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The Genocidal War on Tigray
Where We Are and How We Got Here
“I’m from Tigray, a small region between Ethiopia and Eritrea.” Since November 4, 2020, this or a similar response has been how many Tigrayans answer the question, “Where are you from?”
On November 4, 2020, while much of the world focused on the U.S. election, the Ethiopian government, along with its allies, surrounded and invaded Tigray. They described this as a “law enforcement operation,” but it was, in reality, an operation with the intent to commit genocide. Collaborating with Eritrean and Amhara regional forces (from south of Tigray), the Ethiopian government used drones and weapons supplied by China, Iran, Turkey, and the United Arab Emirates to carry out a relentless assault. This genocide, rooted in Ethiopia’s long history of oppression, continues silently today as the international community, having resumed normalized relations with Ethiopia, pays no heed to justice and accountability.
The Tigray Genocide marks yet another violent but unprecedented chapter in the history of Ethiopia, an empire-state built on the longstanding subjugation of its diverse peoples, nations, and nationalities. Ethiopia is home to over 90 ethnic groups, many of whom were forcefully integrated into the Ethiopian state during the nation-building efforts that started with Emperor Menelik II in 1889. As a minority group committed to self-determination, Tigrayans have a history of resisting oppression. As a result, Tigrayans have been consistently targeted by Ethiopia’s authoritarian leaders, from Emperor Haile Selassie in the 1930s to the current administration under Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed.
Haile Selassie maintained control over Ethiopia’s diverse ethnic groups with the support of foreign allies, enforcing a uniform Ethiopian identity across the empire. In response to an uprising in Tigray, known as the “First Woyane,” Haile Selassie, with the assistance of the British Royal Air Force, launched an aerial bombing campaign to suppress Tigrayan resistance.
After Haile Selassie was overthrown in 1974, a self-proclaimed socialist regime, known as the Derg and mainly composed of military and police officials, seized power through extreme violence. The brutality of the Derg’s state-sponsored violence fueled widespread opposition across Ethiopia. For Tigrayans, the movement against the Derg regime is known as the “Second Woyane.” Thousands of Tigrayans joined the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) to engage in armed resistance, prompting the Derg to respond with bombings and weaponized famine in Tigray. The war against the Derg, one of Africa’s most protracted conflicts, lasted from 1974 to 1991. While various groups contributed, the TPLF and Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) led the successful military campaign, resulting in Eritrea’s independence and establishing a new Ethiopian government. The TPLF transitioned into a political party, and under its leadership, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) was established. A new constitution was promulgated in 1995, aiming to ensure representation for all of Ethiopia’s nationalities.
The shortcomings of the TPLF-led EPRDF, including allegations of human rights abuses, led to the appointment of Abiy Ahmed as Ethiopia’s interim Prime Minister in 2018. In 2020, he postponed scheduled elections, citing the COVID-19 pandemic as justification, centralized power, and formed the Prosperity Party. By inciting widespread hate speech against Tigray, the Ethiopian government and its allies launched a devastating war on Tigray, collectively punishing Tigrayans and ultimately committing acts of genocide.
As domestic and international forces launched a combined land and air offensive in Tigray, a government-imposed telecommunications blackout, which lasted a record 2 years, concealed countless atrocity crimes. These included extrajudicial killings, massacres, weaponized starvation, systematic and widespread conflict-related sexual violence, siege tactics, and campaigns of ethnic cleansing. The invaders aimed not only for immediate destruction but also deliberately targeted Tigray’s healthcare and education systems and agricultural sector to undermine the region for generations. This genocidal war triggered a mass displacement crisis, with over two million people displaced within Tigray and more than 70,000 refugees fleeing to Sudan.
Over 90% of Tigray’s health facilities were rendered non-functional, 99% of ambulances were looted, and 74.9% of schools were damaged. Crops and farming equipment were destroyed or looted, while farmers were barred from cultivating their land. Sexual violence was systematically used as a tool of ethnic cleansing and genocide with the intent to destroy women’s reproductive potential and decimate Tigray’s social fabric. Hundreds of thousands of women and girls have been subjected to brutal and life-altering assaults, many involving multiple perpetrators. A recent study found that 43% of women surveyed were survivors of conflict-related sexual violence. Weaponized starvation compounded these atrocities, as humanitarian aid was heavily restricted by the Ethiopian government, exacerbating the food crisis caused by widespread agricultural destruction. Tigray’s minority groups, including the Irob and Kunama, have borne some of the heaviest consequences of these crimes and continue to face an existential threat.
In late June 2021, Ethiopian and Eritrean troops and Amhara regional forces suffered significant losses against the Tigray Defense Force (TDF), a resistance movement composed of Tigrayans from all walks of life. Following these defeats, the Ethiopian government shifted its strategy from active warfare to imposing a 360-degree siege, blocking all humanitarian aid. An already food-insecure Tigray was plunged into famine without a functional health system. As a result of the genocidal war and this suffocating siege, at least 600,000, and potentially up to one million, Tigrayans have been killed by the Ethiopian government and its allies.
In parallel to the violence in Tigray, Tigrayans across Ethiopia faced persecution. Detention centers, best described as concentration camps, were set up to imprison Tigrayans solely based on their ethnic origin. Among those detained, tortured, and killed were UN peacekeepers, military personnel, and everyday hardworking Tigrayans. Conditions in these camps were dire, with poor sanitation, withheld medical care, and brutal treatment.
Throughout the genocidal war, the Ethiopian government and its allies sought to destroy all traces of Tigray’s existence, including its cultural heritage. It did so as much of the Ethiopian populace celebrated Tigray’s devastation. Although the war officially ended with a Cessation of Hostilities Agreement (CoHA) signed in November 2022 between the TPLF and the Ethiopian government, much of the agreement remains unimplemented, and the silent genocide continues.
Up to 40% of Tigray remains occupied, with Eritrean forces controlling areas in the north and Amhara regional forces occupying Western and parts of Northwestern Tigray. Human rights abuses, including conflict-related sexual violence, kidnappings, and ethnic cleansing campaigns, persist. In occupied areas like the Irob and Gulomakeda districts in northeastern Tigray, residents face long, dangerous journeys to the nearest hospital, constantly threatened by occupying forces. Among those making these journeys are survivors of sexual violence at the hands of Eritrean troops.
Despite ongoing atrocity crimes, the only international independent investigatory mechanism, the International Commission of Human Rights Experts on Ethiopia (ICHREE), established by the UN Human Rights Council in December 2021, was shut down in October 2023. The international community has instead endorsed Ethiopia’s domestic transitional justice framework. But how can justice be served when those responsible for the crimes control the process? To the international community, it seems the case of Tigray is closed.
In liberated areas under Tigray’s Interim Regional Administration, conditions remain dire. Although the CoHA was meant to provide relief, the humanitarian crisis persists. From May to December 2023, the World Food Programme and USAID suspended operations in Ethiopia due to large-scale theft. This decision proved devastating for the millions of Tigrayans who were aid-dependent. Today, aid distribution continues to fall short of targets. The food crisis has only deepened due to agricultural destruction and drought, leaving many areas on the brink of famine. 83% of Tigrayans are food insecure. Tigray’s health system remains shattered, unable to meet overwhelming needs. Over one million internally displaced people in Tigray, many of whom have been displaced multiple times and live in makeshift shelters, are especially vulnerable, unable to return home due to ongoing occupation. But famine is not the only crisis facing Tigrayans. The impact of the war and genocide has dismantled Tigray’s social fabric. Violence against women and girls has become widespread, with no accountability for perpetrators. Lawlessness prevails, driving an exodus of Tigrayan youth as unemployment and economic collapse take hold. In a recent survey, 86% of Tigrayan youth expressed no hope for their future due to the lack of economic opportunities and security in Tigray. This is the legacy of the deadliest war of the 21st century. Amid these intersecting crises, Tigray’s leadership has regrettably failed to prioritize the needs of its people.
Yet we, as a community, have not given up. We continue to fight for the people of Tigray, who bear the trauma of genocide and struggle daily for survival. You can help advocate for them, too. Together, we can make a difference. Contact your government representatives to emphasize the need for justice and accountability in Tigray and stress that now is not the time to normalize relations with Ethiopia. Raise awareness in your community and stay informed. Support fundraising efforts by grassroots organizations. Every contribution counts.
So, when someone asks, “Where is Tigray?” you can answer, “Tigrayans would say it’s a region between Ethiopia and Eritrea—let me tell you why.”
Visit omnatigray.org to learn more about the Tigray Genocide and donate to the Health Professionals Network for Tigray (hpn4tigray. org) and Tigray Disaster Relief Fund (tdrfund.org) to contribute to addressing Tigray’s immense needs. Stay up to date by following @omnatigray, @hpn4tigray, @tdrfund across social media.
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{
"article":
{
"title" : "The Genocidal War on Tigray: Where We Are and How We Got Here",
"author" : "Sarah Cassidy-Seyoum",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/genocidal-war-tigray",
"date" : "2024-11-01 13:09:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/tigray-map.jpg",
"excerpt" : "“I’m from Tigray, a small region between Ethiopia and Eritrea.” Since November 4, 2020, this or a similar response has been how many Tigrayans answer the question, “Where are you from?”",
"content" : "“I’m from Tigray, a small region between Ethiopia and Eritrea.” Since November 4, 2020, this or a similar response has been how many Tigrayans answer the question, “Where are you from?”On November 4, 2020, while much of the world focused on the U.S. election, the Ethiopian government, along with its allies, surrounded and invaded Tigray. They described this as a “law enforcement operation,” but it was, in reality, an operation with the intent to commit genocide. Collaborating with Eritrean and Amhara regional forces (from south of Tigray), the Ethiopian government used drones and weapons supplied by China, Iran, Turkey, and the United Arab Emirates to carry out a relentless assault. This genocide, rooted in Ethiopia’s long history of oppression, continues silently today as the international community, having resumed normalized relations with Ethiopia, pays no heed to justice and accountability.The Tigray Genocide marks yet another violent but unprecedented chapter in the history of Ethiopia, an empire-state built on the longstanding subjugation of its diverse peoples, nations, and nationalities. Ethiopia is home to over 90 ethnic groups, many of whom were forcefully integrated into the Ethiopian state during the nation-building efforts that started with Emperor Menelik II in 1889. As a minority group committed to self-determination, Tigrayans have a history of resisting oppression. As a result, Tigrayans have been consistently targeted by Ethiopia’s authoritarian leaders, from Emperor Haile Selassie in the 1930s to the current administration under Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed.Haile Selassie maintained control over Ethiopia’s diverse ethnic groups with the support of foreign allies, enforcing a uniform Ethiopian identity across the empire. In response to an uprising in Tigray, known as the “First Woyane,” Haile Selassie, with the assistance of the British Royal Air Force, launched an aerial bombing campaign to suppress Tigrayan resistance.After Haile Selassie was overthrown in 1974, a self-proclaimed socialist regime, known as the Derg and mainly composed of military and police officials, seized power through extreme violence. The brutality of the Derg’s state-sponsored violence fueled widespread opposition across Ethiopia. For Tigrayans, the movement against the Derg regime is known as the “Second Woyane.” Thousands of Tigrayans joined the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) to engage in armed resistance, prompting the Derg to respond with bombings and weaponized famine in Tigray. The war against the Derg, one of Africa’s most protracted conflicts, lasted from 1974 to 1991. While various groups contributed, the TPLF and Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) led the successful military campaign, resulting in Eritrea’s independence and establishing a new Ethiopian government. The TPLF transitioned into a political party, and under its leadership, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) was established. A new constitution was promulgated in 1995, aiming to ensure representation for all of Ethiopia’s nationalities.The shortcomings of the TPLF-led EPRDF, including allegations of human rights abuses, led to the appointment of Abiy Ahmed as Ethiopia’s interim Prime Minister in 2018. In 2020, he postponed scheduled elections, citing the COVID-19 pandemic as justification, centralized power, and formed the Prosperity Party. By inciting widespread hate speech against Tigray, the Ethiopian government and its allies launched a devastating war on Tigray, collectively punishing Tigrayans and ultimately committing acts of genocide.As domestic and international forces launched a combined land and air offensive in Tigray, a government-imposed telecommunications blackout, which lasted a record 2 years, concealed countless atrocity crimes. These included extrajudicial killings, massacres, weaponized starvation, systematic and widespread conflict-related sexual violence, siege tactics, and campaigns of ethnic cleansing. The invaders aimed not only for immediate destruction but also deliberately targeted Tigray’s healthcare and education systems and agricultural sector to undermine the region for generations. This genocidal war triggered a mass displacement crisis, with over two million people displaced within Tigray and more than 70,000 refugees fleeing to Sudan.Over 90% of Tigray’s health facilities were rendered non-functional, 99% of ambulances were looted, and 74.9% of schools were damaged. Crops and farming equipment were destroyed or looted, while farmers were barred from cultivating their land. Sexual violence was systematically used as a tool of ethnic cleansing and genocide with the intent to destroy women’s reproductive potential and decimate Tigray’s social fabric. Hundreds of thousands of women and girls have been subjected to brutal and life-altering assaults, many involving multiple perpetrators. A recent study found that 43% of women surveyed were survivors of conflict-related sexual violence. Weaponized starvation compounded these atrocities, as humanitarian aid was heavily restricted by the Ethiopian government, exacerbating the food crisis caused by widespread agricultural destruction. Tigray’s minority groups, including the Irob and Kunama, have borne some of the heaviest consequences of these crimes and continue to face an existential threat.In late June 2021, Ethiopian and Eritrean troops and Amhara regional forces suffered significant losses against the Tigray Defense Force (TDF), a resistance movement composed of Tigrayans from all walks of life. Following these defeats, the Ethiopian government shifted its strategy from active warfare to imposing a 360-degree siege, blocking all humanitarian aid. An already food-insecure Tigray was plunged into famine without a functional health system. As a result of the genocidal war and this suffocating siege, at least 600,000, and potentially up to one million, Tigrayans have been killed by the Ethiopian government and its allies.In parallel to the violence in Tigray, Tigrayans across Ethiopia faced persecution. Detention centers, best described as concentration camps, were set up to imprison Tigrayans solely based on their ethnic origin. Among those detained, tortured, and killed were UN peacekeepers, military personnel, and everyday hardworking Tigrayans. Conditions in these camps were dire, with poor sanitation, withheld medical care, and brutal treatment.Throughout the genocidal war, the Ethiopian government and its allies sought to destroy all traces of Tigray’s existence, including its cultural heritage. It did so as much of the Ethiopian populace celebrated Tigray’s devastation. Although the war officially ended with a Cessation of Hostilities Agreement (CoHA) signed in November 2022 between the TPLF and the Ethiopian government, much of the agreement remains unimplemented, and the silent genocide continues.Up to 40% of Tigray remains occupied, with Eritrean forces controlling areas in the north and Amhara regional forces occupying Western and parts of Northwestern Tigray. Human rights abuses, including conflict-related sexual violence, kidnappings, and ethnic cleansing campaigns, persist. In occupied areas like the Irob and Gulomakeda districts in northeastern Tigray, residents face long, dangerous journeys to the nearest hospital, constantly threatened by occupying forces. Among those making these journeys are survivors of sexual violence at the hands of Eritrean troops.Despite ongoing atrocity crimes, the only international independent investigatory mechanism, the International Commission of Human Rights Experts on Ethiopia (ICHREE), established by the UN Human Rights Council in December 2021, was shut down in October 2023. The international community has instead endorsed Ethiopia’s domestic transitional justice framework. But how can justice be served when those responsible for the crimes control the process? To the international community, it seems the case of Tigray is closed.In liberated areas under Tigray’s Interim Regional Administration, conditions remain dire. Although the CoHA was meant to provide relief, the humanitarian crisis persists. From May to December 2023, the World Food Programme and USAID suspended operations in Ethiopia due to large-scale theft. This decision proved devastating for the millions of Tigrayans who were aid-dependent. Today, aid distribution continues to fall short of targets. The food crisis has only deepened due to agricultural destruction and drought, leaving many areas on the brink of famine. 83% of Tigrayans are food insecure. Tigray’s health system remains shattered, unable to meet overwhelming needs. Over one million internally displaced people in Tigray, many of whom have been displaced multiple times and live in makeshift shelters, are especially vulnerable, unable to return home due to ongoing occupation. But famine is not the only crisis facing Tigrayans. The impact of the war and genocide has dismantled Tigray’s social fabric. Violence against women and girls has become widespread, with no accountability for perpetrators. Lawlessness prevails, driving an exodus of Tigrayan youth as unemployment and economic collapse take hold. In a recent survey, 86% of Tigrayan youth expressed no hope for their future due to the lack of economic opportunities and security in Tigray. This is the legacy of the deadliest war of the 21st century. Amid these intersecting crises, Tigray’s leadership has regrettably failed to prioritize the needs of its people.Yet we, as a community, have not given up. We continue to fight for the people of Tigray, who bear the trauma of genocide and struggle daily for survival. You can help advocate for them, too. Together, we can make a difference. Contact your government representatives to emphasize the need for justice and accountability in Tigray and stress that now is not the time to normalize relations with Ethiopia. Raise awareness in your community and stay informed. Support fundraising efforts by grassroots organizations. Every contribution counts.So, when someone asks, “Where is Tigray?” you can answer, “Tigrayans would say it’s a region between Ethiopia and Eritrea—let me tell you why.”Visit omnatigray.org to learn more about the Tigray Genocide and donate to the Health Professionals Network for Tigray (hpn4tigray. org) and Tigray Disaster Relief Fund (tdrfund.org) to contribute to addressing Tigray’s immense needs. Stay up to date by following @omnatigray, @hpn4tigray, @tdrfund across social media."
}
,
"relatedposts": [
{
"title" : "100+ Years of Genocidal Intent in Palestine",
"author" : "Collis Browne",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/100-years-of-genocidal-intent",
"date" : "2025-10-07 18:01:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/1920-jerusalem.jpg",
"excerpt" : "Every single Israeli prime minister, president, and major Zionist leader has voiced clear intent to erase the Palestinian people from their lands, either by forced expulsion, or military violence. From Herzl and Chaim Weizmann to Ben-Gurion to Netanyahu, the record is not ambiguous:",
"content" : "Every single Israeli prime minister, president, and major Zionist leader has voiced clear intent to erase the Palestinian people from their lands, either by forced expulsion, or military violence. From Herzl and Chaim Weizmann to Ben-Gurion to Netanyahu, the record is not ambiguous:{% for person in site.data.genocidalquotes %}{{ person.name }}{% if person.title %}<p class=\"title-xs\">{{ person.title }}</p>{% endif %}{% for quote in person.quotes %}“{{ quote.text }}”{% if quote.source %}— {{ quote.source }}{% endif %}{% endfor %}{% endfor %}"
}
,
{
"title" : "Dignity Before Stadiums:: Morocco’s Digital Uprising",
"author" : "Cheb Gado",
"category" : "",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/dignity-before-stadiums",
"date" : "2025-10-02 09:08:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/EIP_Cover_Morocco_GenZ.jpg",
"excerpt" : "No one expected a generation raised on smartphones and TikTok clips to ignite a spark of protest shaking Morocco’s streets. But Gen Z, the children of the internet and speed, have stepped forward to write a new chapter in the history of uprisings, in their own style.The wave of anger began with everyday struggles that cut deep into young people’s lives: soaring prices, lack of social justice, and the silencing of their voices in politics. They didn’t need traditional leaders or party manifestos; the movement was born out of a single hashtag that spread like wildfire, transforming individual frustration into collective momentum.",
"content" : "No one expected a generation raised on smartphones and TikTok clips to ignite a spark of protest shaking Morocco’s streets. But Gen Z, the children of the internet and speed, have stepped forward to write a new chapter in the history of uprisings, in their own style.The wave of anger began with everyday struggles that cut deep into young people’s lives: soaring prices, lack of social justice, and the silencing of their voices in politics. They didn’t need traditional leaders or party manifestos; the movement was born out of a single hashtag that spread like wildfire, transforming individual frustration into collective momentum.One of the sharpest contradictions fueling the protests was the billions poured into World Cup-related preparations, while ordinary citizens remained marginalized when it came to healthcare and education.This awareness quickly turned into chants and slogans echoing through the streets: “Dignity begins with schools and hospitals, not with putting on a show for the world.”What set this movement apart was not only its presence on the streets, but also the way it reinvented protest itself:Live filming: Phone cameras revealed events moment by moment, exposing abuses instantly.Memes and satire: A powerful weapon to dismantle authority’s aura, turning complex political discourse into viral, shareable content.Decentralized networks: No leader, no party, just small, fast-moving groups connected online, able to appear and disappear with agility.This generation doesn’t believe in grand speeches or delayed promises. They demand change here and now. Moving seamlessly between the physical and digital realms, they turn the street into a stage of revolt, and Instagram Live into an alternative media outlet.What’s happening in Morocco strongly recalls the Arab Spring of 2011, when young people flooded the streets with the same passion and spontaneity, armed only with belief in their power to spark change. But Gen Z added their own twist, digital tools, meme culture, and the pace of a hyper-connected world.Morocco’s Gen Z uprising is not just another protest, but a living experiment in how a digital generation can redefine politics itself. The spark may fade, but the mark it leaves on young people’s collective consciousness cannot be erased.Photo credits: Mosa’ab Elshamy, Zacaria Garcia, Abdel Majid Bizouat, Marouane Beslem"
}
,
{
"title" : "A Shutdown Exposes How Fragile U.S. Governance Really Is",
"author" : "EIP Editors",
"category" : "",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/a-shutdown-exposes-how-fragile-us-governance-really-is",
"date" : "2025-10-01 22:13:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/EIP_Cover_Gov_ShutDown.jpg",
"excerpt" : "Each time the federal government shutters its doors, we hear the same reassurances: essential services will continue, Social Security checks will still arrive, planes won’t fall from the sky. This isn’t the first Governmental shutdown, they’ve happened 22 times since 1976, and their toll is real.",
"content" : "Each time the federal government shutters its doors, we hear the same reassurances: essential services will continue, Social Security checks will still arrive, planes won’t fall from the sky. This isn’t the first Governmental shutdown, they’ve happened 22 times since 1976, and their toll is real.Shutdowns don’t mean the government stops functioning. They mean millions of federal workers are asked to keep the system running without pay. Air traffic controllers, border patrol agents, food inspectors — people whose jobs underpin both public safety and economic life — are told their labor matters, but their livelihoods don’t. People have to pay the price of bad bureaucracy in the world’s most powerful country, if governance is stalled, workers must pay with their salaries and their groceries.In 1995 and 1996, clashes between President Bill Clinton and House Speaker Newt Gingrich triggered two shutdowns totaling 27 days. In 2013, a 16-day standoff over the Affordable Care Act furloughed 850,000 workers. And in 2018–2019, the longest shutdown in U.S. history stretched 35 days, as President Trump refused to reopen the government without funding for a border wall. That impasse left 800,000 federal employees without paychecks and cost the U.S. economy an estimated $11 billion — $3 billion of it permanently lost.More troubling is what happens when crises strike during shutdowns. The United States is living in an age of accelerating climate disasters: historic floods in Vermont, wildfire smoke choking New York, hurricanes pounding Florida. These emergencies do not pause while Congress fights over budgets. Yet a shutdown means furloughed NOAA meteorologists, suspended EPA enforcement, and delayed FEMA programs. In the most climate-vulnerable decade of our lifetimes, we are choosing paralysis over preparedness.This vulnerability didn’t emerge overnight. For decades, the American state has been hollowed out under the logic of austerity and privatization, while military spending has remained sacrosanct. That imbalance is why budgets collapse under the weight of endless resources for war abroad, too few for resilience at home.Shutdowns send a dangerous message. They normalize instability. They tell workers they are disposable. They make clear that in our system, climate resilience and public health aren’t pillars of our democracy but rather insignificant in the face of power and greed. And each time the government closes, it becomes easier to imagine a future where this isn’t the exception but the rule.The United States cannot afford to keep running on shutdown politics. The climate crisis, economic inequality, and the challenges of sustaining democracy itself demand continuity, not collapse. We need a politics that treats stability and resilience not as partisan victories, but as basic commitments to one another. Otherwise, the real shutdown isn’t just of the government — it’s of democracy itself."
}
]
}