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DIY OR DIE/ KILL YOUR IDOLS
Maya Al Zaben— The last thing I wrote for this article was an introduction. I couldn’t settle on a title: DIY or DIE or KILL YOUR IDOLS (I’ll get to both later). Both intense (as fuck), both provocative (as fuck), and both violently tied to the essence of punk as a movement, fashion era and language style. Maybe the most punk thing I could do was write this piece backwards—and aggressively (apologies to my conservative Arab mother)—start with the conclusion, then the body and end with the intro. Anti-structure, somewhat disruptive (to me and my editors) and exactly in line with what I’m (we are*–collective language, always) writing about: punk as protest.
Punk begins with a firm “NO”—rejecting how things are done and refusing to carry on business as usual. On the mildest end of the punk spectrum, I think of my 2025 resolution to say “no” more often as a former people pleaser. Punk? Not punk enough. Like when John Lennon returned the MBE that Queen Elizabeth II awarded to The (non- punk) Beatles in 1965, sending it back four years later in protest against England’s participation in the Vietnam War. Sean Ono Lennon called it the most punk thing his father ever did. Punk? Not punk enough.
Let’s take it back to the 1970s. The origins of punk itself were born from protest—political corruption in both the United States and the United Kingdom. In the UK, Margaret Thatcher’s neoliberal policies affected working- class communities while at the same time in the US, people were disillusioned after the Vietnam War and the controversial Watergate scandal.
Since I was born 30+ years after these socio-economic tragedies, I stumbled into punk as a child through music and fashion instead (go figure). Still though it wasn’t through the gritty rebellion of the Sex Pistols (I am an antichrist…) or the radical designs of fashion designer Vivienne Westwood (yet), whose tartan bondage pants and sex-obsessed t-shirts defined punk (high) fashion as we know it. It was Adam Lambert’s smudged eyeliner on American Idol and Avril Lavigne’s neckties that became my entry point to the world of “NO”. (Only after writing this sentence did I realize how whiteness shaped punk’s mainstream narrative).
But punk isn’t just a sound or a look—it’s praxis, not just aesthetic. Ripped clothing, black attire (unity), nails and needles, and safety pins are fashion statements, but more than that they are accessories of protection against the system—anti-consumerist objects crafted from whatever is available during times of global strife. Essentially, punk as praxis means that rebellion isn’t commodified material culture but rather a lived experience.
Kill your IDOLS
The phrase “kill your idols” captures one of punk’s most important principles: no one is above critique, not even those who inspire you. Fashion designer and Sex Pistols manager Malcolm McLaren once told Vogue in April 1986 that punk was “like a heap of rubbish waiting to be set alight. It only takes one person to throw the match.” Punk’s fire isn’t about blind destruction but rather about using that match to force reinvention. Punk demands accountability from its heroes and challenges its own history to avoid stagnation (symbolic victories over material change) or hypocrisy. After all, 70s punk was a response to said political and economic stagnation.
Vivienne Westwood, for example, remains one of punk’s most beloved figures, yet her commercial success and mainstream embrace have elicited debates about whether her work has strayed from its anti-establishment roots in favor of couture that only caters to the 0.0001% of our privileged world. Punk doesn’t shy away from asking difficult questions, even of its legends: Can rebellion survive within a capitalist framework? How do we reconcile the commodification of a movement born out of resistance? To kill your idols is to commit to constant self-interrogation and interrogation of those we love most.
Punk zines like Punk Planet (1994-2007) upheld this principle through blunt and confrontational writing, questioning not only society but also the punk movement itself. Articles like “Creative People Need to Question How They May Be Prostituting Their Talents and Who Their Pimp May Be” (March 2003) directly asks creative individuals to question not just how they create, but who ultimately benefits from their labor. The piece urges readers to ensure their work remains a reflection of their values rather than a product of capitalism and systemic compromise. The raw and aggressive language mirrors punk’s wardrobe choices: unapologetic/ (organized) chaos.
Do-it-Yourself or DIE
I can’t remember the last time I DIY’d anything myself—- I’m terrible with crafts (this is why I write), but in the punk movement DIY is more than just what you can do with your hands. It’s the belief that you don’t need permission, funding, or validation to create or express yourself or the society you want to live in. In punk, if you want a “free society”, you have to DIY it. To embrace punk is to create your own world with YOUR hands, your voice–and rage. To QUESTION. To REBUILD. And to RESIST.
Fashion as Protest Armor
Historically, punks were always raiding thrift shops for affordable items they could modify. Spikes and leather are used as a protective shield against hostility in protests. They create a sense of distance between the “punk” and the “other.” Leather or denim jackets are wearable manifestos– and patches or hand- painted graphics showcase allegiances to personal philosophies. Combat boots are a grounding defense that suggest the wearer is ready for confrontation or resistance. Mohawks and liberty spikes acted as psychological armor: don’t fuck with me or else.
Vivienne Westwood and Malcolm McLaren (they worked together for decades) elevated this crummyish DIY ethic into high art. Their collections–“Pirates” (1981), “Punkature” (1982), and “Witches” (1983), etc. took traditional symbols of power and authority—corsets, military jackets….
When Punk meets Palestine
I met Romanian activist and punk fashion designer Bogdan Stefanescu at a Palestinian protest in Washington Square Park a few months ago—before I even knew I’d be writing an article with him as essentially the main character (so glad we stayed in touch). His mohawk and leather jacket, covered in spikes and images of revolutionary figures, made him unmistakably P-U- N-K. At 63, Bogdan embodied everything punk is supposed to be: “Punk is a fuck you in the face of oppressive society,” he told me. “It’s nonconformist, anti-institutional, and anti- corporate. Punk pisses a lot of people off, but that’s how you know you’re doing something right.”
Why Punk still matters
The punk movement continues to evolve globally even as trends in political and fashion values shift. It’s cool as fuck. It is not accepting the world as it is. It is a commitment to creating something better. And most importantly it is building community in a legislative era that seeks to divide. QUESTION. REBUILD. RESIST.

{
"article":
{
"title" : "DIY OR DIE/ KILL YOUR IDOLS",
"author" : "Maya Al Zaben",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/diy-or-die-slash-kill-your-idols",
"date" : "2025-03-21 16:23:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Screenshot-2025-02-18-at-10.33.16PM.jpg",
"excerpt" : "Maya Al Zaben— The last thing I wrote for this article was an introduction. I couldn’t settle on a title: DIY or DIE or KILL YOUR IDOLS (I’ll get to both later). Both intense (as fuck), both provocative (as fuck), and both violently tied to the essence of punk as a movement, fashion era and language style. Maybe the most punk thing I could do was write this piece backwards—and aggressively (apologies to my conservative Arab mother)—start with the conclusion, then the body and end with the intro. Anti-structure, somewhat disruptive (to me and my editors) and exactly in line with what I’m (we are*–collective language, always) writing about: punk as protest.",
"content" : "Maya Al Zaben— The last thing I wrote for this article was an introduction. I couldn’t settle on a title: DIY or DIE or KILL YOUR IDOLS (I’ll get to both later). Both intense (as fuck), both provocative (as fuck), and both violently tied to the essence of punk as a movement, fashion era and language style. Maybe the most punk thing I could do was write this piece backwards—and aggressively (apologies to my conservative Arab mother)—start with the conclusion, then the body and end with the intro. Anti-structure, somewhat disruptive (to me and my editors) and exactly in line with what I’m (we are*–collective language, always) writing about: punk as protest.Punk begins with a firm “NO”—rejecting how things are done and refusing to carry on business as usual. On the mildest end of the punk spectrum, I think of my 2025 resolution to say “no” more often as a former people pleaser. Punk? Not punk enough. Like when John Lennon returned the MBE that Queen Elizabeth II awarded to The (non- punk) Beatles in 1965, sending it back four years later in protest against England’s participation in the Vietnam War. Sean Ono Lennon called it the most punk thing his father ever did. Punk? Not punk enough.Let’s take it back to the 1970s. The origins of punk itself were born from protest—political corruption in both the United States and the United Kingdom. In the UK, Margaret Thatcher’s neoliberal policies affected working- class communities while at the same time in the US, people were disillusioned after the Vietnam War and the controversial Watergate scandal.Since I was born 30+ years after these socio-economic tragedies, I stumbled into punk as a child through music and fashion instead (go figure). Still though it wasn’t through the gritty rebellion of the Sex Pistols (I am an antichrist…) or the radical designs of fashion designer Vivienne Westwood (yet), whose tartan bondage pants and sex-obsessed t-shirts defined punk (high) fashion as we know it. It was Adam Lambert’s smudged eyeliner on American Idol and Avril Lavigne’s neckties that became my entry point to the world of “NO”. (Only after writing this sentence did I realize how whiteness shaped punk’s mainstream narrative).But punk isn’t just a sound or a look—it’s praxis, not just aesthetic. Ripped clothing, black attire (unity), nails and needles, and safety pins are fashion statements, but more than that they are accessories of protection against the system—anti-consumerist objects crafted from whatever is available during times of global strife. Essentially, punk as praxis means that rebellion isn’t commodified material culture but rather a lived experience.Kill your IDOLSThe phrase “kill your idols” captures one of punk’s most important principles: no one is above critique, not even those who inspire you. Fashion designer and Sex Pistols manager Malcolm McLaren once told Vogue in April 1986 that punk was “like a heap of rubbish waiting to be set alight. It only takes one person to throw the match.” Punk’s fire isn’t about blind destruction but rather about using that match to force reinvention. Punk demands accountability from its heroes and challenges its own history to avoid stagnation (symbolic victories over material change) or hypocrisy. After all, 70s punk was a response to said political and economic stagnation.Vivienne Westwood, for example, remains one of punk’s most beloved figures, yet her commercial success and mainstream embrace have elicited debates about whether her work has strayed from its anti-establishment roots in favor of couture that only caters to the 0.0001% of our privileged world. Punk doesn’t shy away from asking difficult questions, even of its legends: Can rebellion survive within a capitalist framework? How do we reconcile the commodification of a movement born out of resistance? To kill your idols is to commit to constant self-interrogation and interrogation of those we love most.Punk zines like Punk Planet (1994-2007) upheld this principle through blunt and confrontational writing, questioning not only society but also the punk movement itself. Articles like “Creative People Need to Question How They May Be Prostituting Their Talents and Who Their Pimp May Be” (March 2003) directly asks creative individuals to question not just how they create, but who ultimately benefits from their labor. The piece urges readers to ensure their work remains a reflection of their values rather than a product of capitalism and systemic compromise. The raw and aggressive language mirrors punk’s wardrobe choices: unapologetic/ (organized) chaos.Do-it-Yourself or DIEI can’t remember the last time I DIY’d anything myself—- I’m terrible with crafts (this is why I write), but in the punk movement DIY is more than just what you can do with your hands. It’s the belief that you don’t need permission, funding, or validation to create or express yourself or the society you want to live in. In punk, if you want a “free society”, you have to DIY it. To embrace punk is to create your own world with YOUR hands, your voice–and rage. To QUESTION. To REBUILD. And to RESIST.Fashion as Protest ArmorHistorically, punks were always raiding thrift shops for affordable items they could modify. Spikes and leather are used as a protective shield against hostility in protests. They create a sense of distance between the “punk” and the “other.” Leather or denim jackets are wearable manifestos– and patches or hand- painted graphics showcase allegiances to personal philosophies. Combat boots are a grounding defense that suggest the wearer is ready for confrontation or resistance. Mohawks and liberty spikes acted as psychological armor: don’t fuck with me or else.Vivienne Westwood and Malcolm McLaren (they worked together for decades) elevated this crummyish DIY ethic into high art. Their collections–“Pirates” (1981), “Punkature” (1982), and “Witches” (1983), etc. took traditional symbols of power and authority—corsets, military jackets….When Punk meets PalestineI met Romanian activist and punk fashion designer Bogdan Stefanescu at a Palestinian protest in Washington Square Park a few months ago—before I even knew I’d be writing an article with him as essentially the main character (so glad we stayed in touch). His mohawk and leather jacket, covered in spikes and images of revolutionary figures, made him unmistakably P-U- N-K. At 63, Bogdan embodied everything punk is supposed to be: “Punk is a fuck you in the face of oppressive society,” he told me. “It’s nonconformist, anti-institutional, and anti- corporate. Punk pisses a lot of people off, but that’s how you know you’re doing something right.”Why Punk still mattersThe punk movement continues to evolve globally even as trends in political and fashion values shift. It’s cool as fuck. It is not accepting the world as it is. It is a commitment to creating something better. And most importantly it is building community in a legislative era that seeks to divide. QUESTION. REBUILD. RESIST."
}
,
"relatedposts": [
{
"title" : "Censorship Didn’t Start With Kimmel:: Why Independent Media Is Our Biggest Asset",
"author" : "Céline Semaan",
"category" : "",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/censorship-didnt-start-with-kimmel-why-independent-media-is-our-biggest-asset",
"date" : "2025-09-19 13:55:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/EIP_Cover_Independent_Media.jpg",
"excerpt" : "Jimmy Kimmel is off the air. ABC suspended Jimmy Kimmel Live! after his monologue criticizing the political reaction to Charlie Kirk’s killing. The network, under pressure from conservative outrage, FCC threats, and nervous affiliates, caved. Suddenly, liberal commentators are outraged. Suddenly, people who considered themselves guardians of democracy are crying censorship. But here’s the uncomfortable truth: their tears are 700 days too late.",
"content" : "Jimmy Kimmel is off the air. ABC suspended Jimmy Kimmel Live! after his monologue criticizing the political reaction to Charlie Kirk’s killing. The network, under pressure from conservative outrage, FCC threats, and nervous affiliates, caved. Suddenly, liberal commentators are outraged. Suddenly, people who considered themselves guardians of democracy are crying censorship. But here’s the uncomfortable truth: their tears are 700 days too late.The silencing of voices did not begin with Kimmel. It has been happening all along, in classrooms where burning books was occurring under a democratic leadership, in newsrooms, in publishing houses, in theaters and comedy clubs. It has been happening quietly, steadily, almost imperceptibly—until the silence was too loud to ignore. Karen Attiah, one of the most important voices at The Washington Post, was recently fired. Writers have lost contracts. My own book was shelved by my publisher and literary agents for political reasons. Academics have been dismissed from universities, and journalists pushed out of their jobs. Each case is framed as an exception, but together they reveal a pattern: dissent is increasingly treated as a liability, not a public necessity.Nothing of this is an isolated punishment of individuals but it is a structural effort to narrow the bounds of what can be said. It is McCarthyism repackaged for a new century, only this time its reach extends beyond the Cold War paranoia of communism into the broader realm of political dissent. What we are witnessing is censorship as part of a larger effort to reshaping of the public sphere itself.The Illusion of Democratic ProtectionMany still cling to the idea that democracy, by its very nature, will protect us. That the courts will intervene, that the institutions will hold, that the First Amendment will somehow enforce itself. But democracy is not self-executing. Rights written on paper mean nothing if the institutions that carry them — universities, newsrooms, publishing houses, even late-night television — are captured or hollowed out.The so-called “marketplace of ideas” is an economy owned by corporations, hedge funds, and media conglomerates. What we read, what we watch, what we hear is already shaped by the profit motive and the political pressures of advertisers and owners. When Disney owns the network, when billionaires own the newspapers, when Silicon Valley decides who gets amplified and who gets shadow-banned, it is naïve to think the First Amendment alone will safeguard us. Democracy does not protect its people when its most basic infrastructure has already been sold off.The Long ErosionWhat happened to Kimmel is not shocking; it is predictable. The erosion of free expression has been slow, but steady. It shows up in grant applications denied for being “too political.” In canceled contracts and disappearing op-eds and governmental information wiped out of governmental websites. In comedians who decide not to say something, not because they don’t believe it, but because they know the cost of saying it. In students who fear speaking out, lest it follow them for life. In social media platforms quietly throttling reach under vague “community guidelines.”For over 700 days, genocide has been live-broadcast to the world, and yet the people who speak most clearly about it have been punished — whether by suspension, firing, or erasure. It’s by design, silence is the product of systems working exactly as designed. Even when Arab voices work tirelessly behind the scenes, they are surely to be erased on the world stages. Most convenient to have their message co-opted by palatable influencers or celebrities, who take up space with little critical thinking. This too is a form of censorship.The Role of Independent MediaThis is why independent media is not a luxury. It is a necessity. The survival of democracy depends not on the myth of neutrality in corporate media but on the ability of independent voices to hold power accountable. Independent outlets can say what others cannot, not because they are more radical, but because they are less beholden to greed and power. They exist outside the corridors of corporate profit and political pressure.Independent media tells the stories that otherwise disappear — the stories of people on the margins, the stories of communities under siege, the stories that advertisers would rather you didn’t hear. Acting both as a living archive and the public’s voice, it does more than just document: it builds the collective resilience we need to withstand propaganda. In a landscape flooded with misinformation, independent outlets give people the tools to see through the fog. They are not divisive; they are connective. They create solidarity across differences, reminding us that liberation is never zero-sum.The Structure of SuppressionWhen we talk about censorship, it’s tempting to imagine it as a blunt act: a book banned, a show canceled, a journalist jailed. But most censorship is quieter, structural, and bureaucratic. It looks like funding cuts that suffocate small outlets. It looks like corporate consolidations that shrink the diversity of voices. It looks like algorithms that bury dissent under oceans of entertainment. It looks like lawsuits, defamation threats, and regulatory red tape designed to exhaust those who dare to challenge power.These forms of suppression rarely make headlines, but they are precisely how freedom dies: not with a bang, but with a spreadsheet.Building Cultural InfrastructureIf we are to survive this moment and outlive fascism, we must recognize independent media as cultural infrastructure. It is as essential to democracy as clean water is to life. Without it, we cannot breathe politically. Without it, we cannot resist.This requires resources — not just clicks, likes, or shares, but real investment and independent platforms that can survive Silicon Valley’s censorships. Subscriptions and memberships from everyday people matter, but so does the responsibility of philanthropists and foundations. For too long, they have hidden behind the veil of “neutrality,” funding depoliticized projects while democracy itself collapses. To defend free expression requires courage — the courage to support media that tells uncomfortable truths.Independent media is not disposable content. It is the bedrock of collective survival. And if we allow it to be starved, silenced, or crushed under the weight of corporate monopolies, then we should not be surprised when democracy fails to save us.The CrossroadsWe are at a crossroads. Either we continue to wring our hands as one voice after another is silenced, or we begin to treat the media as the public good it has always been. Either we accept the narrowing of what can be said, or we invest in the broad chorus of voices that democracy requires.Censorship did not begin with Jimmy Kimmel, and it will not end with him. But it can end with us, if we choose to build and defend the cultural infrastructure that outlasts fascism.The choice is simple, but urgent: fund the voices that tell the truth — or watch them disappear.Not tomorrow. Not when it’s convenient. Not when the damage is already done.Now. Thank you for being a member. Invite your peers.Write for EIP."
}
,
{
"title" : "From Sabra & Shatila to Gaza: The UN’s Century of Failure and the Rise of Alternatives",
"author" : "Collis Browne",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/from-sabra-and-shatila-to-gaza",
"date" : "2025-09-16 10:47:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/2025_9_16_UN_Genocide_1.jpg",
"excerpt" : "On the 43rd anniversary of the massacres committed under Israeli authority at Sabra and Shatila camps in Beirut in 1982, a United Nations Commission Of Inquiry has concluded, as would any rational observer, that Israel has been committing genocide in Gaza since October 2023.",
"content" : "On the 43rd anniversary of the massacres committed under Israeli authority at Sabra and Shatila camps in Beirut in 1982, a United Nations Commission Of Inquiry has concluded, as would any rational observer, that Israel has been committing genocide in Gaza since October 2023.This is not news. It could, however, be a turning point, . The UN’s declaration cracks open the conservative West’s long-standing wall of denial about the genocidal intentions and actions of the U.S.–Israel military machine. What happens next matters.A Century of Genocidal IntentFor those who have been watching Palestine with clarity long before 2023, this genocide is not an aberration — it is the project itself. From its inception, every major Zionist leader and Israeli politician has openly articulated the goal of erasing the Indigenous people of Palestine, whether through forced expulsion or mass murder.More than a hundred years of speeches, policies, and massacres testify to this intent. The so-called “War on Gaza” is simply the most visible and livestreamed stage of an ongoing colonial project.The UN’s Empty WordsIs this UN report different? The UN has made declarative statements for decades with no action or enforcement. In 1975, the UN declared Zionism is racism, citing the “unholy alliance” between apartheid South Africa and Israel. Yet Zionists continued to enjoy privileged status across Western institutions. Since 1967, the UN has passed resolution after resolution denouncing illegal Israeli settlements on stolen Palestinian land. Still, the theft continues unchecked. In December 2022, the UN General Assembly demanded Israel end its “unlawful presence” in the Occupied Territories within one year. That deadline expires this week, September 18, 2025. Israel has ignored it completely, as expected — with no consequences. Declarations without enforcement are not justice. They are fig leaves for impunity.What Good Is the UN?The Geneva Convention obliges all states to intervene to stop and punish genocide. Yet no country has deployed forces to resist Israel’s military slaughter in Gaza. No sanctions. No accountability.If the UN cannot stop one of its own member states from carrying out genocide in full public view — in “4K” as the world watches live — then what is the UN for?The Rise of AlternativesThe cracks are widening. The government of China has announced a new Global Governance initiative, already backed by dozens of countries. Without illusions about its motivations, the concept paper at least addresses three of the UN’s structural failures: Underrepresentation of the Global South — redressing centuries of colonial imbalance. Erosion of authoritativeness — restoring the credibility of international law. Urgent need for effectiveness — accelerating stalled progress on global commitments like the UN’s 2030 Agenda. The question is not whether the UN will reform. It is whether it can survive its own irrelevance.Toward a New Global OrderFrom Sabra and Shatila to Gaza, the UN has failed to prevent — or even meaningfully resist — genocide. Its reports and resolutions pile up, while the graves in Palestine multiply.If the international body tasked with “peace and security” cannot act against the most televised genocide in history, then the world has to ask: do we need a new United Nations? Or do we need to build something entirely different — a system of global governance that serves the people, not the powerful?"
}
,
{
"title" : "France in Revolt: Debt, Uranium, and the Costs of Macron-ism",
"author" : "EIP Editors",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/france-in-revolt",
"date" : "2025-09-14 22:39:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Bloquons-Tout.jpg",
"excerpt" : "France is burning again—not only on the streets of Paris but in the brittle foundations of its political economy. What began as a mass revolt against austerity and public-service cuts has become a national convulsion: roads blocked, train stations occupied, workplaces shut down under the call to “Bloquons Tout” (Let’s Block Everything). The collapse of François Bayrou’s government is only the latest symptom. At the root of the crisis is a political project: Macronism—the steady, decade-long tilt toward pro-business reforms, tax cuts for the wealthy, and austerity by default—that has hollowed out public revenue and narrowed citizens’ options.",
"content" : "France is burning again—not only on the streets of Paris but in the brittle foundations of its political economy. What began as a mass revolt against austerity and public-service cuts has become a national convulsion: roads blocked, train stations occupied, workplaces shut down under the call to “Bloquons Tout” (Let’s Block Everything). The collapse of François Bayrou’s government is only the latest symptom. At the root of the crisis is a political project: Macronism—the steady, decade-long tilt toward pro-business reforms, tax cuts for the wealthy, and austerity by default—that has hollowed out public revenue and narrowed citizens’ options.Tax Cuts, Corporate Giveaways, and Rising DebtSince Emmanuel Macron took office in 2017, his administration rolled out a suite of pro-market reforms: the abolition of the broad wealth tax (ISF), replaced by a narrower property wealth tax (IFI); a sustained reduction of the corporate tax rate to about 25%; and a raft of tax measures framed as competitiveness fixes for companies and investors. Economists now estimate that Macron’s tax cuts account for a significant share of France’s rising public debt; his reforms helped widen deficits even before pandemic and energy-shock spending pushed them higher. Today France’s public debt sits near 113–114% of GDP, and ratings agencies and markets are watching closely. (Le Monde.fr)These policies did not produce the promised boom in broadly shared prosperity. Investment did not surge enough to offset lost revenue, and growth remained sluggish. The political consequence was predictable: when the state has less to spend, the burden of balancing budgets falls on cuts to pensions, healthcare, and social programs—measures that overwhelmingly hurt working-class and vulnerable communities. (Financial Times)Pension Reform, Social Fracture, and the Limits of ConsentMacron’s government pushed a controversial pension reform—raising the retirement age from 62 to 64—which sparked nationwide strikes and mass protests in 2023. The reform illustrated a defining feature of Macronism: when public consent falters, the state still presses forward with market-oriented restructuring, deepening social fracture and anger. The pension fight didn’t create the crisis so much as expose it. (Al Jazeera)Colonial Hangover: Uranium, Energy, and GeopoliticsFrance’s energy model has long rested on nuclear power—once a source of national pride for its emission-free nature, and geopolitical independence. Behind that story, however, is another: the colonial era’s extraction of uranium in places like Niger, where French companies (notably Orano/former Areva) secured resource access under unequal terms. As Niger reasserted sovereignty over its resources after the 2023 coup and pushed back on French access, the illusion of seamless “energy independence” began to crack. Losing preferential access to Nigerien uranium has widened France’s energy insecurity and amplified the fiscal squeeze: higher energy costs, the need to secure new supply chains, and political pressure to maintain subsidies for households. The politics of extraction are now returning home. (Le Monde.fr)Climate, Austerity, and the Moral EconomyAdd the climate emergency to the mix—record heatwaves, floods, and wildfires—and the picture becomes even more bleak. Infrastructure strain and rising costs of climate adaptation demand public investment, yet the government’s posture has been to trim and reprioritize spending to satisfy markets. In practice, that means the people least responsible for climate harm—low-income communities, migrants, and precarious workers—are asked to pay the price. The result is a moral and political rupture: climate vulnerability plus fiscal austerity equals radicalized grievance. (Financial Times)A Convergence of FailuresThis is why the current uprising cannot be reduced to a single grievance. It is the convergence of multiple failures: Economic: tax policy that favored the wealthy while starving the public purse; rising debt and cuts that fall on the poor. (Financial Times) Colonial: the unraveling of extractive arrangements that once propped up French energy and power. (Le Monde.fr) Ecological: climate shocks that amplify social need even as public services are stripped back. (Financial Times) The revolt has therefore drawn a broad constituency—students, unions, public-sector workers, and neighborhoods long marginalized by austerity. It is not merely a labor dispute; it is a crisis of legitimacy for a model of governance that privatized gains and socialized pain.What Macronism Tells Us About the Global MomentFrance is a cautionary tale for democracies worldwide. When political leaders prioritize tax breaks for capital and cut public goods to placate markets, they borrow political stability against the future. The bill eventually comes due—in rising debt, in weakened social cohesion, and in violent backlash. Where resource dependencies meet neoliberal retrenchment, the risk of social rupture grows.Three Questions for What Comes Next Will the French state return to a redistributive project—taxing wealth, reclaiming revenues, and investing in climate resilience—or double down on austerity? Can movements translate street power into institutional change that addresses colonial legacies (resource sovereignty) as well as domestic inequality? Will climate policy be woven into social policy—so that adaptation and justice go hand in hand—or will they remain separate priorities, deepening vulnerability? France stands at a crossroads: continue a model that funnels benefit to capital while exposing citizens to climate and economic shocks—or imagine a social contract rooted in redistribution, de-colonial resource politics, and ecological justice. The choice will not be made in the Élysée alone. It is being argued in the streets, in workplaces, and across borders where the costs of extraction were first paid.Everything is Political—and in France today, that truth has never been clearer."
}
]
}