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Carlos Agredano
EIP: Can you introduce yourself?
CARLOS: My name is Carlos Agredano. I was born and raised in Los Angeles, and I consider myself to be a research-based conceptual artist. I’m primarily interested in the history of freeway development in 20th-century Los Angeles, particularly through the deployment of racially restrictive covenants and redlining, and analyzing the history of those discriminatory policies and how they affect Black and brown communities in the present day, namely through air pollution. The freeways have destroyed and displaced people for decades, destroyed communities, and continue to pollute the people who live around them. That’s what my art is mostly about: looking at history and how it affects the present day.
EIP: Could you tell us more about growing up in LA and its effect on making you want to create the work that you made?
CARLOS: I grew up in a town called Lynwood, which is in southeast Los Angeles. It’s between South Gate and Compton. I grew up next to the 105 and 710 freeways. The 710 freeway is known as the “diesel death corridor” because of its connection to the Ports of Long Beach and Los Angeles, where about 80% of goods come in from overseas to the entire United States. It’s one of the busiest ports in the nation so there’s always a lot of truck pollution coming in through the 710. The 105 is one of the newer freeways in Los Angeles. It was built in the 90s—but only because it was delayed for 25 years due to a lawsuit. It was originally designed to take people directly to LAX but it never quite made it there.
Every day as a kid, I remember having to sweep my room because there was always a thin layer of soot and dust that would settle overnight or throughout the day while I was in school. I grew up with asthma, allergies, and sensitivities to being outside, directly influenced by constant air pollution. I’ve always been fascinated with cars and what they’ve allowed people to do in the city. You spend your whole life in a car if you grow up here. But it wasn’t until I moved back to Los Angeles in 2020 that I started thinking about how I wanted to materialize the air pollution that shaped my life. I wanted to find ways to capture the smog and make it visible, rather than this nebulous, hard-to-grasp thing you only see in the sky.
EIP: One thing that really interests me about your work is your ability to transmute something as abstract and ephemeral as pollution and turn it into something tangible. I feel like you have a deep interest in broader destruction. What do you think about the tangibility of it through your work? And what have you learned through exploring this?
CARLOS: Well, I like the two words you used—ephemeral and abstract—to describe the material of smog—but it’s not ephemeral or abstract because it has real consequences. Its impacts happen on human bodies, through the slow growth of disease, decreased mental health, and overall contribution to a poor quality of life. There are real, tangible, material effects. It exists in people. To call it abstract or ephemeral can be misleading. It’s in the air, but it’s so small you might not think about it unless you’re forced to.
In my work, I want people to think about its materiality. I stretched canvases in my backyard for a year to show this is a year’s worth of smog. You can really see it on the canvas. It’s filthy. I’m able to capture it in a definitive way. But the challenge is: what do I do with all the smog I’ve breathed in my whole life? How do I demonstrate that? That’s the harder part, getting people to think about the larger, life-scale implications. The first step is making people understand that this is real material. It doesn’t just float away. It’s consumed, ingested, seeping into livelihoods, homes, the ground, the water, everything.
EIP: On that note, can you tell us a bit about your project “FUME” [2025] and its interest in environmental violence, and how you use measurement as material? Do you see your work as more of an art piece or scientific evidence?
CARLOS: Yeah, that’s a good question because it was my first entry point into being less abstract with the material—making pollution quantifiable. I wanted to give specific numbers showing how much pollution was in the air in a certain area. With FUME [2025], I drove a sculpture hooked to the back of my 1992 Toyota Pickup Truck to 12 different sites across Los Angeles, all next to major freeways. At each site, I invited a local LA artist to interpret their upbringing near a freeway. I started thinking a lot about evidence. What constitutes evidence? Can visual art be evidence? Or does it have to be numbers? At first, I just wanted numbers—the facts. But I think the emotional, artistic, creative production of data is also important. That could be a performance, a sculpture, a cyanotype, or a tour; they all create a public history of these sites.
I’d never call myself a scientist. But I look to science, to its conventions, and to the idea of evidence as material. This project isn’t a scientific project. But it adopts some conventions to try to make data more quantifiable. I’d never call myself a scientist. But I look to science, to its conventions, and to the idea of evidence as material. This project isn’t a scientific project. But it adopts some conventions to try to make data more quantifiable. The sculpture is designed to look like a Space Age or “Googie” styled object. It’s a direct reference to the utopian ideals of the future that emerged during the mid-century in the U.S., one that imagined automobiles as the primary vessel of transportation. Inside the all aluminum sculpture are three PurpleAir monitors, which gather information about the quality of the air where they are installed. One monitor was testing for “ambient” air quality, which is the air as we actually encounter it, the second was connected directly to my exhaust pipe as a way to measure my own emissions and address the irony of driving a gas-powered vehicle, and the third was installed inside of a modified Corsi-Rosenthal box, which is basically a cube made of air filters. The PurpleAir monitors I used can only go so far. They’re small, not industrial-grade. But I like the “citizen scientist” idea. Producing your own data, not waiting for the government to give it to you. The exciting part of the project was that 12 LA artists and I had these questions: How can we make work about this problem? How can it be used as valid data?
EIP: When we were asked to do this curatorial project, you were one of the first people we thought of. I really feel your work lies at the intersection of community activation and environmental critique. Can you speak on those recurring elements throughout your work?
CARLOS: Yeah. I almost approach it from this idea of environmental and institutional critique, thinking about the city of Los Angeles as an institution that has failed many communities through discriminatory urban planning and designing the city to benefit a select few, usually white, affluent, WASP-y communities on the West Side. I’m interested in critiquing infrastructure as an institution. That leads to a community-oriented spirit in my work. For example, the smog stones I’ll show in the forest are made by rolling clay along streets across the city to collect dust and debris. There’s a performative quality. People stop me and ask what I’m doing, prompting conversations. In that way, there are two artworks: the performance of making it and the object that results.
I’ve also partnered on workshops with East Yard Communities for Environmental Justice, an East LA organization addressing issues like polluted soil and air pollution in Mexican American and Black communities. My work is site-specific, so it’s about specific communities: Lynwood, Chinatown, Boyle Heights. I make sure the work always notes exactly where it was made and what it’s about.
EIP: You spoke earlier about how your piece “Smog Stones” [2025] consisted of both performance and the stones themselves. What is the movement between performance art and the sculptural work? And who are some of your favorite performance artists? I saw this photo while I was going through your Instagram of you pushing the ice cube—or was it a box?
CARLOS: Yeah, it’s an ice block.
EIP: The ice block. And it was paying homage to this—what’s
the artist’s name?
CARLOS: Yes, that was my Halloween costume. I love it. It was a good one.
Yeah, thank you.
EIP: But I imagine you’re inspired by his work.
CARLOS: For sure. That work in particular is about the invisible economy in Mexico City, in particular. Pushing the ice block is such an effort. The piece is [Francis Alÿs’s] “When Something Leads to Nothing” [1997]. I think of it as all this labor exerted to have the ice block melt away. At the end of the performance, there’s really nothing left, just the energy put into pushing it around. I like his engagement with the street. He’s a Belgian artist, not a native Mexican, so it becomes a little more complicated. But I like the idea of thinking of art as labor. This can be about real labor, too. In Mexico, wage discrepancies mean some people are working basically for free.
David Hammons, of course, is another big influence. A lot of his performative works—like the “Bliz-aard Ball Sale” [1983], where he arranged snowballs on the street—reminded me of Francis Alÿs’s work because you’re buying something that will cease to exist. I like David Hammons because before moving to New York, he was practicing in LA. In the ‘60s and ‘70s, he was in a group called Studio Z with Senga Nengudi, Maren Hassinger, and a few others. They were Black artists from South Central LA, and they did “Ceremony for Freeway Fets” [1978], an installation by Senga Nengudi in the ‘70s in collaboration with Caltrans.
Caltrans decides where freeways go, and they did this ceremony under the freeway, under the 10, I think. Hammons, Nengudi, and the others were performing under the freeway, with Nengudi’s sculptures wrapped around the columns. I love that engagement with the site: a freeway that’s ugly and meant to separate people, used as a place to convene and create a communal performance. Asco is another influence: an art collective from the ‘70s in
East LA. Harry Gamboa Jr., Patssi Valdez, Willie Herrón III, and Gronk. They performed in the streets and documented everything, making “No Movies”: movie stills of films that didn’t exist. Again, it’s about engaging with the street as a site for critique and artmaking. I like to think of the street as my studio because I don’t have a studio. I make things in my mom’s backyard—open air—and on the street, then figure it out.
EIP: Where did you go to school, and how do you think that has affected your practice?
CARLOS: I went to Harvard for my undergraduate degree. I studied history and literature. My thesis was on Veteranas and Rucas, an Instagram archive documenting Latina youth subcultures from 1920 to the 1990s. A lot of the archive focuses on protest through clothing and partying. There are zoot suits, worn by Chicanos and Chicanas during WWII, influenced by Black jazz musicians. They wore them during rationing as a protest against the war and discrimination against Mexican Americans in LA. Veteranas and Rucas also documents the ditch party scene of the ‘80s and ‘90s. Teens leaving high school to party in warehouses or backyards. I like that spirit of community rebellion through subculture.
While at Harvard, I took art history classes and worked at the Radcliffe Institute with two artists. One was EJ Hill, mostly a performance artist. He has a show up now at 52 Walker. He’s the reason I’m an artist. I was his assistant my junior year, spending every day in the studio working on projects about roller coasters and amusement parks, their history as discriminatory sites, safe havens for white families escaping diversifying cities. EJ made me think about infrastructure as something to critique. From the first day, he encouraged me to own being an artist.
My senior year, I worked for Gala Porras-Kim, a conceptual artist focused on repatriating stolen artifacts to their rightful owners. She critiques museums as sites of looting and colonialism. Her research-based approach influenced how I think about material and how I use writing to critique discriminatory urban histories. She encouraged me to go to graduate school, so I went to UCLA for my MFA, working with artists like Rodney McMillian, Andrea Fraser, Candice Lin, and Cameron Rowland. They shaped my mission to create work that investigates discriminatory urban planning and histories. Being back in LA for my MFA was important. I could work directly at the sites that interested me, like freeways and my childhood home.
EIP: I think a lot about this larger return you had: leaving LA, getting an education, and coming back. And how you talked about your childhood, how every day you had to sweep ash and smog. Do you think doing this repetitive motion is when you decided to become an artist? It seems like a seed that grew into what you’re doing now.
CARLOS: I guess the ingredients were always there. But truthfully, my whole adolescence—before college and even two years into college—I thought I was going to be a doctor. I had artistic tendencies, but growing up in a low-income Mexican neighborhood, the idea of being an artist wasn’t even on my radar. I didn’t know it was something you could do.
It took me a long time to accept it. But looking back, even my science fair projects were artistic in their presentation. Science and art have similar methods. You have a question, a hypothesis. I was always more interested in the visual or social components of being a doctor. So maybe sweeping soot or crafting science fair projects were the ingredients for being an artist, I just didn’t realize it. I’m grateful for EJ, Rafa Esparza, Gala, and my professors for shaping me into one.
EIP: In the work you’re placing— “Smog Stones” [2025]—there’s a bit of a comedic element in putting these man-made stones of pollution, microplastics, and debris into a forest. How do you think this context affects the work and your understanding of it? CARLOS: It’s a great question. I’ve never been to this forest, so I’m imagining. The stones have a surface layer made of debris and pollution from LA. They’re a document, kind of unassuming, maybe silly. “Okay, this is just a rock.” I think about geological time, what a rock, tree, or soil sample can tell us about an environment at a point in time. When I first made them, about five years ago, the Anthropocene was a hot topic; ; a proposed new epoch in Earth’s geological time scale, characterized by the significant and lasting impact of human activities on the planet’s geology, ecosystems, and climate. I wondered what a rock from the Anthropocene would look like, so I made these smog stones. Putting them in a lush, preserved forest is a reminder of the opposite. If there isn’t a forest, there could be an industrial wasteland. It’s like returning to a nurturing home, though I don’t know how I’ll feel until I see it.
EIP: How do you feel about them being transformed by a clean environment? And also, the history of this area. It was one of the first places in the U.S. where freed slaves could buy property, a stop on the Underground Railroad. And, a place Toni Morrison retired to. How do you see them in that environmental and sociopolitical context?
CARLOS: I think of my work as about dispossession—of people and of land. Much Black-owned land was destroyed to make way for freeways. America constantly finds ways to dispossess and disempower Black people, and in LA, Mexican people as well. The rocks are a self-portrait in a way; a proxy for people and communities discriminated against through infrastructure. So what does it mean for a polluted object to enter a lush space? Maybe not liberation, but something freeing. It’s also about imagining a future where someone can be free, without pollution, without losing their home. Maybe it’s a call to destroy freeways or reimagine cities as green spaces for everyone, not just a privileged few. In a gallery, the rocks or canvases are dirty objects in clean spaces—antagonistic, claiming space. “I’m here, I’m polluted, but who did this? It wasn’t me.”
{
"article":
{
"title" : "Carlos Agredano",
"author" : "Carlos Agredano, Gabrielle Richardson",
"category" : "interviews",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/heirlooms-carlos-agredano",
"date" : "2025-09-08 10:07:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Carlos-Agredano-and-Hunter-Baoengstrum-17.jpg",
"excerpt" : "EIP: Can you introduce yourself?",
"content" : "EIP: Can you introduce yourself?CARLOS: My name is Carlos Agredano. I was born and raised in Los Angeles, and I consider myself to be a research-based conceptual artist. I’m primarily interested in the history of freeway development in 20th-century Los Angeles, particularly through the deployment of racially restrictive covenants and redlining, and analyzing the history of those discriminatory policies and how they affect Black and brown communities in the present day, namely through air pollution. The freeways have destroyed and displaced people for decades, destroyed communities, and continue to pollute the people who live around them. That’s what my art is mostly about: looking at history and how it affects the present day.EIP: Could you tell us more about growing up in LA and its effect on making you want to create the work that you made?CARLOS: I grew up in a town called Lynwood, which is in southeast Los Angeles. It’s between South Gate and Compton. I grew up next to the 105 and 710 freeways. The 710 freeway is known as the “diesel death corridor” because of its connection to the Ports of Long Beach and Los Angeles, where about 80% of goods come in from overseas to the entire United States. It’s one of the busiest ports in the nation so there’s always a lot of truck pollution coming in through the 710. The 105 is one of the newer freeways in Los Angeles. It was built in the 90s—but only because it was delayed for 25 years due to a lawsuit. It was originally designed to take people directly to LAX but it never quite made it there.Every day as a kid, I remember having to sweep my room because there was always a thin layer of soot and dust that would settle overnight or throughout the day while I was in school. I grew up with asthma, allergies, and sensitivities to being outside, directly influenced by constant air pollution. I’ve always been fascinated with cars and what they’ve allowed people to do in the city. You spend your whole life in a car if you grow up here. But it wasn’t until I moved back to Los Angeles in 2020 that I started thinking about how I wanted to materialize the air pollution that shaped my life. I wanted to find ways to capture the smog and make it visible, rather than this nebulous, hard-to-grasp thing you only see in the sky.EIP: One thing that really interests me about your work is your ability to transmute something as abstract and ephemeral as pollution and turn it into something tangible. I feel like you have a deep interest in broader destruction. What do you think about the tangibility of it through your work? And what have you learned through exploring this?CARLOS: Well, I like the two words you used—ephemeral and abstract—to describe the material of smog—but it’s not ephemeral or abstract because it has real consequences. Its impacts happen on human bodies, through the slow growth of disease, decreased mental health, and overall contribution to a poor quality of life. There are real, tangible, material effects. It exists in people. To call it abstract or ephemeral can be misleading. It’s in the air, but it’s so small you might not think about it unless you’re forced to.In my work, I want people to think about its materiality. I stretched canvases in my backyard for a year to show this is a year’s worth of smog. You can really see it on the canvas. It’s filthy. I’m able to capture it in a definitive way. But the challenge is: what do I do with all the smog I’ve breathed in my whole life? How do I demonstrate that? That’s the harder part, getting people to think about the larger, life-scale implications. The first step is making people understand that this is real material. It doesn’t just float away. It’s consumed, ingested, seeping into livelihoods, homes, the ground, the water, everything.EIP: On that note, can you tell us a bit about your project “FUME” [2025] and its interest in environmental violence, and how you use measurement as material? Do you see your work as more of an art piece or scientific evidence?CARLOS: Yeah, that’s a good question because it was my first entry point into being less abstract with the material—making pollution quantifiable. I wanted to give specific numbers showing how much pollution was in the air in a certain area. With FUME [2025], I drove a sculpture hooked to the back of my 1992 Toyota Pickup Truck to 12 different sites across Los Angeles, all next to major freeways. At each site, I invited a local LA artist to interpret their upbringing near a freeway. I started thinking a lot about evidence. What constitutes evidence? Can visual art be evidence? Or does it have to be numbers? At first, I just wanted numbers—the facts. But I think the emotional, artistic, creative production of data is also important. That could be a performance, a sculpture, a cyanotype, or a tour; they all create a public history of these sites.I’d never call myself a scientist. But I look to science, to its conventions, and to the idea of evidence as material. This project isn’t a scientific project. But it adopts some conventions to try to make data more quantifiable. I’d never call myself a scientist. But I look to science, to its conventions, and to the idea of evidence as material. This project isn’t a scientific project. But it adopts some conventions to try to make data more quantifiable. The sculpture is designed to look like a Space Age or “Googie” styled object. It’s a direct reference to the utopian ideals of the future that emerged during the mid-century in the U.S., one that imagined automobiles as the primary vessel of transportation. Inside the all aluminum sculpture are three PurpleAir monitors, which gather information about the quality of the air where they are installed. One monitor was testing for “ambient” air quality, which is the air as we actually encounter it, the second was connected directly to my exhaust pipe as a way to measure my own emissions and address the irony of driving a gas-powered vehicle, and the third was installed inside of a modified Corsi-Rosenthal box, which is basically a cube made of air filters. The PurpleAir monitors I used can only go so far. They’re small, not industrial-grade. But I like the “citizen scientist” idea. Producing your own data, not waiting for the government to give it to you. The exciting part of the project was that 12 LA artists and I had these questions: How can we make work about this problem? How can it be used as valid data?EIP: When we were asked to do this curatorial project, you were one of the first people we thought of. I really feel your work lies at the intersection of community activation and environmental critique. Can you speak on those recurring elements throughout your work?CARLOS: Yeah. I almost approach it from this idea of environmental and institutional critique, thinking about the city of Los Angeles as an institution that has failed many communities through discriminatory urban planning and designing the city to benefit a select few, usually white, affluent, WASP-y communities on the West Side. I’m interested in critiquing infrastructure as an institution. That leads to a community-oriented spirit in my work. For example, the smog stones I’ll show in the forest are made by rolling clay along streets across the city to collect dust and debris. There’s a performative quality. People stop me and ask what I’m doing, prompting conversations. In that way, there are two artworks: the performance of making it and the object that results.I’ve also partnered on workshops with East Yard Communities for Environmental Justice, an East LA organization addressing issues like polluted soil and air pollution in Mexican American and Black communities. My work is site-specific, so it’s about specific communities: Lynwood, Chinatown, Boyle Heights. I make sure the work always notes exactly where it was made and what it’s about.EIP: You spoke earlier about how your piece “Smog Stones” [2025] consisted of both performance and the stones themselves. What is the movement between performance art and the sculptural work? And who are some of your favorite performance artists? I saw this photo while I was going through your Instagram of you pushing the ice cube—or was it a box?CARLOS: Yeah, it’s an ice block.EIP: The ice block. And it was paying homage to this—what’sthe artist’s name?CARLOS: Yes, that was my Halloween costume. I love it. It was a good one.Yeah, thank you.EIP: But I imagine you’re inspired by his work.CARLOS: For sure. That work in particular is about the invisible economy in Mexico City, in particular. Pushing the ice block is such an effort. The piece is [Francis Alÿs’s] “When Something Leads to Nothing” [1997]. I think of it as all this labor exerted to have the ice block melt away. At the end of the performance, there’s really nothing left, just the energy put into pushing it around. I like his engagement with the street. He’s a Belgian artist, not a native Mexican, so it becomes a little more complicated. But I like the idea of thinking of art as labor. This can be about real labor, too. In Mexico, wage discrepancies mean some people are working basically for free.David Hammons, of course, is another big influence. A lot of his performative works—like the “Bliz-aard Ball Sale” [1983], where he arranged snowballs on the street—reminded me of Francis Alÿs’s work because you’re buying something that will cease to exist. I like David Hammons because before moving to New York, he was practicing in LA. In the ‘60s and ‘70s, he was in a group called Studio Z with Senga Nengudi, Maren Hassinger, and a few others. They were Black artists from South Central LA, and they did “Ceremony for Freeway Fets” [1978], an installation by Senga Nengudi in the ‘70s in collaboration with Caltrans.Caltrans decides where freeways go, and they did this ceremony under the freeway, under the 10, I think. Hammons, Nengudi, and the others were performing under the freeway, with Nengudi’s sculptures wrapped around the columns. I love that engagement with the site: a freeway that’s ugly and meant to separate people, used as a place to convene and create a communal performance. Asco is another influence: an art collective from the ‘70s inEast LA. Harry Gamboa Jr., Patssi Valdez, Willie Herrón III, and Gronk. They performed in the streets and documented everything, making “No Movies”: movie stills of films that didn’t exist. Again, it’s about engaging with the street as a site for critique and artmaking. I like to think of the street as my studio because I don’t have a studio. I make things in my mom’s backyard—open air—and on the street, then figure it out.EIP: Where did you go to school, and how do you think that has affected your practice?CARLOS: I went to Harvard for my undergraduate degree. I studied history and literature. My thesis was on Veteranas and Rucas, an Instagram archive documenting Latina youth subcultures from 1920 to the 1990s. A lot of the archive focuses on protest through clothing and partying. There are zoot suits, worn by Chicanos and Chicanas during WWII, influenced by Black jazz musicians. They wore them during rationing as a protest against the war and discrimination against Mexican Americans in LA. Veteranas and Rucas also documents the ditch party scene of the ‘80s and ‘90s. Teens leaving high school to party in warehouses or backyards. I like that spirit of community rebellion through subculture.While at Harvard, I took art history classes and worked at the Radcliffe Institute with two artists. One was EJ Hill, mostly a performance artist. He has a show up now at 52 Walker. He’s the reason I’m an artist. I was his assistant my junior year, spending every day in the studio working on projects about roller coasters and amusement parks, their history as discriminatory sites, safe havens for white families escaping diversifying cities. EJ made me think about infrastructure as something to critique. From the first day, he encouraged me to own being an artist.My senior year, I worked for Gala Porras-Kim, a conceptual artist focused on repatriating stolen artifacts to their rightful owners. She critiques museums as sites of looting and colonialism. Her research-based approach influenced how I think about material and how I use writing to critique discriminatory urban histories. She encouraged me to go to graduate school, so I went to UCLA for my MFA, working with artists like Rodney McMillian, Andrea Fraser, Candice Lin, and Cameron Rowland. They shaped my mission to create work that investigates discriminatory urban planning and histories. Being back in LA for my MFA was important. I could work directly at the sites that interested me, like freeways and my childhood home.EIP: I think a lot about this larger return you had: leaving LA, getting an education, and coming back. And how you talked about your childhood, how every day you had to sweep ash and smog. Do you think doing this repetitive motion is when you decided to become an artist? It seems like a seed that grew into what you’re doing now.CARLOS: I guess the ingredients were always there. But truthfully, my whole adolescence—before college and even two years into college—I thought I was going to be a doctor. I had artistic tendencies, but growing up in a low-income Mexican neighborhood, the idea of being an artist wasn’t even on my radar. I didn’t know it was something you could do.It took me a long time to accept it. But looking back, even my science fair projects were artistic in their presentation. Science and art have similar methods. You have a question, a hypothesis. I was always more interested in the visual or social components of being a doctor. So maybe sweeping soot or crafting science fair projects were the ingredients for being an artist, I just didn’t realize it. I’m grateful for EJ, Rafa Esparza, Gala, and my professors for shaping me into one.EIP: In the work you’re placing— “Smog Stones” [2025]—there’s a bit of a comedic element in putting these man-made stones of pollution, microplastics, and debris into a forest. How do you think this context affects the work and your understanding of it? CARLOS: It’s a great question. I’ve never been to this forest, so I’m imagining. The stones have a surface layer made of debris and pollution from LA. They’re a document, kind of unassuming, maybe silly. “Okay, this is just a rock.” I think about geological time, what a rock, tree, or soil sample can tell us about an environment at a point in time. When I first made them, about five years ago, the Anthropocene was a hot topic; ; a proposed new epoch in Earth’s geological time scale, characterized by the significant and lasting impact of human activities on the planet’s geology, ecosystems, and climate. I wondered what a rock from the Anthropocene would look like, so I made these smog stones. Putting them in a lush, preserved forest is a reminder of the opposite. If there isn’t a forest, there could be an industrial wasteland. It’s like returning to a nurturing home, though I don’t know how I’ll feel until I see it.EIP: How do you feel about them being transformed by a clean environment? And also, the history of this area. It was one of the first places in the U.S. where freed slaves could buy property, a stop on the Underground Railroad. And, a place Toni Morrison retired to. How do you see them in that environmental and sociopolitical context?CARLOS: I think of my work as about dispossession—of people and of land. Much Black-owned land was destroyed to make way for freeways. America constantly finds ways to dispossess and disempower Black people, and in LA, Mexican people as well. The rocks are a self-portrait in a way; a proxy for people and communities discriminated against through infrastructure. So what does it mean for a polluted object to enter a lush space? Maybe not liberation, but something freeing. It’s also about imagining a future where someone can be free, without pollution, without losing their home. Maybe it’s a call to destroy freeways or reimagine cities as green spaces for everyone, not just a privileged few. In a gallery, the rocks or canvases are dirty objects in clean spaces—antagonistic, claiming space. “I’m here, I’m polluted, but who did this? It wasn’t me.”"
}
,
"relatedposts": [
{
"title" : "Trump’s attack on Venezuela: An Exemplary Punishment",
"author" : "Simón Rodriguez",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/trumps-attack-on-venezuela-an-exemplary-punishment",
"date" : "2026-01-14 10:13:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Uncle_Sam_Straddles_the_Americas_Cartoon.jpg",
"excerpt" : "After four months of maritime siege in which the US military killed more than 100 people in alleged anti-drug trafficking operations and seized oil tankers, as well as the bombing of a small dock in northwestern Venezuela, Trump launched a large-scale attack and kidnapped de facto ruler Nicolás Maduro and his wife Cilia Flores, who were in Fuerte Tiuna, the country’s main military complex in Caracas.",
"content" : "After four months of maritime siege in which the US military killed more than 100 people in alleged anti-drug trafficking operations and seized oil tankers, as well as the bombing of a small dock in northwestern Venezuela, Trump launched a large-scale attack and kidnapped de facto ruler Nicolás Maduro and his wife Cilia Flores, who were in Fuerte Tiuna, the country’s main military complex in Caracas.The invaders attacked civilian targets such as the port of La Guaira, the Venezuelan Institute for Scientific Research, the Charallave airport, and electrical transmission infrastructure, as well as military installations in Caracas, Maracay, and Higuerote. The preliminary toll is around 80 dead and more than a hundred wounded. The US government claims that it suffered no casualties and that it had the support of infiltrators working for the CIA. This internal collaboration was crucial to the success of the attack.The Venezuelan military defeat has political causes, beyond US technical superiority. Chavismo has prioritized coup-proofing over military effectiveness, going so far as to have one of the highest rates of generals per capita in the world, who have been given control of various economic sectors for cronyism. Furthermore, the government lacks a military strategy for asymmetric resistance to imperialist aggression. During Chávez’s administration, in 2007, there was debate over which military model to adopt. Retired General Müller Rojas criticized the large investments in sophisticated military equipment, proposed by then-Defense Minister Raúl Isaías Baduel, proposing instead a doctrine of popular resistance and asymmetric warfare. Chávez settled the debate in Baduel’s favor, and in the following years, the Venezuelan government spent billions of dollars on arms purchases from Russia and China. This equipment proved useless in the face of the US attack, as the late Müller Rojas predicted, but it was part of the patronage system that enriched the Chavista military. Ironically, Baduel died as a political prisoner in 2021.Corrupt military personnel may be useful for repressing workers, students, or Indigenous peoples, but they can always be bribed. Maduro himself does not seem to have had much confidence in the Venezuelan military, having entrusted his security largely to Cuban military personnel, 32 of whom died in the US attack.Vice President Delcy Rodríguez assumed the interim presidency. She declared a state of emergency to avoid the constitutional requirement to call elections in the event of the head of state’s absence. The US government has stated that, through the continuation of the naval blockade and the threat of a second attack, it hopes to ensure that the Venezuelan government serves US interests. When asked whether they would use this pressure to demand the release of Venezuelan political prisoners, Trump responded emphatically that he is interested in oil, and everything else can wait.The rights of Venezuelans have never interested Trump, as demonstrated not only by his lack of interest in democratic rights in Venezuela, but also by the racist persecution of Venezuelan immigrants in the US, stigmatized by Trump as criminals and mentally ill people allegedly sent by Maduro to “invade” the country, a fascistic discourse endorsed by the Venezuelan right-wing leader María Corina Machado. Thousands of Venezuelans have been deported to Venezuela, while hundreds have been sent to the CECOT, Latin America’s largest torture center, run by the dictatorship of El Salvador, under false accusations of belonging to the Tren de Aragua, a gang classified as a terrorist organization by Trump.Delcy Rodríguez has reportedly already reached an agreement with Trump to deliver between 30 and 50 million barrels of oil. The US government would sell the oil, establishing offshore accounts for this purpose outside the control of its own Treasury Department; part of the petrodollars generated would be used to pay debtors, and payments in kind would be made to the Venezuelan state, including equipment and supplies for oil production itself, as well as food and medicine.This policy bears similarities to the “Oil for food” program applied as part of the sanctions regime of the 1990s against Iraq. That program became a huge source of corruption in the UN. We can expect something similar or worse from Trump’s corrupt government.We are facing a new version of imperialist “gunboat diplomacy” and the methods of the “Roosevelt Corollary,” on which the US based its invasion of Latin American and Caribbean countries in the first half of the 20th century, taking control of their customs, as in the cases of the Dominican Republic, Haiti, and Nicaragua.Rodríguez’s capitulation has been interpreted by some as evidence that her rise to power was agreed with Trump and that she represents a pro-US government. Certainly, Chavismo’s anti-imperialism was always rather performative, with the US maintaining a predominant presence in the oil industry through Chevron, and the US remaining Venezuela’s main trading partner until at least 2023. But diplomatic relations have not been reestablished, and the theft of Venezuelan oil has been enforced through a naval blockade and threats of new attacks, when the possibilities of storing oil on land or in ships off the Venezuelan coast reached their limit and the alternative was to stop production.The regime decided to cooperate with the extortionist Trump, not to resist. The traditional right-wing opposition, which celebrated the January 3 attack (describing it as the beginning of Venezuela’s liberation), welcomes Trump’s measures. Not even Trump’s humiliation of Machado, when he declared she lacked “support” and “respect” within Venezuela, has led Venezuelan Trumpists to regain a modicum of sobriety. Their entire political strategy, after Maduro’s 2024 electoral fraud, has been solely to wait for Trump to hand them power.Trump’s priorities are different, although they could converge in the future with Machado: to distract attention from recently published documents reflecting his friendship with the criminal Jeffrey Epstein; to enhance his foreign policy based on extortion, refuting the Democratic slogan “Trump Always Chickens Out”, and to manage billions of petrodollars at the service of his business circle. And finally, in a more strategic sense, it represents the application of the new National Security doctrine, which gives priority to absolute US control of the hemisphere, expelling its imperialist competitors, China and Russia. Venezuela represented the most vulnerable point in the hemisphere for spectacular and exemplary military action. After the attack on Venezuela, threats against Colombia, Mexico, and even Greenland follow.Chavismo itself largely created its own vulnerability after years of anti-popular and anti-worker policies, such as imposing a minimum wage of less than USD$5 per month, eliminating workers’ freedom of association, persecuting indigenous peoples, defunding public health and education, and forcing the migration of 8 million Venezuelan workers, all while favoring the emergence of a new Bolivarian bourgeoisie through rampant corruption, creating new chasms of social inequality.Until 2015, Chavismo ruled with the support of electoral majorities. After its defeat in that year’s parliamentary elections, it took a dictatorial turn, relying on repression and electoral fraud, while bleeding the economy dry to pay off foreign debt, creating hellish hyperinflation. The economy contracted by around 80% between 2013 and 2021, most of this before US sanctions. The destruction was such that the export of scrap metal, obtained from the dismantling of abandoned industries, became one of Venezuela’s largest exports.It is illustrative to recall the cables from the US embassy in Caracas to the State Department, published by Wikileaks, which asked the Obama administration not to publicly confront Chávez, as this would strengthen him in the context of widespread popular rejection of the US. The current situation is different, with many Venezuelans cynically accepting US domination. Opposing imperialist intervention, on the other hand, does not save dissidents from persecution either. The presidential candidate backed by the Communist Party of Venezuela in 2024, Enrique Márquez, has been in prison for 10 months without formal charges.The humiliation to which the Venezuelan people are subjected today, under the double yoke of a dictatorship and a US siege, is brutal. The policy of aggression against Latin America and the Caribbean, the perceived sphere of US dominance, gains momentum with this attack. A continental response, to defend the possibility of a free and dignified future for Venezuela and for all of Latin America and the Caribbean."
}
,
{
"title" : "A Lone Protester, Rain or Shine: One Man’s Daily Act of Dissent in Japan",
"author" : "Yumiko Sakuma",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/a-lone-protester-rain-or-shine",
"date" : "2026-01-13 10:00:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Cover_EIP_Lone_Gaza_Japan.jpg",
"excerpt" : "Photographs by Chisato Hikita",
"content" : "Photographs by Chisato HikitaThe way Japan’s grassroots activism has shown up for the people of Palestine has been nothing short of extraordinary. In a country known for its low political engagement, I’ve met countless newly woken activists who not only joined the international movement but have also incorporated direct action into their daily lives through street protests, fundraising events and content creation, writing campaigns, etc. Many of them express frustration that demonstrations in Japan aren’t as large as those abroad, or that their efforts seem to yield little visible change, but their persistence and quiet stubbornness are unlike anything I’ve ever seen.One of the figures who has emerged from this movement is Yusuke Furusawa, who has taken to the streets every single day, seven days a week, for more than two years, usually for an hour or so each time. I came across him on social media and reached out while I was in Tokyo.The day we met was an excruciatingly hot Saturday in July. On my way to meet him near Shinjuku Station, a sprawling terminal of train lines, subways, and shopping complexes, he messaged to say he’d had to relocate because of a nearby Uyoku (right-wing nationalist) presence. As I exited one wing of the station, I passed a large crowd gathered around Uryu Hirano, a young hardline activist who had just lost her bid for a national council seat.Then I found Furusawa, delivering a monologue about what the Palestinian people have been enduring, about the complicity of the Japanese government, and about the tangled relationship between the U.S. military-industrial complex and the Israeli state. He stood in the middle of two opposing streams of foot traffic, turning every few seconds to address people coming from both directions, waving a large flag and holding a sign that read “Stop GAZA Genocide.”In October 2023, he had been home-bound for Covid. “I was frustrated because I wanted to go to the protests but couldn’t. Finally, feeling restless, I eventually stumbled out holding a placard, that’s how it all began. When I thought about how I’ve never really taken any actions on this issue while seeing these terrible situations unfolding every day, I just couldn’t sort out my feelings.”Furusawa makes his living as a prop maker for a broadcasting company while occasionally getting gigs as a theater actor. He wasn’t particularly political until a few years ago when he joined a local grass-roots movement to elect Satoko Kishimoto, an environmental activist and water rights activist who had lived in Belgium, to be Suginami Ward mayor against the pro-business, pro-development incumbent. Especially, he was inspired by the Hitori Gaisen, solo street demonstration, movement which was triggered by one person who decided to campaign by standing quietly on the street with a sign, which spread like a wild fire and resulted in a win by Kishimoto, a move viewed as a victory of the People, who were determined to stop the over development and gentrification.'I’m not really good at group activities, so rallies and marches aren’t really my thing. I get too tired trying too hard to chant or keep up with everyone else.” Previously, he had been suffering from depression. “This has been helpful like as a daily rehabilitation activity.”Thus, he stands alone, daily and consistently. As I watched him speak under the glaring sun, I was struck by how most people don’t even look up, or notice him, seemingly so self-absorbed or focused on where they are going. Occasionally, non-Japanese people stop and take pictures of/with him. While I was there, a mother and a kid from Turkey stopped him to thank him through a translation app on her phone. She had tears in her eyes. Furusawa said he does get yelled at a few times a day and was once even choked by a person who identified as an IDF personnel.This was a few days after July 20th, when Japan had a national council election where more than 8 million people voted for candidates from the Sansei Party, which ran on “Japanese First” platform and a far-right, nationalist political messaging. Furusawa says, a few Japanese people who walk up to him with encouraging signs tend to be ultra nationalists and conservatives. “A lot of times, these guys who say to me ‘you are great for standing against the United States,’ are far right people, which makes me feel defeated.” And there are younger ones who mock him or laugh at him.Do you have an idea as to how long you’d be doing this? I asked him. Furusawa told me about the time an Aljazeela crew came to his apartment to shoot a segment on him. When he told them, “I will stop if Israel stopped bombing Gaza,” the reporter said, “That is how Japanese people forget about the Middle East.” Furusawa thinks about this episode daily. “I realized I hadn’t understood anything at all, and I felt this helplessness like all my actions over the past four months were being erased in an instant. That’s when I made the decision to do it every day. Those words swirled around me daily.”After I came back to New York, I procrastinated writing this story. I tried writing it many times in my head, but between being disappointed in the surge of xenophobia and racism in Japan, dealing with medical issues and being scared as an immigrant, my head was not in the right place to give a proper ending to this story. Then, so called “ceasefire” was announced. I thought of him and reached out.I apologized to him for not writing a story sooner. “I didn’t know how to write the story without glorifying the protest movements.”He told me attacks by people from Israel were happening increasingly, probably like three times more, especially after the UK recognized the state of Palestine. “They come at me with anger. I’ve also met a few people from Palestine thanking me with tears for what I do. I feel l need to keep a distance from these emotions because what I am really protesting against is the illegal occupation and apartheid of Palestine and how we are not really facing it.”He hadn’t stopped his protests, still standing out there every day with a flag and a sign, delivering his monologue. He does so because, for one, he did not trust the “ceasefire,” but also because what he stands against is not just the current wave of assaults, bombing, starvation, etc.“I want to keep going until we seriously tackle the issue, not just go through the superficial motions of Palestine’s state recognition. It isn’t about just stopping the war. It is about getting people to care so that nations collectively help them. I am not talking about months, more like years because it is going to take time.”Lately, after spending an hour on anti-genocide protest, he stands with another sign for 30 minutes or so before he goes home. The sign says “Delusion of Hate.” That is because he thinks Japan’s xenophobia and hatred come from delusions. “A mix of victim mentality and inferiority complex, plus delusions inflated by conspiracy theories that don’t even exist.”That is when I realized what he is really fighting is indifference. He went on, “Some might find my style of protests noisy, annoying, or unpleasant. I want them to reject it. I want to get on their nerves, or talk to their hearts. Maybe that is how we can break through the indifference. That is going to take time, like years of time.”"
}
,
{
"title" : "Sanctions are a Tool of Empire",
"author" : "Collis Browne",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/sanctions-are-a-tool-of-empire",
"date" : "2026-01-13 08:35:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Cover_EIP_Sanctions.jpg",
"excerpt" : "Sanctions & Embargoes only Hurt the People",
"content" : "Sanctions & Embargoes only Hurt the PeopleIn light of the economic collapse and ongoing social and political unrest in Venezuela and Iran, we must examine U.S. economic sanctions and how they contribute to and exacerbate these dynamics.Although framed as something much more innocuous or even righteous, sanctions are a form of economic warfare used to enforce U.S. & Western empire.What Sanctions AreSanctions block a country’s sovereign ability to act freely in a global world. They restrict trade, banking, investment, and access to global markets.Despite the myth of “free markets,” sanctions show how capitalism really works: Markets are only free when they serve power.They are usually installed against nations that show signs of independence from US and Western (capitalist) interests, such as any meaningful socialist policies, nationalizing resources or limiting foreign ownership or resources or property.Although the claim is usually around “punishing” a government for human rights abuses, There are plenty of governments that commit egregious human rights abuses that are never sanctioned because of favorable business policies towards US interests (global western capital), The US is itself guilty of grave human rights abuses both at home and abroad, so cannot claim to have any moral authority, and Many of the abuses are either exaggerated, outright fabricated, or are simply scapegoats to cover the real motives. To be clear: this does not excuse human rights abuses by any government, but sanctions are never the answer: they are never driven by a moral imperative, and are never successful in improving the materials conditions of the people of the countries affected.How Sanctions are UsedUS foreign policy uses sanctions as a key part of a familiar playbook: Claim that a government is a “dictatorship” or “threat” to democracy or security Cut the country off from trade and money Cause shortages, inflation, and unemployment People suffer — food, medicine, fuel become scarce Blame the suffering on the government, not the sanctions Further stir up unrest by covert actions on the ground agitating dissent and violence Often, provide material support for right-wing political opposition that favors US intervention and resource privatizationThe goal is pressure, chaos, and instability.The End GoalSanctions are a foundational step in a long-term campaign to destabilize a country or region by creating enough pain to force one of the following outcomes: Install a pro-U.S. government Enable or justify a coup Pave the way for military interventionAll of these are about resource extraction and unfettered access for multinational and Western corporations.Fact 1: Sanctions Don’t WorkSanctions Don’t Achieve Their Stated Political GoalsSince 1970, nearly 90% of sanctions have failed — meaning they did not force the target government to change its behavior or leadership. Report after report show that sanctions don’t produce freedom, democracy or peace, they produce suffering.Fact 2: Sanctions Punish PeopleSanctions Hurt the People, Not LeadersAcross 32 empirical studies*, sanctions were shown to: Increase poverty Increase inequality Increase mortality Worsen human rights outcomesRegional oligarchs and elites adapt, while ordinary people pay the price.Example: IraqIraq (1990s) Sanctions destroyed water, food, and healthcare systems Hundreds of thousands of civilians — many of them children — died as a direct result Saddam Hussein retained power, up until the eventual US invasionSanctions weakened the population, not the ruler.Example: VenezuelaVenezuela (2010s–present) Oil and banking sanctions collapsed imports and currency Medicine and food shortages surged Tens of thousands of excess deaths Massive emigration as millions fled the countryThe government survived. The people suffered. If anything, the sanctions contributed to the rise of the right-wing opposition against the strong socialist base of support.Example: SyriaSyria (2011–present) Sanctions began early in the conflict and intensified economic collapse They worsened shortages, unemployment, and infrastructure failure Economic destabilization deepened social fragmentation and displacementSanctions did not overthrow the government, but they amplified collapse, suffering, and long-term instability, making recovery and reconstruction nearly impossible.Example: IranIran (since 1979, and especially 2018–present) Sanctions targeted oil exports and global banking access Iran was cut off from foreign currency earnings The rial collapsed; inflation surged sharplySanctions directly restrict access to dollars and euros — forcing rapid currency devaluation, import inflation, and rising prices for basics even when goods are technically “allowed.”Inflation hits civilians first.Sanctions are a Tool of EmpireSanctions are a tool of global capitalist imperialism, and movements against US intervention must include a call against sanctions. They do not bring freedom or democracy. They enrich global financial elites, preserve imperial control, and devastate everyday people — again and again."
}
]
}