bombs, at least would save us from this violence.”People who have lived through a tragedy, a massacre of 30,000 people in just a few days, you know, there is just so much pain. There’s so much pain, okay, but you’re saying, you know that the foreign intervention is dangerous, but look at what is happening to us now. The only way we are credible to the people on the ground if we want to stand against this sort of imperialist interventions and forces, is if we stand as strongly against the dictators that are killing them. Now, if we are just a little bit hesitant, even a tiny bit hesitant, to stand against those dictators, we are being huge hypocrites, and nobody will believe us. Nobody will believe that we have their liberation in mind when we stand against imperialist intervention. You are just telling us to choose between two types of killings. We need to stand against all types of oppression, no matter who’s doing it. It’s not about who does it, it’s about what we can do to bring it to an end."
}
]
}