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Carlos Agredano
EIP: Can you introduce yourself?
CARLOS: My name is Carlos Agredano. I was born and raised in Los Angeles, and I consider myself to be a research-based conceptual artist. I’m primarily interested in the history of freeway development in 20th-century Los Angeles, particularly through the deployment of racially restrictive covenants and redlining, and analyzing the history of those discriminatory policies and how they affect Black and brown communities in the present day, namely through air pollution. The freeways have destroyed and displaced people for decades, destroyed communities, and continue to pollute the people who live around them. That’s what my art is mostly about: looking at history and how it affects the present day.
EIP: Could you tell us more about growing up in LA and its effect on making you want to create the work that you made?
CARLOS: I grew up in a town called Lynwood, which is in southeast Los Angeles. It’s between South Gate and Compton. I grew up next to the 105 and 710 freeways. The 710 freeway is known as the “diesel death corridor” because of its connection to the Ports of Long Beach and Los Angeles, where about 80% of goods come in from overseas to the entire United States. It’s one of the busiest ports in the nation so there’s always a lot of truck pollution coming in through the 710. The 105 is one of the newer freeways in Los Angeles. It was built in the 90s—but only because it was delayed for 25 years due to a lawsuit. It was originally designed to take people directly to LAX but it never quite made it there.
Every day as a kid, I remember having to sweep my room because there was always a thin layer of soot and dust that would settle overnight or throughout the day while I was in school. I grew up with asthma, allergies, and sensitivities to being outside, directly influenced by constant air pollution. I’ve always been fascinated with cars and what they’ve allowed people to do in the city. You spend your whole life in a car if you grow up here. But it wasn’t until I moved back to Los Angeles in 2020 that I started thinking about how I wanted to materialize the air pollution that shaped my life. I wanted to find ways to capture the smog and make it visible, rather than this nebulous, hard-to-grasp thing you only see in the sky.
EIP: One thing that really interests me about your work is your ability to transmute something as abstract and ephemeral as pollution and turn it into something tangible. I feel like you have a deep interest in broader destruction. What do you think about the tangibility of it through your work? And what have you learned through exploring this?
CARLOS: Well, I like the two words you used—ephemeral and abstract—to describe the material of smog—but it’s not ephemeral or abstract because it has real consequences. Its impacts happen on human bodies, through the slow growth of disease, decreased mental health, and overall contribution to a poor quality of life. There are real, tangible, material effects. It exists in people. To call it abstract or ephemeral can be misleading. It’s in the air, but it’s so small you might not think about it unless you’re forced to.
In my work, I want people to think about its materiality. I stretched canvases in my backyard for a year to show this is a year’s worth of smog. You can really see it on the canvas. It’s filthy. I’m able to capture it in a definitive way. But the challenge is: what do I do with all the smog I’ve breathed in my whole life? How do I demonstrate that? That’s the harder part, getting people to think about the larger, life-scale implications. The first step is making people understand that this is real material. It doesn’t just float away. It’s consumed, ingested, seeping into livelihoods, homes, the ground, the water, everything.
EIP: On that note, can you tell us a bit about your project “FUME” [2025] and its interest in environmental violence, and how you use measurement as material? Do you see your work as more of an art piece or scientific evidence?
CARLOS: Yeah, that’s a good question because it was my first entry point into being less abstract with the material—making pollution quantifiable. I wanted to give specific numbers showing how much pollution was in the air in a certain area. With FUME [2025], I drove a sculpture hooked to the back of my 1992 Toyota Pickup Truck to 12 different sites across Los Angeles, all next to major freeways. At each site, I invited a local LA artist to interpret their upbringing near a freeway. I started thinking a lot about evidence. What constitutes evidence? Can visual art be evidence? Or does it have to be numbers? At first, I just wanted numbers—the facts. But I think the emotional, artistic, creative production of data is also important. That could be a performance, a sculpture, a cyanotype, or a tour; they all create a public history of these sites.
I’d never call myself a scientist. But I look to science, to its conventions, and to the idea of evidence as material. This project isn’t a scientific project. But it adopts some conventions to try to make data more quantifiable. I’d never call myself a scientist. But I look to science, to its conventions, and to the idea of evidence as material. This project isn’t a scientific project. But it adopts some conventions to try to make data more quantifiable. The sculpture is designed to look like a Space Age or “Googie” styled object. It’s a direct reference to the utopian ideals of the future that emerged during the mid-century in the U.S., one that imagined automobiles as the primary vessel of transportation. Inside the all aluminum sculpture are three PurpleAir monitors, which gather information about the quality of the air where they are installed. One monitor was testing for “ambient” air quality, which is the air as we actually encounter it, the second was connected directly to my exhaust pipe as a way to measure my own emissions and address the irony of driving a gas-powered vehicle, and the third was installed inside of a modified Corsi-Rosenthal box, which is basically a cube made of air filters. The PurpleAir monitors I used can only go so far. They’re small, not industrial-grade. But I like the “citizen scientist” idea. Producing your own data, not waiting for the government to give it to you. The exciting part of the project was that 12 LA artists and I had these questions: How can we make work about this problem? How can it be used as valid data?
EIP: When we were asked to do this curatorial project, you were one of the first people we thought of. I really feel your work lies at the intersection of community activation and environmental critique. Can you speak on those recurring elements throughout your work?
CARLOS: Yeah. I almost approach it from this idea of environmental and institutional critique, thinking about the city of Los Angeles as an institution that has failed many communities through discriminatory urban planning and designing the city to benefit a select few, usually white, affluent, WASP-y communities on the West Side. I’m interested in critiquing infrastructure as an institution. That leads to a community-oriented spirit in my work. For example, the smog stones I’ll show in the forest are made by rolling clay along streets across the city to collect dust and debris. There’s a performative quality. People stop me and ask what I’m doing, prompting conversations. In that way, there are two artworks: the performance of making it and the object that results.
I’ve also partnered on workshops with East Yard Communities for Environmental Justice, an East LA organization addressing issues like polluted soil and air pollution in Mexican American and Black communities. My work is site-specific, so it’s about specific communities: Lynwood, Chinatown, Boyle Heights. I make sure the work always notes exactly where it was made and what it’s about.
EIP: You spoke earlier about how your piece “Smog Stones” [2025] consisted of both performance and the stones themselves. What is the movement between performance art and the sculptural work? And who are some of your favorite performance artists? I saw this photo while I was going through your Instagram of you pushing the ice cube—or was it a box?
CARLOS: Yeah, it’s an ice block.
EIP: The ice block. And it was paying homage to this—what’s
the artist’s name?
CARLOS: Yes, that was my Halloween costume. I love it. It was a good one.
Yeah, thank you.
EIP: But I imagine you’re inspired by his work.
CARLOS: For sure. That work in particular is about the invisible economy in Mexico City, in particular. Pushing the ice block is such an effort. The piece is [Francis Alÿs’s] “When Something Leads to Nothing” [1997]. I think of it as all this labor exerted to have the ice block melt away. At the end of the performance, there’s really nothing left, just the energy put into pushing it around. I like his engagement with the street. He’s a Belgian artist, not a native Mexican, so it becomes a little more complicated. But I like the idea of thinking of art as labor. This can be about real labor, too. In Mexico, wage discrepancies mean some people are working basically for free.
David Hammons, of course, is another big influence. A lot of his performative works—like the “Bliz-aard Ball Sale” [1983], where he arranged snowballs on the street—reminded me of Francis Alÿs’s work because you’re buying something that will cease to exist. I like David Hammons because before moving to New York, he was practicing in LA. In the ‘60s and ‘70s, he was in a group called Studio Z with Senga Nengudi, Maren Hassinger, and a few others. They were Black artists from South Central LA, and they did “Ceremony for Freeway Fets” [1978], an installation by Senga Nengudi in the ‘70s in collaboration with Caltrans.
Caltrans decides where freeways go, and they did this ceremony under the freeway, under the 10, I think. Hammons, Nengudi, and the others were performing under the freeway, with Nengudi’s sculptures wrapped around the columns. I love that engagement with the site: a freeway that’s ugly and meant to separate people, used as a place to convene and create a communal performance. Asco is another influence: an art collective from the ‘70s in
East LA. Harry Gamboa Jr., Patssi Valdez, Willie Herrón III, and Gronk. They performed in the streets and documented everything, making “No Movies”: movie stills of films that didn’t exist. Again, it’s about engaging with the street as a site for critique and artmaking. I like to think of the street as my studio because I don’t have a studio. I make things in my mom’s backyard—open air—and on the street, then figure it out.
EIP: Where did you go to school, and how do you think that has affected your practice?
CARLOS: I went to Harvard for my undergraduate degree. I studied history and literature. My thesis was on Veteranas and Rucas, an Instagram archive documenting Latina youth subcultures from 1920 to the 1990s. A lot of the archive focuses on protest through clothing and partying. There are zoot suits, worn by Chicanos and Chicanas during WWII, influenced by Black jazz musicians. They wore them during rationing as a protest against the war and discrimination against Mexican Americans in LA. Veteranas and Rucas also documents the ditch party scene of the ‘80s and ‘90s. Teens leaving high school to party in warehouses or backyards. I like that spirit of community rebellion through subculture.
While at Harvard, I took art history classes and worked at the Radcliffe Institute with two artists. One was EJ Hill, mostly a performance artist. He has a show up now at 52 Walker. He’s the reason I’m an artist. I was his assistant my junior year, spending every day in the studio working on projects about roller coasters and amusement parks, their history as discriminatory sites, safe havens for white families escaping diversifying cities. EJ made me think about infrastructure as something to critique. From the first day, he encouraged me to own being an artist.
My senior year, I worked for Gala Porras-Kim, a conceptual artist focused on repatriating stolen artifacts to their rightful owners. She critiques museums as sites of looting and colonialism. Her research-based approach influenced how I think about material and how I use writing to critique discriminatory urban histories. She encouraged me to go to graduate school, so I went to UCLA for my MFA, working with artists like Rodney McMillian, Andrea Fraser, Candice Lin, and Cameron Rowland. They shaped my mission to create work that investigates discriminatory urban planning and histories. Being back in LA for my MFA was important. I could work directly at the sites that interested me, like freeways and my childhood home.
EIP: I think a lot about this larger return you had: leaving LA, getting an education, and coming back. And how you talked about your childhood, how every day you had to sweep ash and smog. Do you think doing this repetitive motion is when you decided to become an artist? It seems like a seed that grew into what you’re doing now.
CARLOS: I guess the ingredients were always there. But truthfully, my whole adolescence—before college and even two years into college—I thought I was going to be a doctor. I had artistic tendencies, but growing up in a low-income Mexican neighborhood, the idea of being an artist wasn’t even on my radar. I didn’t know it was something you could do.
It took me a long time to accept it. But looking back, even my science fair projects were artistic in their presentation. Science and art have similar methods. You have a question, a hypothesis. I was always more interested in the visual or social components of being a doctor. So maybe sweeping soot or crafting science fair projects were the ingredients for being an artist, I just didn’t realize it. I’m grateful for EJ, Rafa Esparza, Gala, and my professors for shaping me into one.
EIP: In the work you’re placing— “Smog Stones” [2025]—there’s a bit of a comedic element in putting these man-made stones of pollution, microplastics, and debris into a forest. How do you think this context affects the work and your understanding of it? CARLOS: It’s a great question. I’ve never been to this forest, so I’m imagining. The stones have a surface layer made of debris and pollution from LA. They’re a document, kind of unassuming, maybe silly. “Okay, this is just a rock.” I think about geological time, what a rock, tree, or soil sample can tell us about an environment at a point in time. When I first made them, about five years ago, the Anthropocene was a hot topic; ; a proposed new epoch in Earth’s geological time scale, characterized by the significant and lasting impact of human activities on the planet’s geology, ecosystems, and climate. I wondered what a rock from the Anthropocene would look like, so I made these smog stones. Putting them in a lush, preserved forest is a reminder of the opposite. If there isn’t a forest, there could be an industrial wasteland. It’s like returning to a nurturing home, though I don’t know how I’ll feel until I see it.
EIP: How do you feel about them being transformed by a clean environment? And also, the history of this area. It was one of the first places in the U.S. where freed slaves could buy property, a stop on the Underground Railroad. And, a place Toni Morrison retired to. How do you see them in that environmental and sociopolitical context?
CARLOS: I think of my work as about dispossession—of people and of land. Much Black-owned land was destroyed to make way for freeways. America constantly finds ways to dispossess and disempower Black people, and in LA, Mexican people as well. The rocks are a self-portrait in a way; a proxy for people and communities discriminated against through infrastructure. So what does it mean for a polluted object to enter a lush space? Maybe not liberation, but something freeing. It’s also about imagining a future where someone can be free, without pollution, without losing their home. Maybe it’s a call to destroy freeways or reimagine cities as green spaces for everyone, not just a privileged few. In a gallery, the rocks or canvases are dirty objects in clean spaces—antagonistic, claiming space. “I’m here, I’m polluted, but who did this? It wasn’t me.”
{
"article":
{
"title" : "Carlos Agredano",
"author" : "Carlos Agredano, Gabrielle Richardson",
"category" : "interviews",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/heirlooms-carlos-agredano",
"date" : "2025-09-08 10:07:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Carlos-Agredano-and-Hunter-Baoengstrum-17.jpg",
"excerpt" : "EIP: Can you introduce yourself?",
"content" : "EIP: Can you introduce yourself?CARLOS: My name is Carlos Agredano. I was born and raised in Los Angeles, and I consider myself to be a research-based conceptual artist. I’m primarily interested in the history of freeway development in 20th-century Los Angeles, particularly through the deployment of racially restrictive covenants and redlining, and analyzing the history of those discriminatory policies and how they affect Black and brown communities in the present day, namely through air pollution. The freeways have destroyed and displaced people for decades, destroyed communities, and continue to pollute the people who live around them. That’s what my art is mostly about: looking at history and how it affects the present day.EIP: Could you tell us more about growing up in LA and its effect on making you want to create the work that you made?CARLOS: I grew up in a town called Lynwood, which is in southeast Los Angeles. It’s between South Gate and Compton. I grew up next to the 105 and 710 freeways. The 710 freeway is known as the “diesel death corridor” because of its connection to the Ports of Long Beach and Los Angeles, where about 80% of goods come in from overseas to the entire United States. It’s one of the busiest ports in the nation so there’s always a lot of truck pollution coming in through the 710. The 105 is one of the newer freeways in Los Angeles. It was built in the 90s—but only because it was delayed for 25 years due to a lawsuit. It was originally designed to take people directly to LAX but it never quite made it there.Every day as a kid, I remember having to sweep my room because there was always a thin layer of soot and dust that would settle overnight or throughout the day while I was in school. I grew up with asthma, allergies, and sensitivities to being outside, directly influenced by constant air pollution. I’ve always been fascinated with cars and what they’ve allowed people to do in the city. You spend your whole life in a car if you grow up here. But it wasn’t until I moved back to Los Angeles in 2020 that I started thinking about how I wanted to materialize the air pollution that shaped my life. I wanted to find ways to capture the smog and make it visible, rather than this nebulous, hard-to-grasp thing you only see in the sky.EIP: One thing that really interests me about your work is your ability to transmute something as abstract and ephemeral as pollution and turn it into something tangible. I feel like you have a deep interest in broader destruction. What do you think about the tangibility of it through your work? And what have you learned through exploring this?CARLOS: Well, I like the two words you used—ephemeral and abstract—to describe the material of smog—but it’s not ephemeral or abstract because it has real consequences. Its impacts happen on human bodies, through the slow growth of disease, decreased mental health, and overall contribution to a poor quality of life. There are real, tangible, material effects. It exists in people. To call it abstract or ephemeral can be misleading. It’s in the air, but it’s so small you might not think about it unless you’re forced to.In my work, I want people to think about its materiality. I stretched canvases in my backyard for a year to show this is a year’s worth of smog. You can really see it on the canvas. It’s filthy. I’m able to capture it in a definitive way. But the challenge is: what do I do with all the smog I’ve breathed in my whole life? How do I demonstrate that? That’s the harder part, getting people to think about the larger, life-scale implications. The first step is making people understand that this is real material. It doesn’t just float away. It’s consumed, ingested, seeping into livelihoods, homes, the ground, the water, everything.EIP: On that note, can you tell us a bit about your project “FUME” [2025] and its interest in environmental violence, and how you use measurement as material? Do you see your work as more of an art piece or scientific evidence?CARLOS: Yeah, that’s a good question because it was my first entry point into being less abstract with the material—making pollution quantifiable. I wanted to give specific numbers showing how much pollution was in the air in a certain area. With FUME [2025], I drove a sculpture hooked to the back of my 1992 Toyota Pickup Truck to 12 different sites across Los Angeles, all next to major freeways. At each site, I invited a local LA artist to interpret their upbringing near a freeway. I started thinking a lot about evidence. What constitutes evidence? Can visual art be evidence? Or does it have to be numbers? At first, I just wanted numbers—the facts. But I think the emotional, artistic, creative production of data is also important. That could be a performance, a sculpture, a cyanotype, or a tour; they all create a public history of these sites.I’d never call myself a scientist. But I look to science, to its conventions, and to the idea of evidence as material. This project isn’t a scientific project. But it adopts some conventions to try to make data more quantifiable. I’d never call myself a scientist. But I look to science, to its conventions, and to the idea of evidence as material. This project isn’t a scientific project. But it adopts some conventions to try to make data more quantifiable. The sculpture is designed to look like a Space Age or “Googie” styled object. It’s a direct reference to the utopian ideals of the future that emerged during the mid-century in the U.S., one that imagined automobiles as the primary vessel of transportation. Inside the all aluminum sculpture are three PurpleAir monitors, which gather information about the quality of the air where they are installed. One monitor was testing for “ambient” air quality, which is the air as we actually encounter it, the second was connected directly to my exhaust pipe as a way to measure my own emissions and address the irony of driving a gas-powered vehicle, and the third was installed inside of a modified Corsi-Rosenthal box, which is basically a cube made of air filters. The PurpleAir monitors I used can only go so far. They’re small, not industrial-grade. But I like the “citizen scientist” idea. Producing your own data, not waiting for the government to give it to you. The exciting part of the project was that 12 LA artists and I had these questions: How can we make work about this problem? How can it be used as valid data?EIP: When we were asked to do this curatorial project, you were one of the first people we thought of. I really feel your work lies at the intersection of community activation and environmental critique. Can you speak on those recurring elements throughout your work?CARLOS: Yeah. I almost approach it from this idea of environmental and institutional critique, thinking about the city of Los Angeles as an institution that has failed many communities through discriminatory urban planning and designing the city to benefit a select few, usually white, affluent, WASP-y communities on the West Side. I’m interested in critiquing infrastructure as an institution. That leads to a community-oriented spirit in my work. For example, the smog stones I’ll show in the forest are made by rolling clay along streets across the city to collect dust and debris. There’s a performative quality. People stop me and ask what I’m doing, prompting conversations. In that way, there are two artworks: the performance of making it and the object that results.I’ve also partnered on workshops with East Yard Communities for Environmental Justice, an East LA organization addressing issues like polluted soil and air pollution in Mexican American and Black communities. My work is site-specific, so it’s about specific communities: Lynwood, Chinatown, Boyle Heights. I make sure the work always notes exactly where it was made and what it’s about.EIP: You spoke earlier about how your piece “Smog Stones” [2025] consisted of both performance and the stones themselves. What is the movement between performance art and the sculptural work? And who are some of your favorite performance artists? I saw this photo while I was going through your Instagram of you pushing the ice cube—or was it a box?CARLOS: Yeah, it’s an ice block.EIP: The ice block. And it was paying homage to this—what’sthe artist’s name?CARLOS: Yes, that was my Halloween costume. I love it. It was a good one.Yeah, thank you.EIP: But I imagine you’re inspired by his work.CARLOS: For sure. That work in particular is about the invisible economy in Mexico City, in particular. Pushing the ice block is such an effort. The piece is [Francis Alÿs’s] “When Something Leads to Nothing” [1997]. I think of it as all this labor exerted to have the ice block melt away. At the end of the performance, there’s really nothing left, just the energy put into pushing it around. I like his engagement with the street. He’s a Belgian artist, not a native Mexican, so it becomes a little more complicated. But I like the idea of thinking of art as labor. This can be about real labor, too. In Mexico, wage discrepancies mean some people are working basically for free.David Hammons, of course, is another big influence. A lot of his performative works—like the “Bliz-aard Ball Sale” [1983], where he arranged snowballs on the street—reminded me of Francis Alÿs’s work because you’re buying something that will cease to exist. I like David Hammons because before moving to New York, he was practicing in LA. In the ‘60s and ‘70s, he was in a group called Studio Z with Senga Nengudi, Maren Hassinger, and a few others. They were Black artists from South Central LA, and they did “Ceremony for Freeway Fets” [1978], an installation by Senga Nengudi in the ‘70s in collaboration with Caltrans.Caltrans decides where freeways go, and they did this ceremony under the freeway, under the 10, I think. Hammons, Nengudi, and the others were performing under the freeway, with Nengudi’s sculptures wrapped around the columns. I love that engagement with the site: a freeway that’s ugly and meant to separate people, used as a place to convene and create a communal performance. Asco is another influence: an art collective from the ‘70s inEast LA. Harry Gamboa Jr., Patssi Valdez, Willie Herrón III, and Gronk. They performed in the streets and documented everything, making “No Movies”: movie stills of films that didn’t exist. Again, it’s about engaging with the street as a site for critique and artmaking. I like to think of the street as my studio because I don’t have a studio. I make things in my mom’s backyard—open air—and on the street, then figure it out.EIP: Where did you go to school, and how do you think that has affected your practice?CARLOS: I went to Harvard for my undergraduate degree. I studied history and literature. My thesis was on Veteranas and Rucas, an Instagram archive documenting Latina youth subcultures from 1920 to the 1990s. A lot of the archive focuses on protest through clothing and partying. There are zoot suits, worn by Chicanos and Chicanas during WWII, influenced by Black jazz musicians. They wore them during rationing as a protest against the war and discrimination against Mexican Americans in LA. Veteranas and Rucas also documents the ditch party scene of the ‘80s and ‘90s. Teens leaving high school to party in warehouses or backyards. I like that spirit of community rebellion through subculture.While at Harvard, I took art history classes and worked at the Radcliffe Institute with two artists. One was EJ Hill, mostly a performance artist. He has a show up now at 52 Walker. He’s the reason I’m an artist. I was his assistant my junior year, spending every day in the studio working on projects about roller coasters and amusement parks, their history as discriminatory sites, safe havens for white families escaping diversifying cities. EJ made me think about infrastructure as something to critique. From the first day, he encouraged me to own being an artist.My senior year, I worked for Gala Porras-Kim, a conceptual artist focused on repatriating stolen artifacts to their rightful owners. She critiques museums as sites of looting and colonialism. Her research-based approach influenced how I think about material and how I use writing to critique discriminatory urban histories. She encouraged me to go to graduate school, so I went to UCLA for my MFA, working with artists like Rodney McMillian, Andrea Fraser, Candice Lin, and Cameron Rowland. They shaped my mission to create work that investigates discriminatory urban planning and histories. Being back in LA for my MFA was important. I could work directly at the sites that interested me, like freeways and my childhood home.EIP: I think a lot about this larger return you had: leaving LA, getting an education, and coming back. And how you talked about your childhood, how every day you had to sweep ash and smog. Do you think doing this repetitive motion is when you decided to become an artist? It seems like a seed that grew into what you’re doing now.CARLOS: I guess the ingredients were always there. But truthfully, my whole adolescence—before college and even two years into college—I thought I was going to be a doctor. I had artistic tendencies, but growing up in a low-income Mexican neighborhood, the idea of being an artist wasn’t even on my radar. I didn’t know it was something you could do.It took me a long time to accept it. But looking back, even my science fair projects were artistic in their presentation. Science and art have similar methods. You have a question, a hypothesis. I was always more interested in the visual or social components of being a doctor. So maybe sweeping soot or crafting science fair projects were the ingredients for being an artist, I just didn’t realize it. I’m grateful for EJ, Rafa Esparza, Gala, and my professors for shaping me into one.EIP: In the work you’re placing— “Smog Stones” [2025]—there’s a bit of a comedic element in putting these man-made stones of pollution, microplastics, and debris into a forest. How do you think this context affects the work and your understanding of it? CARLOS: It’s a great question. I’ve never been to this forest, so I’m imagining. The stones have a surface layer made of debris and pollution from LA. They’re a document, kind of unassuming, maybe silly. “Okay, this is just a rock.” I think about geological time, what a rock, tree, or soil sample can tell us about an environment at a point in time. When I first made them, about five years ago, the Anthropocene was a hot topic; ; a proposed new epoch in Earth’s geological time scale, characterized by the significant and lasting impact of human activities on the planet’s geology, ecosystems, and climate. I wondered what a rock from the Anthropocene would look like, so I made these smog stones. Putting them in a lush, preserved forest is a reminder of the opposite. If there isn’t a forest, there could be an industrial wasteland. It’s like returning to a nurturing home, though I don’t know how I’ll feel until I see it.EIP: How do you feel about them being transformed by a clean environment? And also, the history of this area. It was one of the first places in the U.S. where freed slaves could buy property, a stop on the Underground Railroad. And, a place Toni Morrison retired to. How do you see them in that environmental and sociopolitical context?CARLOS: I think of my work as about dispossession—of people and of land. Much Black-owned land was destroyed to make way for freeways. America constantly finds ways to dispossess and disempower Black people, and in LA, Mexican people as well. The rocks are a self-portrait in a way; a proxy for people and communities discriminated against through infrastructure. So what does it mean for a polluted object to enter a lush space? Maybe not liberation, but something freeing. It’s also about imagining a future where someone can be free, without pollution, without losing their home. Maybe it’s a call to destroy freeways or reimagine cities as green spaces for everyone, not just a privileged few. In a gallery, the rocks or canvases are dirty objects in clean spaces—antagonistic, claiming space. “I’m here, I’m polluted, but who did this? It wasn’t me.”"
}
,
"relatedposts": [
{
"title" : "What We Can Learn from the Inuit Mapping of the Arctic",
"author" : "William Rankin",
"category" : "excerpts",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/inuit-mapping-arctic",
"date" : "2025-12-02 12:49:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Cover%20-%20Radical%20Cartography%20%5B9780525559795%5D.jpg",
"excerpt" : "This excerpt is from RADICAL CARTOGRAPHY by William Rankin, published by Viking, an imprint of Penguin Publishing Group, a division of Penguin Random House, LLC. Copyright © 2025 by William Rankin.",
"content" : "This excerpt is from RADICAL CARTOGRAPHY by William Rankin, published by Viking, an imprint of Penguin Publishing Group, a division of Penguin Random House, LLC. Copyright © 2025 by William Rankin.In 1994, the Berkeley geographer Bernard Nietschmann made a famous claim about the power of mapping in the global struggle for Indigenous rights. It was a claim about how the tools of historical oppression could be reclaimed by the oppressed: “More Indigenous territory has been claimed by maps than by guns. This assertion has its corollary: more Indigenous territory can be defended and reclaimed by maps than by guns.” The idea was that by putting themselves on the map—documenting their lives and their communities—Indigenous peoples would not be so easy to erase. Nietschmann was working in Central America, often heroically, during a time of violence and displacement, and he inspired a generation of researchers and activists interested in flipping the power structure of state-centric cartography on its head.But despite the spread of bottom-up mapping projects in the past 30 years, perhaps the most successful example of Indigenous mapping actually predates Nietschmann’s call to action. Just one year prior, in 1993, the Inuit of northern Canada signed a treaty creating the territory of Nunavut—the largest self-governing Indigenous territory in the world—and mapping was central to both the negotiation and the outcome. It remains one of the rare cases of Indigenous geographic knowledge decolonizing the world map.So why hasn’t the Inuit project been replicable elsewhere, despite decades more work on Indigenous mapping? The answer lies in the very idea of territory itself, and in particular in one of the most threatened parts of the Inuit landscape today: ice. The winter extent of Arctic sea ice reached a record low earlier this year, and a new low is predicted for the winter ahead. Yet the shrinking ice isn’t just an unshakable sign of Arctic warming; it’s also a poignant reminder of what Nietschmann got right—and what he missed—about the relationship between cartography and power. In particular, it shows how Inuit conceptions of space, place, and belonging are rooted in a dynamic, seasonal geography that’s often completely invisible on Western-style maps.The story begins in the 1970s, when the young Inuit leader Tagak Curley, today considered a “living father” of Nunavut, hired the Arctic anthropologist Milton Freeman to lead a collaborative mapping project of unprecedented scope and ambition. Freeman taught at McMaster University about an hour outside Toronto; he was white, but his wife, Mini Aodla Freeman, was Inuit (she was a translator and later a celebrated writer). Freeman assembled a team of other anthropologists and Arctic geographers—also white—to split the mapping into regions. They called their method the “map biography.” The goal was to capture the life history of every Inuit hunter in cartographic form, recording each person’s memories of where, at any point in their life, they had found roughly three dozen species of wildlife—from caribou and ptarmigan to beluga, narwhal, and seaweed. Each map biography would be a testimony of personal experience.After the mapping was split into regions, about 150 field-workers—almost all Inuit—traveled between 33 northern settlements with a stack of government-issued topographic maps to conduct interviews. Each hunter was asked to draw lines or shapes directly on the maps with colored pens or pencils. The interviewers stayed about 10 weeks in each settlement, visiting most hunters in their own homes, and the final participation rate was an astonishing 85 percent of all adult Inuit men. They collected 1,600 biographies in total, some on maps as large as 10 feet square.Then came the cartographers, back in Ontario: one professor and a team of about 15 students. The first map below (Figure 1) shows how the individual map biographies were transformed into summary maps, one for each community. For every species, the overlap of all hunters’ testimony became a single blob, and then blobs for all species were overlaid to make a complete map. The second map (Figure 2) shows one of the finished atlas pages along the Northwest Passage. The immediate impression is that the Arctic is in no way an empty expanse of barren land and unclaimed mineral riches. It is dense with human activity, necessary for personal and collective survival. The community maps combined to show almost uninterrupted Inuit presence stretching from northern Labrador to the Alaska border.Figure 1: Top left is a simplified version of a “map biography” from a single Inuit hunter, showing his birthplace and the places he hunted caribou, fox, wolf, grizzly bear, moose, and fish at various points in his life. (The original biography would have been drawn over a familiar government-issued topographic map.) The other three maps show how multiple biographies were then combined into patterned blobs for all hunters and all species. (Map courtesy of William Rankin/ Penguin Random House LLC.)Figure 2: A two-page spread from the finished atlas showing the seven kinds of animals hunted from the settlements of Igloolik and Hall Beach, in an area about 500 by 300 miles: caribou, polar bear, walrus, whale, fish, seal, and waterfowl. (Because of the large number of individual species recorded in the map biographies, some species were grouped together in the final maps.) The blobs are a strong, even overpowering figure atop an unusually subtle ground. Notice in particular how difficult it is to distinguish land and water areas, since the dark shading extends beyond coastlines even for individual species. This map in fact includes the Northwest Passage—the famous sea route around the tip of North America—but the crucial Fury and Hecla Strait (named after the two British ships that first learned of, but did not navigate, the passage in 1822) is almost entirely obscured. (Map courtesy of William Rankin/ Penguin Random House LLC.)Nothing about the cartography was meant to be subversive—or even controversial. For the cartographers, the only message was that the Inuit hunted a variety of species over large areas. But look again at the finished map in Figure 2. Yes, a foreground is layered over a background in the usual way, but the visual argument is strikingly different from a typical layered map in, say, a census atlas, where the foreground data doesn’t stray beyond crisp pre-existing borders. Here, in contrast, even the basic distinction between land and water is often obscure. The maps’ content is the facts of species and area; the maps’ argument is that Inuit culture is grounded in a substantially different understanding of territory than the one Western cartography was designed to show.As a result, this new atlas shifted the negotiations between the Inuit and the Canadian government decisively. Not only did the maps provide a legal claim to the Inuit-used land, documenting 750,000 square miles—an area the size of Mexico—but also a claim to the sea, showing an additional 325,000 square miles offshore.It took many years for the full implications to play out, but the erosion of the land–water boundary became central to the Inuit vision. At the time, wildlife on land was managed by the regional Northwest Territories government, while offshore marine species were the responsibility of centralized federal agencies. The Inuit used the atlas to win agreement for a new agency with equal responsibility over both. At the same time, the Inuit also improved their position by offering their offshore claims as evidence the Canadian government would use—not just in the 1980s, but even as recently as 2024—to resist foreign encroachment in the Northwest Passage. The final agreement in 1993 granted the Inuit $1.15 billion in cash, title to about 17 percent of the land in the “settlement area,” representation on several new management agencies, a share of all natural-resource revenue, broad hunting and fishing rights, and a promise that the territory of Nunavut would come into being on April 1, 1999.It’s easy to count this project as a success story, but it’s also important to remember that it depended both on the government’s own interest in negotiation and on the willingness of Indigenous peoples, or at least their leadership, to translate their sense of space onto a map, solidifying what had previously been fluid. It also meant abandoning claims to ancestral lands that had not been used in living experience and provoking new boundary disputes with neighboring, and previously amicable, Indigenous groups. These tradeoffs have led some scholars to critique mapping as only “drawing Indigenous peoples into a modern capitalist economy while maintaining the centrality of state power.” But for the Inuit, the alternatives seemed quite a bit worse.With the more recent proliferation of Indigenous mapping initiatives elsewhere—in Latin America, Africa, and Asia—the tradeoffs have been harder to evaluate. Most governments have shown little interest in addressing Indigenous claims, and when bottom-up mapping has been pushed instead by international nonprofits interested in environmental conservation, the downsides of mapping have often come without any of the upsides.Yet it’s not just the attitude of the state that’s been different; it’s also the cartography. In nearly all these other cases, the finished maps have shown none of the territorial inversion of the Inuit atlas. Instead, Indigenous knowledge is either overlaid on an existing base map in perfectly legible form, or it’s used to construct a new base map of a remarkably conventional sort, using the same visual vocabulary as Western maps.Did the Inuit project just show the data so clearly that its deeper implications were immediately apparent? No, not really, since the great irony here is that the cartographers were in fact quite dissatisfied. Follow-up surveys reached the conclusion that the atlas was only “moderately successful” by their usual mapmaking standards.The Inuit atlas was a kind of happy accident—one that doesn’t conform to any of the usual stories about Indigenous mapping, in Canada or elsewhere. The lesson here isn’t that maps should be as Indigenous as possible, or that they should be as orthodox as possible. These maps were neither. My take is simpler: the atlas shows that maps can, in fact, support alternative conceptions of space—and that showing space in a different way is crucial.The possibilities aren’t endless, but they’re broader than we might think. Plotting different sorts of data is a necessary step, but no less important are the relationships between that data and the assumptions of what lies below. For the Inuit, these assumptions were about land, water, and territory. These were in the background both visually and politically, and they were upstaged by an unexpectedly provocative foreground. The layers did not behave as they were meant to, and despite the tradeoffs, they allowed an Indigenous community to fight for their home and their way of life."
}
,
{
"title" : "Malcolm X and Islam: U.S. Islamophobia Didn’t Start with 9/11",
"author" : "Collis Browne",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/malcolm-x-and-islam",
"date" : "2025-11-27 14:58:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/life-malcolm-3.jpg",
"excerpt" : "",
"content" : "Anti-Muslim hate has been deeply engrained and intertwined with anti-Black racism in the United States for well over 60 years, far longer than most of us are taught or are aware.As the EIP team dug into design research for the new magazine format of our first anniversary issue, we revisited 1960s issues of LIFE magazine—and landed on the March 1965 edition, published just after the assassination of Malcolm X.The reporting is staggering in its openness: blatantly anti-Black and anti-Muslim in a way that normalizes white supremacy at its most fundamental level. The anti-Blackness, while horrifying, is not surprising. This was a moment when, despite the formal dismantling of Jim Crow, more than 10,000 “sundown towns” still existed across the country, segregation remained the norm, and racial terror structured daily life.What shocked our team was the nakedness of the anti-Muslim propaganda.This was not yet framed as anti-Arab in the way Western Islamophobia is often framed today. Arab and Middle Eastern people were not present in the narrative at all. Instead, what was being targeted was organized resistance to white supremacy—specifically, the adoption of Islam by Black communities as a source of political power, dignity, and self-determination. From this moment, we can trace a clear ideological line from anti-Muslim sentiment rooted in anti-Black racism in the 1960s to the anti-Arab, anti-MENA, and anti-SWANA racism that saturates Western culture today.The reporting leaned heavily on familiar colonial tropes: the implication of “inter-tribal” violence, the suggestion that resistance to white supremacy is itself a form of reverse racism or inherent aggression, and the detached, almost smug tone surrounding the violent death of a cultural leader.Of course, the Nation of Islam and Elijah Muhammad represent only expressions within an immense and diverse global Muslim world—spanning Morocco, Sudan, the Gulf, Iraq, Pakistan, Indonesia, and far beyond. Yet U.S. cultural and military power has long blurred these distinctions, collapsing complexity into a singular enemy image.It is worth naming this history clearly and connecting the dots: U.S. Islamophobia did not begin with 9/11. It is rooted in a much older racial project—one that has always braided anti-Blackness and anti-Muslim sentiment together in service of white supremacy, at home and abroad."
}
,
{
"title" : "The Billionaire Who Bought the Met Gala: What the Bezoses’ Check Means for Fashion’s Future",
"author" : "Louis Pisano",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/the-billionaire-who-bought-the-met-gala",
"date" : "2025-11-27 10:41:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Cover_EIP_TBesos_MET_Galajpg.jpg",
"excerpt" : "On the morning of November 17, 2025, the Metropolitan Museum of Art announced that Jeff Bezos and Lauren Sánchez Bezos would serve as the sole lead sponsors of the 2026 Met Gala and its accompanying Costume Institute exhibition, “Costume Art”. Saint Laurent and Condé Nast were listed as supporting partners. To be clear, this is not a co-sponsorship. It is not “in association with.” It is the first time in the modern history of the gala that the headline slot, previously occupied by Louis Vuitton, TikTok, or a discreet old-money surname, has been handed to a tech billionaire and his wife. The donation amount remains undisclosed, but sources familiar with the negotiations place it comfortably north of seven figures, in line with the checks that helped the event raise $22 million last year.",
"content" : "On the morning of November 17, 2025, the Metropolitan Museum of Art announced that Jeff Bezos and Lauren Sánchez Bezos would serve as the sole lead sponsors of the 2026 Met Gala and its accompanying Costume Institute exhibition, “Costume Art”. Saint Laurent and Condé Nast were listed as supporting partners. To be clear, this is not a co-sponsorship. It is not “in association with.” It is the first time in the modern history of the gala that the headline slot, previously occupied by Louis Vuitton, TikTok, or a discreet old-money surname, has been handed to a tech billionaire and his wife. The donation amount remains undisclosed, but sources familiar with the negotiations place it comfortably north of seven figures, in line with the checks that helped the event raise $22 million last year.Within hours of the announcement, the Met’s Instagram post was overrun with comments proclaiming the gala “dead.” On TikTok and X, users paired declarations of late-stage capitalism with memes of the museum staircase wrapped in Amazon boxes. Not that this was unexpected. Anyone paying attention could see it coming for over a decade.When billionaires like Bezos, whose Amazon warehouses reported injury rates nearly double the industry average in 2024 and whose fashion supply chain has been linked to forced labor and poverty wages globally, acquire influence over prestigious institutions like the Met Museum through sponsorships, it risks commodifying fashion as a tool for not only personal but corporate image-laundering. To put it simply: who’s going to bite the hand that feeds them? Designers, editors, and curators will have little choice but to turn a blind eye to keep the money flowing and the lights on.Back in 2012, Amazon co-chaired the “Schiaparelli and Prada” gala, and honorary chair Jeff Bezos showed up in a perfectly respectable tux with then-wife MacKenzie Scott by his side and an Anna Wintour-advised pocket square. After his divorce from Scott in 2019, Bezos made a solo appearance at the Met Gala, signaling that he was becoming a familiar presence in fashion circles on his own. Of course, by that point, he already had Lauren Sánchez. Fast forward to 2020: print advertising was crumbling, and Anna Wintour co-signed The Drop, a set of limited CFDA collections sold exclusively on Amazon, giving the company a veneer of fashion credibility. By 2024, Sánchez made her Met debut in a mirrored Oscar de la Renta gown personally approved by Wintour, signaling that the Bezos orbit was now squarely inside the fashion world.Then, the political world started to catch up, as it always does. In January 2025, Sánchez and Bezos sat three rows behind President-elect Donald Trump at the inauguration. Amazon wrote a one-million-dollar check to Trump’s inaugural fund, and Bezos, once mocked by Trump as “Jeff Bozo,” publicly congratulated Trump on an “extraordinary political comeback.” By June 2025, Bezos and Sánchez became cultural and political mainstays: Sánchez married Bezos in Venice, wearing a Dolce & Gabbana gown Wintour had helped select. This landed Sánchez the digital cover of American Vogue almost immediately afterward. Wintour quietly handed day-to-day control of the magazine to Chloe Malle but kept the Met Gala, the global title, and her Condé Nast equity stake, cementing a new era of fashion power where money, influence, and optics are inseparable.Underneath all of it, the quiet hum of Amazon’s fashion machine continued to whirr. By 2024, the company already controlled 16.2 percent of every dollar Americans spent on clothing, footwear, and accessories—more than Walmart, Target, Macy’s, and Nordstrom combined. That same year, it generated $34.7 billion in U.S. apparel and footwear revenue that year, with the women’s category alone on pace to top $40 billion. No legacy house has ever had that volume of real-time data on what people actually try on, keep, or return in shame. Amazon can react in weeks rather than seasons, reordering winning pieces, tweaking existing ones, and killing unpopular options before they’re even produced at scale.Wintour did more than simply observe this shift; she engineered a soft landing by bringing Amazon in when it was still somewhat uncool and seen mostly as a discount retailer, lending it credibility when it needed legitimacy, and spending the last two years turning Sánchez from tabloid footnote to Vogue cover star. The Condé Nast sale rumors that began circulating in July 2025, complete with talk of Wintour cashing out her equity and Sánchez taking a creative role, have been denied by every official mouthpiece. But they have also refused to die, because the timeline is simply too tidy.The clearest preview of what billionaire ownership can do to a cultural institution remains Bezos’ other pet project, The Washington Post. Bezos bought it for $250 million in 2013, saved it from bankruptcy, and built it into a profitable digital operation with 2.5 million subscribers. Then, in October 2024, he personally blocked a planned editorial endorsement of Kamala Harris. More than 250,000 subscribers canceled in the following days. By February 2025, the opinion section was restructured around “personal liberties and free markets,” triggering another exodus and the resignation of editorial page editor David Shipley. Former executive editor Marty Baron called it “craven.” The timing, just months after Bezos began warming to the incoming Trump administration, was not lost on anyone. The story didn’t stop there: in the last few days, U.S. Vice President J.D. Vance revealed he had texted Bezos suggesting the hiring of a right-leaning Breitbart journalist, Matthew Boyle, to run the Post’s political coverage. This is a clear signal of how staffing decisions at a storied paper now sit within the same power matrix that funds the Met Gala and shapes culture, media, and politics alike. It’s a tangled, strategic web—all of Bezos’ making.It’s curious that, in the same 30-day window that the Trump DOJ expanded its antitrust inquiry into Amazon, specifically how its algorithms favor its own products over third-party sellers, including many fashion brands, the MET, a city-owned museum, handed the keys of its marquee event to the man whose company now wields outsized influence over designers’ fortunes and faces regulatory scrutiny from the administration he helped reinstall. This is not sponsorship; it’s leverage. Wintour once froze Melania Trump out of Vogue because she could afford to.But she cannot freeze out Sánchez or Bezos. Nor does she want to.So on the first Monday in May, the museum doors will open as they always do for the Met Gala. The carpet will still be red (or whatever color the theme demands). The photographs of celebrities posing in their interpretations of “Costume Art” will still break the internet. Andrew Bolton’s exhibition, roughly 200 objects tracing the dressed body across five millennia, displayed in the newly renamed Condé Nast Galleries, will still be brilliant. But the biggest check will come from the couple who already control 16 percent of America’s clothing spend, who own The Washington Post, and who sat three rows behind Trump at the inauguration. Everything else, guest list tweaks, livestream deals, shoppable moments, will flow from that single source of money and power. That is who now has the final word on the most influential night in American fashion."
}
]
}