Digital & Print Membership
Yearly + Receive 8 free printed back issues
$420 Annually
Monthly + Receive 3 free printed back issues
$40 Monthly
The Myth of an Apolitical Eden

This text is an adapted excerpt from “Babylon, Albion”, by Dalia Al-Dujaili, 2025. saqibooks.com
Whether earthly or heavenly, our understanding of paradise—an eternal state of peace and rest— remains a garden. This idea found its way into Abrahamic texts: Eden shares its narrative with the Sumerian “garden of the gods,” which was later adopted by the Babylonians who conquered Sumer (ancient Iraq). So that today, Judeo-Christian and Islamic origin stories share strikingly similar, and in some cases, even directly mirror ancient Sumerian myths.
A garden is seen as a divine space, a place almost between heaven and earth. Perhaps it is because we can create our own paradise in a garden. We can create our own sense of belonging by interacting with the natural world in a way which seems understandable to us. We water the same plant over years or see the same tree changing its facade over multiple seasons.
In a garden, we find nature “at peace.” We don’t find floods and forest fires, we don’t find great storms and the rotting corpses of animals, we don’t find diseases that wipe out whole populations of insects. We curate and manufacture nature to fit our image of a natural world which is inherently beautiful, virtuous, and harmless.
But a garden is not the neutral place we think it is. Our gardens are both reflections of our identities and spaces where politics are practiced.
In 1936, three years after Adolf Hitler came to power, a German landscape architect argued for the need “to design blood-and-soil-rooted gardens.” The idea spread throughout Germany, influenced by the landscape architect and Nazi, Willy Lange. “Our feelings for our homeland should be rooted in the character of domestic landscapes,” he argued. He was key in issuing a law forbidding the use of any plants deemed non-native.
These ideas didn’t take root in the UK. The pioneering Irish gardener, William Robinson, known for popularizing the design of English “cottage gardens,” argued for the integration of foreign plants into British gardens and advocated for the naturalization of “hardy exotic plants” in his pioneering work, The Wild Garden. He promoted the idea of incorporating non-native species that could thrive in the British climate, as well as “mixed borders” made up of a mix of herbaceous plants, thereby enriching the diversity and beauty of local gardens as spaces which celebrated the fluidity of nature.
The gardens of stately homes are aesthetic feats of engineering—where landscape design meets ecology and artistic finesse. But the garden has so often been the site of practicing and performing a certain idea, or ideal, of Britishness. It is often a site that contains Englishness, where cosmopolitanism and a mixing of non-native plants is carried out under the supervision of the gardener.
The term “English rose” is usually associated with English girls of fair skin and delicate features, likening the lady to the national flower of England. The term was adopted from the Tudor rose which became the symbol of the nation state of England.
However, most of our beloved English garden roses as we know them today are not native to the UK. The cultivation of garden roses began with the Romans, who brought them from areas in Southwest Asia where roses had long been cultivated, first from the ancient Egyptians, who the Romans later traded with and took heavy influence from, while also sourcing roses from Iran, Turkey and Syria. The rose is the national flower of Iraq, where it is a true native. The English rose, then, is really a symbol of cosmopolitanism, not the province of a nation state and its identity. British gardens are, really, very multicultural.
“Something so synonymous with English identity is in fact international,” writes one British blogger of the flower, which reminds me that British identity is as much about foreignness as it is about nativeness.
Gardens, with their walls, boundaries and guidelines, ask us to consider why we value dominance, control, and maintenance of nature, and how we categorize belonging in a patch of soil.
More from: Dalia Al‑Dujaili
Keep reading:
Global Echoes of Resistance:
Artists Harnessing Art, Culture, and Ancestry
Brea Andy
{
"article":
{
"title" : "The Myth of an Apolitical Eden",
"author" : "Dalia Al-Dujaili",
"category" : "excerpts",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/the-myth-of-an-apolitical-eden",
"date" : "2025-05-06 14:15:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/228DEC2D-694B-4282-9988-DC4FEEC89963-1.jpg",
"excerpt" : "",
"content" : "This text is an adapted excerpt from “Babylon, Albion”, by Dalia Al-Dujaili, 2025. saqibooks.comWhether earthly or heavenly, our understanding of paradise—an eternal state of peace and rest— remains a garden. This idea found its way into Abrahamic texts: Eden shares its narrative with the Sumerian “garden of the gods,” which was later adopted by the Babylonians who conquered Sumer (ancient Iraq). So that today, Judeo-Christian and Islamic origin stories share strikingly similar, and in some cases, even directly mirror ancient Sumerian myths.A garden is seen as a divine space, a place almost between heaven and earth. Perhaps it is because we can create our own paradise in a garden. We can create our own sense of belonging by interacting with the natural world in a way which seems understandable to us. We water the same plant over years or see the same tree changing its facade over multiple seasons.In a garden, we find nature “at peace.” We don’t find floods and forest fires, we don’t find great storms and the rotting corpses of animals, we don’t find diseases that wipe out whole populations of insects. We curate and manufacture nature to fit our image of a natural world which is inherently beautiful, virtuous, and harmless. But a garden is not the neutral place we think it is. Our gardens are both reflections of our identities and spaces where politics are practiced.In 1936, three years after Adolf Hitler came to power, a German landscape architect argued for the need “to design blood-and-soil-rooted gardens.” The idea spread throughout Germany, influenced by the landscape architect and Nazi, Willy Lange. “Our feelings for our homeland should be rooted in the character of domestic landscapes,” he argued. He was key in issuing a law forbidding the use of any plants deemed non-native.These ideas didn’t take root in the UK. The pioneering Irish gardener, William Robinson, known for popularizing the design of English “cottage gardens,” argued for the integration of foreign plants into British gardens and advocated for the naturalization of “hardy exotic plants” in his pioneering work, The Wild Garden. He promoted the idea of incorporating non-native species that could thrive in the British climate, as well as “mixed borders” made up of a mix of herbaceous plants, thereby enriching the diversity and beauty of local gardens as spaces which celebrated the fluidity of nature.The gardens of stately homes are aesthetic feats of engineering—where landscape design meets ecology and artistic finesse. But the garden has so often been the site of practicing and performing a certain idea, or ideal, of Britishness. It is often a site that contains Englishness, where cosmopolitanism and a mixing of non-native plants is carried out under the supervision of the gardener.The term “English rose” is usually associated with English girls of fair skin and delicate features, likening the lady to the national flower of England. The term was adopted from the Tudor rose which became the symbol of the nation state of England.However, most of our beloved English garden roses as we know them today are not native to the UK. The cultivation of garden roses began with the Romans, who brought them from areas in Southwest Asia where roses had long been cultivated, first from the ancient Egyptians, who the Romans later traded with and took heavy influence from, while also sourcing roses from Iran, Turkey and Syria. The rose is the national flower of Iraq, where it is a true native. The English rose, then, is really a symbol of cosmopolitanism, not the province of a nation state and its identity. British gardens are, really, very multicultural.“Something so synonymous with English identity is in fact international,” writes one British blogger of the flower, which reminds me that British identity is as much about foreignness as it is about nativeness.Gardens, with their walls, boundaries and guidelines, ask us to consider why we value dominance, control, and maintenance of nature, and how we categorize belonging in a patch of soil."
}
,
"relatedposts": [
{
"title" : "100+ Years of Genocidal Intent in Palestine",
"author" : "Collis Browne",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/100-years-of-genocidal-intent",
"date" : "2025-10-07 18:01:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/1920-jerusalem.jpg",
"excerpt" : "Every single Israeli prime minister, president, and major Zionist leader has voiced clear intent to erase the Palestinian people from their lands, either by forced expulsion, or military violence. From Herzl and Chaim Weizmann to Ben-Gurion to Netanyahu, the record is not ambiguous:",
"content" : "Every single Israeli prime minister, president, and major Zionist leader has voiced clear intent to erase the Palestinian people from their lands, either by forced expulsion, or military violence. From Herzl and Chaim Weizmann to Ben-Gurion to Netanyahu, the record is not ambiguous:{% for person in site.data.genocidalquotes %}{{ person.name }}{% if person.title %}<p class=\"title-xs\">{{ person.title }}</p>{% endif %}{% for quote in person.quotes %}“{{ quote.text }}”{% if quote.source %}— {{ quote.source }}{% endif %}{% endfor %}{% endfor %}"
}
,
{
"title" : "Dignity Before Stadiums:: Morocco’s Digital Uprising",
"author" : "Cheb Gado",
"category" : "",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/dignity-before-stadiums",
"date" : "2025-10-02 09:08:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/EIP_Cover_Morocco_GenZ.jpg",
"excerpt" : "No one expected a generation raised on smartphones and TikTok clips to ignite a spark of protest shaking Morocco’s streets. But Gen Z, the children of the internet and speed, have stepped forward to write a new chapter in the history of uprisings, in their own style.The wave of anger began with everyday struggles that cut deep into young people’s lives: soaring prices, lack of social justice, and the silencing of their voices in politics. They didn’t need traditional leaders or party manifestos; the movement was born out of a single hashtag that spread like wildfire, transforming individual frustration into collective momentum.",
"content" : "No one expected a generation raised on smartphones and TikTok clips to ignite a spark of protest shaking Morocco’s streets. But Gen Z, the children of the internet and speed, have stepped forward to write a new chapter in the history of uprisings, in their own style.The wave of anger began with everyday struggles that cut deep into young people’s lives: soaring prices, lack of social justice, and the silencing of their voices in politics. They didn’t need traditional leaders or party manifestos; the movement was born out of a single hashtag that spread like wildfire, transforming individual frustration into collective momentum.One of the sharpest contradictions fueling the protests was the billions poured into World Cup-related preparations, while ordinary citizens remained marginalized when it came to healthcare and education.This awareness quickly turned into chants and slogans echoing through the streets: “Dignity begins with schools and hospitals, not with putting on a show for the world.”What set this movement apart was not only its presence on the streets, but also the way it reinvented protest itself:Live filming: Phone cameras revealed events moment by moment, exposing abuses instantly.Memes and satire: A powerful weapon to dismantle authority’s aura, turning complex political discourse into viral, shareable content.Decentralized networks: No leader, no party, just small, fast-moving groups connected online, able to appear and disappear with agility.This generation doesn’t believe in grand speeches or delayed promises. They demand change here and now. Moving seamlessly between the physical and digital realms, they turn the street into a stage of revolt, and Instagram Live into an alternative media outlet.What’s happening in Morocco strongly recalls the Arab Spring of 2011, when young people flooded the streets with the same passion and spontaneity, armed only with belief in their power to spark change. But Gen Z added their own twist, digital tools, meme culture, and the pace of a hyper-connected world.Morocco’s Gen Z uprising is not just another protest, but a living experiment in how a digital generation can redefine politics itself. The spark may fade, but the mark it leaves on young people’s collective consciousness cannot be erased.Photo credits: Mosa’ab Elshamy, Zacaria Garcia, Abdel Majid Bizouat, Marouane Beslem"
}
,
{
"title" : "A Shutdown Exposes How Fragile U.S. Governance Really Is",
"author" : "EIP Editors",
"category" : "",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/a-shutdown-exposes-how-fragile-us-governance-really-is",
"date" : "2025-10-01 22:13:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/EIP_Cover_Gov_ShutDown.jpg",
"excerpt" : "Each time the federal government shutters its doors, we hear the same reassurances: essential services will continue, Social Security checks will still arrive, planes won’t fall from the sky. This isn’t the first Governmental shutdown, they’ve happened 22 times since 1976, and their toll is real.",
"content" : "Each time the federal government shutters its doors, we hear the same reassurances: essential services will continue, Social Security checks will still arrive, planes won’t fall from the sky. This isn’t the first Governmental shutdown, they’ve happened 22 times since 1976, and their toll is real.Shutdowns don’t mean the government stops functioning. They mean millions of federal workers are asked to keep the system running without pay. Air traffic controllers, border patrol agents, food inspectors — people whose jobs underpin both public safety and economic life — are told their labor matters, but their livelihoods don’t. People have to pay the price of bad bureaucracy in the world’s most powerful country, if governance is stalled, workers must pay with their salaries and their groceries.In 1995 and 1996, clashes between President Bill Clinton and House Speaker Newt Gingrich triggered two shutdowns totaling 27 days. In 2013, a 16-day standoff over the Affordable Care Act furloughed 850,000 workers. And in 2018–2019, the longest shutdown in U.S. history stretched 35 days, as President Trump refused to reopen the government without funding for a border wall. That impasse left 800,000 federal employees without paychecks and cost the U.S. economy an estimated $11 billion — $3 billion of it permanently lost.More troubling is what happens when crises strike during shutdowns. The United States is living in an age of accelerating climate disasters: historic floods in Vermont, wildfire smoke choking New York, hurricanes pounding Florida. These emergencies do not pause while Congress fights over budgets. Yet a shutdown means furloughed NOAA meteorologists, suspended EPA enforcement, and delayed FEMA programs. In the most climate-vulnerable decade of our lifetimes, we are choosing paralysis over preparedness.This vulnerability didn’t emerge overnight. For decades, the American state has been hollowed out under the logic of austerity and privatization, while military spending has remained sacrosanct. That imbalance is why budgets collapse under the weight of endless resources for war abroad, too few for resilience at home.Shutdowns send a dangerous message. They normalize instability. They tell workers they are disposable. They make clear that in our system, climate resilience and public health aren’t pillars of our democracy but rather insignificant in the face of power and greed. And each time the government closes, it becomes easier to imagine a future where this isn’t the exception but the rule.The United States cannot afford to keep running on shutdown politics. The climate crisis, economic inequality, and the challenges of sustaining democracy itself demand continuity, not collapse. We need a politics that treats stability and resilience not as partisan victories, but as basic commitments to one another. Otherwise, the real shutdown isn’t just of the government — it’s of democracy itself."
}
]
}