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The Land Testifies
Indigenous Resistance in a World on Fire
Each April, Earth Month invites reflection on our planet’s worsening conditions. Yet too often, these discussions remain detached from the histories of violence that continue to shape our relationship with nature. Dominant narratives tend to emphasize either individual responsibility or technological fixes, overlooking the structural forces—colonialism, capitalism, and militarization—that dispossess Indigenous peoples and drive the ongoing destruction of our planet in pursuit of profit.
Across the globe, Indigenous communities have long resisted these forces, defending their lands and their reciprocal ways of being with nature. Their struggles expose the enduring violence of today’s global system and offer alternatives rooted in care for the Earth. If Earth Month is to carry any meaningful significance, it must confront the systems that endanger both people and planet, re-center the conversation on those at the forefront of these battles and affirm that environmental justice is inseparable from anti-colonial struggle.
The Colonial Basis of Environmental Exploitation
European colonialism, beginning in the 15th century, unleashed a violent global system built on conquest, resource extraction, genocide, and enslavement. Through massacres and the dispossession of Indigenous populations, colonial powers established extractive economies that drained the land of life, depleted its resources, and reshaped entire landscapes. The result was widespread deforestation, biodiversity loss, and environmental degradation, devastating ecosystems in the pursuit of imperial profit.
This system commodified nature, reducing it to a limitless reservoir for accumulation. In the pursuit of imperial interests, both human life and the environment were exploited without restraint. For many Indigenous communities, land is not a resource to be owned or consumed, but a living relative—deeply woven into identity, spirituality, and culture. The violent severing of these relationships disrupted entire ways of life grounded in reciprocity with plants, animals, rivers, and soil. Though the tools of domination may differ across contexts, the colonial logic that fuels them endures.
The Inuit and Arctic Geopolitics
Greenland, home to the Inuit who constitute the majority of the population, has been under Danish colonial occupation for centuries. Although it gained home rule in 1979, Denmark continues to control key areas such as defense and foreign policy. Throughout the 20th century, colonial policies sought to forcibly assimilate the Inuit through relocations, involuntary sterilizations, and the systematic erasure of Inuit language and spiritual traditions, amounting to systemic cultural disruption.
One particularly harrowing example took place in 1951, when Inuit children were removed from their families and sent to Denmark in an effort to “re-educate” them as Danish citizens, forcing their assimilation into Danish society. This racist social engineering project reflected broader colonial assumptions that Indigenous ways of life were inferior and in need of erasure.
More recently, renewed U.S. interest in Greenland—most notably Donald Trump’s headline-making proposal to “buy” the Arctic Island—illustrates the enduring imperial mindset that views Indigenous land as property to be claimed. This mindset is embedded in a long history of U.S. attempts to control the island. In fact, this is not new: in 1946, the Truman administration offered Denmark $100 million to purchase Greenland. A few years later, in 1953, the U.S. forcibly displaced Indigenous families to construct the Thule Air Base, a military installation that remains active today. These actions reflect a consistent pattern of dispossession in which Greenland’s Inuit population has been uprooted, underscoring the recurring pattern of militarization and geopolitical interests overriding Indigenous sovereignty.
Greenland is not only strategic due to its position between North America, Europe, and Russia, but it is also rich in rare earth minerals, uranium, and oil. Today, it faces intensifying challenges as Arctic ice melts due to climate change. New shipping routes are emerging, and previously inaccessible resources are becoming increasingly reachable. But tapping into them threatens both the region’s ecosystems and the Inuit people, whose deep relationship with the environment is shaped by Sila—a concept that translates to “a great spirit, supporting the world and the weather and all life on earth, a force so mighty that its voice reaches humanity not through ordinary words, but through storm, snow, rain, and the fury of the sea.”
The Mapuche and Neoliberal Colonization
Thousands of kilometers to the south, the Mapuche—whose name means “people of the land”—are the largest Indigenous group in Chile. Their ancestral territory spans south-central Chile and parts of Patagonia in Argentina. Although they resisted Spanish conquest for over three centuries, the 19th century brought military campaigns—most notably the “Pacification of Araucanía” in Chile and the “Conquest of the Desert” in Argentina—that resulted in massive territorial loss, forced displacement, the massacre of thousands, and systematic efforts to suppress Mapuche culture.
Today, Mapuche territory is once again under relentless assault—this time by corporate timber plantations. Native forests are being razed and replaced with ecologically destructive monocultures of eucalyptus and pine, non-native species that deplete water, degrade soil, and disrupt local ecosystems by devastating biodiversity. Worse still, these corporate practices are subsidized by the state, perpetuating a model that rewards the destruction of Indigenous territory.
In Chile, this dispossession can be traced back to the neoliberal policies imposed during Augusto Pinochet’s dictatorship from 1973 to 1990. Backed strongly by the United States, his regime privatized ancestral Mapuche lands and sold them to multinational corporations, fueling extractive industries such as forestry and mining. Resistance was brutally repressed, and systematic efforts were made to erase Indigenous languages, cultural traditions, and identity.
In Argentina, U.S.-backed dictator José Alfredo Martínez de Hoz implemented similar neoliberal policies under his military regime, with equally devastating consequences for Mapuche communities.
Additionally, the proliferation of hydroelectric dams in Chile—often marketed as part of a sustainable energy transition—has further disrupted Mapuche lifeways by polluting rivers and desecrating sacred water sources. These developments exemplify a form of internal colonialism that continues to prioritize elite and foreign capitalist interests, standing in stark contrast to the Mapuche connection to the Ñukemapu (Mother Earth). For the Mapuche, water and other living forces of nature are sacred beings inhabited by protective spirits such as Kintuantü, who is intimately connected to the Pilmaiquén River.
The Aymara and Toxic Mining
In Chile, Argentina, Peru, and Bolivia, the Aymara people continue to endure the long legacy of extractive colonialism—a system that dates back to Spanish occupation. During colonization, silver mining, carried out under brutal forced labor conditions, helped finance the expansion of the Spanish Empire. Today, these exploitative dynamics persist in new forms: silver remains a key export, along with copper, zinc, and other critical minerals deemed essential to the global supply chains of so-called “green” technologies—reinforcing historical patterns of plunder.
The impacts on local communities are severe. In Peru’s Puno province, 57.8% of residents have elevated levels of toxic heavy metals in their blood; in the village of Coata, that number rises to 83.5%, according to data from Peru’s Ministry of Health. This public health crisis is a direct consequence of industrial mining, which pollutes the air and water, degrades the soil, destroys agricultural systems, and devastates biodiverse habitats.
The framing of mining as essential for economic “growth” and higher GDP not only obscures its true cost on nature, but also to the rights of Indigenous communities. Those who resist are often criminalized under anti-terrorism legislation, facing sentences of up to 20 years. These punitive measures reflect the continuity of colonial governance, one that views Indigenous ways of life as an obstacle to state and corporate wealth accumulation.
For the Aymara, the defense of Pachamama—the highest divinity, revered as the goddess of Earth and fertility—is a sacred duty, akin to protecting one’s own mother. She is believed to bring harmony and balance to all life.
The Marind-Anim and Palm Oil Expansion
In West Papua, Indonesia, the Marind-Anim people confront yet another front of ecological imperialism. Although Dutch colonial rule ended in the mid-20th century, Indigenous communities continue to face widespread land grabs driven by the state and multinational corporations. West Papua has become a hotspot for industrial agriculture, particularly the expansion of palm oil plantations.
The Marind-Anim hold an animist worldview in which human beings are inseparable from the natural world. For them, nature is alive, sentient, and filled with presence—they recognize forests, rivers, and animals as kin. Their relationship to the land is mediated through dema, ancestral and spiritual beings who inhabit nature. The deforestation of their territory, primarily for monoculture palm oil plantations, is therefore not only ecological devastation but also a profound act of cultural erasure.
The native sago palm, for example, is regarded as amai—an elder figure embodying sustenance and wisdom. Its loss, to make way for alien and invasive crops, is radically transforming ecosystems—displacing native flora and fauna that not only provide nourishment but are also honored through rituals of celebration and respect. State militarization of the land, accompanying oil palm expansion, extends beyond environmental devastation. On one hand, it endangers the resources that Marind-Anim communities rely on for sustenance; on the other, it obliterates the stories woven into the land and dismantles their deep-rooted connection to it. This transformation deeply affects their sense of being, which is both rooted in and derived from these forests.
Reclaiming the Land Through Resistance
Across these diverse geographies, Indigenous resistance reveals a common thread: the defense of life against a system that profits from the destruction of the land. While shaped by distinct histories, each community’s struggle affirms alternative ways of relating to the Earth that are rooted in reciprocity with nature.
Reviving Indigenous languages, for instance, is about more than preserving words—it is about restoring entire ways of seeing and understanding the world. These languages carry deep ecological knowledge, developed over thousands of years, and reflect ways of living in harmony with nature.
Likewise, food systems rooted in ancestral practices—whether planting native crops, saving seeds, or hunting sustainably—are acts of resistance that reject the commodification of nature.
The weaving of sacred symbols into fabric, the wearing of traditional clothing, tattooing practices, and ceremonies honoring Mother Earth through storytelling, chants, and dances are not merely cultural expressions. They are powerful assertions of identity that challenge colonial and capitalist attempts to erase Indigenous ways of life.
However, the burden of resistance should not fall solely on Indigenous peoples. They must not be left to carry this weight alone. The system we are all up against is massive, aggressive, and violent. A truly decolonial future—one in which both Indigenous peoples and nature are protected—demands collective action across continents to dismantle these global structures. Solidarity must move beyond symbolic gestures and take the form of organized, sustained, and unapologetic resistance through direct action, mass mobilization, and the building of transnational alliances committed to tearing down this oppressive system.
{
"article":
{
"title" : "The Land Testifies: Indigenous Resistance in a World on Fire",
"author" : "Sarah Sinno",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/the-land-testifies-indigenous-resistance-in-a-world-on-fire",
"date" : "2025-05-12 12:50:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/vlad-hilitanu-pt7QzB4ZLWw-unsplash.jpg",
"excerpt" : "Each April, Earth Month invites reflection on our planet’s worsening conditions. Yet too often, these discussions remain detached from the histories of violence that continue to shape our relationship with nature. Dominant narratives tend to emphasize either individual responsibility or technological fixes, overlooking the structural forces—colonialism, capitalism, and militarization—that dispossess Indigenous peoples and drive the ongoing destruction of our planet in pursuit of profit.",
"content" : "Each April, Earth Month invites reflection on our planet’s worsening conditions. Yet too often, these discussions remain detached from the histories of violence that continue to shape our relationship with nature. Dominant narratives tend to emphasize either individual responsibility or technological fixes, overlooking the structural forces—colonialism, capitalism, and militarization—that dispossess Indigenous peoples and drive the ongoing destruction of our planet in pursuit of profit.Across the globe, Indigenous communities have long resisted these forces, defending their lands and their reciprocal ways of being with nature. Their struggles expose the enduring violence of today’s global system and offer alternatives rooted in care for the Earth. If Earth Month is to carry any meaningful significance, it must confront the systems that endanger both people and planet, re-center the conversation on those at the forefront of these battles and affirm that environmental justice is inseparable from anti-colonial struggle.The Colonial Basis of Environmental ExploitationEuropean colonialism, beginning in the 15th century, unleashed a violent global system built on conquest, resource extraction, genocide, and enslavement. Through massacres and the dispossession of Indigenous populations, colonial powers established extractive economies that drained the land of life, depleted its resources, and reshaped entire landscapes. The result was widespread deforestation, biodiversity loss, and environmental degradation, devastating ecosystems in the pursuit of imperial profit.This system commodified nature, reducing it to a limitless reservoir for accumulation. In the pursuit of imperial interests, both human life and the environment were exploited without restraint. For many Indigenous communities, land is not a resource to be owned or consumed, but a living relative—deeply woven into identity, spirituality, and culture. The violent severing of these relationships disrupted entire ways of life grounded in reciprocity with plants, animals, rivers, and soil. Though the tools of domination may differ across contexts, the colonial logic that fuels them endures.The Inuit and Arctic GeopoliticsGreenland, home to the Inuit who constitute the majority of the population, has been under Danish colonial occupation for centuries. Although it gained home rule in 1979, Denmark continues to control key areas such as defense and foreign policy. Throughout the 20th century, colonial policies sought to forcibly assimilate the Inuit through relocations, involuntary sterilizations, and the systematic erasure of Inuit language and spiritual traditions, amounting to systemic cultural disruption.One particularly harrowing example took place in 1951, when Inuit children were removed from their families and sent to Denmark in an effort to “re-educate” them as Danish citizens, forcing their assimilation into Danish society. This racist social engineering project reflected broader colonial assumptions that Indigenous ways of life were inferior and in need of erasure.More recently, renewed U.S. interest in Greenland—most notably Donald Trump’s headline-making proposal to “buy” the Arctic Island—illustrates the enduring imperial mindset that views Indigenous land as property to be claimed. This mindset is embedded in a long history of U.S. attempts to control the island. In fact, this is not new: in 1946, the Truman administration offered Denmark $100 million to purchase Greenland. A few years later, in 1953, the U.S. forcibly displaced Indigenous families to construct the Thule Air Base, a military installation that remains active today. These actions reflect a consistent pattern of dispossession in which Greenland’s Inuit population has been uprooted, underscoring the recurring pattern of militarization and geopolitical interests overriding Indigenous sovereignty.Greenland is not only strategic due to its position between North America, Europe, and Russia, but it is also rich in rare earth minerals, uranium, and oil. Today, it faces intensifying challenges as Arctic ice melts due to climate change. New shipping routes are emerging, and previously inaccessible resources are becoming increasingly reachable. But tapping into them threatens both the region’s ecosystems and the Inuit people, whose deep relationship with the environment is shaped by Sila—a concept that translates to “a great spirit, supporting the world and the weather and all life on earth, a force so mighty that its voice reaches humanity not through ordinary words, but through storm, snow, rain, and the fury of the sea.”The Mapuche and Neoliberal ColonizationThousands of kilometers to the south, the Mapuche—whose name means “people of the land”—are the largest Indigenous group in Chile. Their ancestral territory spans south-central Chile and parts of Patagonia in Argentina. Although they resisted Spanish conquest for over three centuries, the 19th century brought military campaigns—most notably the “Pacification of Araucanía” in Chile and the “Conquest of the Desert” in Argentina—that resulted in massive territorial loss, forced displacement, the massacre of thousands, and systematic efforts to suppress Mapuche culture.Today, Mapuche territory is once again under relentless assault—this time by corporate timber plantations. Native forests are being razed and replaced with ecologically destructive monocultures of eucalyptus and pine, non-native species that deplete water, degrade soil, and disrupt local ecosystems by devastating biodiversity. Worse still, these corporate practices are subsidized by the state, perpetuating a model that rewards the destruction of Indigenous territory.In Chile, this dispossession can be traced back to the neoliberal policies imposed during Augusto Pinochet’s dictatorship from 1973 to 1990. Backed strongly by the United States, his regime privatized ancestral Mapuche lands and sold them to multinational corporations, fueling extractive industries such as forestry and mining. Resistance was brutally repressed, and systematic efforts were made to erase Indigenous languages, cultural traditions, and identity.In Argentina, U.S.-backed dictator José Alfredo Martínez de Hoz implemented similar neoliberal policies under his military regime, with equally devastating consequences for Mapuche communities.Additionally, the proliferation of hydroelectric dams in Chile—often marketed as part of a sustainable energy transition—has further disrupted Mapuche lifeways by polluting rivers and desecrating sacred water sources. These developments exemplify a form of internal colonialism that continues to prioritize elite and foreign capitalist interests, standing in stark contrast to the Mapuche connection to the Ñukemapu (Mother Earth). For the Mapuche, water and other living forces of nature are sacred beings inhabited by protective spirits such as Kintuantü, who is intimately connected to the Pilmaiquén River.The Aymara and Toxic MiningIn Chile, Argentina, Peru, and Bolivia, the Aymara people continue to endure the long legacy of extractive colonialism—a system that dates back to Spanish occupation. During colonization, silver mining, carried out under brutal forced labor conditions, helped finance the expansion of the Spanish Empire. Today, these exploitative dynamics persist in new forms: silver remains a key export, along with copper, zinc, and other critical minerals deemed essential to the global supply chains of so-called “green” technologies—reinforcing historical patterns of plunder.The impacts on local communities are severe. In Peru’s Puno province, 57.8% of residents have elevated levels of toxic heavy metals in their blood; in the village of Coata, that number rises to 83.5%, according to data from Peru’s Ministry of Health. This public health crisis is a direct consequence of industrial mining, which pollutes the air and water, degrades the soil, destroys agricultural systems, and devastates biodiverse habitats.The framing of mining as essential for economic “growth” and higher GDP not only obscures its true cost on nature, but also to the rights of Indigenous communities. Those who resist are often criminalized under anti-terrorism legislation, facing sentences of up to 20 years. These punitive measures reflect the continuity of colonial governance, one that views Indigenous ways of life as an obstacle to state and corporate wealth accumulation.For the Aymara, the defense of Pachamama—the highest divinity, revered as the goddess of Earth and fertility—is a sacred duty, akin to protecting one’s own mother. She is believed to bring harmony and balance to all life.The Marind-Anim and Palm Oil ExpansionIn West Papua, Indonesia, the Marind-Anim people confront yet another front of ecological imperialism. Although Dutch colonial rule ended in the mid-20th century, Indigenous communities continue to face widespread land grabs driven by the state and multinational corporations. West Papua has become a hotspot for industrial agriculture, particularly the expansion of palm oil plantations.The Marind-Anim hold an animist worldview in which human beings are inseparable from the natural world. For them, nature is alive, sentient, and filled with presence—they recognize forests, rivers, and animals as kin. Their relationship to the land is mediated through dema, ancestral and spiritual beings who inhabit nature. The deforestation of their territory, primarily for monoculture palm oil plantations, is therefore not only ecological devastation but also a profound act of cultural erasure.The native sago palm, for example, is regarded as amai—an elder figure embodying sustenance and wisdom. Its loss, to make way for alien and invasive crops, is radically transforming ecosystems—displacing native flora and fauna that not only provide nourishment but are also honored through rituals of celebration and respect. State militarization of the land, accompanying oil palm expansion, extends beyond environmental devastation. On one hand, it endangers the resources that Marind-Anim communities rely on for sustenance; on the other, it obliterates the stories woven into the land and dismantles their deep-rooted connection to it. This transformation deeply affects their sense of being, which is both rooted in and derived from these forests.Reclaiming the Land Through Resistance Across these diverse geographies, Indigenous resistance reveals a common thread: the defense of life against a system that profits from the destruction of the land. While shaped by distinct histories, each community’s struggle affirms alternative ways of relating to the Earth that are rooted in reciprocity with nature.Reviving Indigenous languages, for instance, is about more than preserving words—it is about restoring entire ways of seeing and understanding the world. These languages carry deep ecological knowledge, developed over thousands of years, and reflect ways of living in harmony with nature.Likewise, food systems rooted in ancestral practices—whether planting native crops, saving seeds, or hunting sustainably—are acts of resistance that reject the commodification of nature.The weaving of sacred symbols into fabric, the wearing of traditional clothing, tattooing practices, and ceremonies honoring Mother Earth through storytelling, chants, and dances are not merely cultural expressions. They are powerful assertions of identity that challenge colonial and capitalist attempts to erase Indigenous ways of life.However, the burden of resistance should not fall solely on Indigenous peoples. They must not be left to carry this weight alone. The system we are all up against is massive, aggressive, and violent. A truly decolonial future—one in which both Indigenous peoples and nature are protected—demands collective action across continents to dismantle these global structures. Solidarity must move beyond symbolic gestures and take the form of organized, sustained, and unapologetic resistance through direct action, mass mobilization, and the building of transnational alliances committed to tearing down this oppressive system."
}
,
"relatedposts": [
{
"title" : "Nature As the Battlefield: Ecocide in Lebanon and Corporate Empire",
"author" : "Sarah Sinno",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/ecocide-lebanon-chemical-warfare",
"date" : "2026-02-25 15:16:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/PHOTO-2026-02-25-13-34-24%202.jpg",
"excerpt" : "",
"content" : "Photo Credit: Sarah SinnoOn February 2, the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL)issued a statement announcing that Israeli occupation forces had instructed their personnel to remain under cover near the border between south Lebanon and occupied Palestine. They were ordered to keep their distance because the IOF had planned aerial activity involving the release of a “non-toxic substance.” Samples collected and analyzed by Lebanon’s Ministries of Agriculture and Environment, in coordination with the Lebanese Army and UNIFIL, confirmed that the substance sprayed by Israel was the herbicide, glyphosate. Laboratory results showed that, in some locations, concentration levels were 20 to 30 times higher than normal. Not to mention, this is not the first instance of herbicide spraying over southern Lebanon, nor is the practice confined to Lebanon. Similar tactics have been documented in Gaza, the West Bank, and Quneitra in Syria.While the IOF didn’t provide further explanation as to its purpose, these operations are part of a broader Israeli strategy to establish so-called “buffer zones” by dismantling the ecological foundations upon which communities depend. The deployment of chemical agents kills vegetation, producing de facto “security” no-go areas that empty entire regions of their Indigenous inhabitants. Cultivated fields are deliberately destroyed, soil fertility declines, and water systems become polluted. Farmers lose their livelihoods, and communities are forcibly uprooted. Demographic realities are reshaped, and space is incrementally cleared for future settlers. Simply put, these tactics function as a mechanism of displacement, dispossession, and elimination—and are importantly part of a long history of this kind of colonial territorial engineering.Glyphosate and Ecological HarmFor decades, glyphosate has been marketed as a formulation designed to kill weeds only and increase crop yields. But the consequences of its use on humans and the environment cannot be ignored: In 2015, Glyphosate was classified by the International Agency for Research on Cancer (IARC) as “probably carcinogenic to humans,” and it has been associated with a range of additional health risks, including endocrine disruption, potential harm to reproductive health, as well as liver and kidney damage. In November of last year, the scientific journal Regulatory Toxicology and Pharmacology formally withdrew a study published in 2000 that had asserted the chemical’s safety.Beyond its human health implications, glyphosate is ecologically harmful. Studies have shown that it degrades soil microorganisms; others have linked it to increased plant vulnerability to disease. It can also leach into water systems, contaminating surface and groundwater sources. Exposure may be lethal to certain species like bees. Even when it does not cause immediate mortality, glyphosate eliminates vegetation that provides habitat and shelter for bees, birds, and other animals, disrupting food webs and ecological balance. What’s more, research indicates that glyphosate can alter animal behavior, affecting foraging and feeding patterns, anti-predator responses, reproduction, learning and memory, and social interactions.Despite a growing body of scientific literature highlighting its risks to both human health and the environment, and bearing in mind that corporate giants manufacturing such products have been known to fund and even ghostwrite research to promote the opposite, glyphosate remains the most widely used herbicide globally.The Monsanto ModelTo understand how it became so deeply entrenched, normalized within agriculture systems in some contexts, and used as a weapon of war in others, it is necessary to look more closely at the corporation responsible for its global expansion: Monsanto.Founded in 1901, Monsanto’s corporate history reflects a longstanding pattern of chemical production linked to environmental devastation. Over the past century, the corporation has manufactured products later proven harmful and has faced tens of thousands of lawsuits, resulting in billions of dollars in settlements.Among the products it manufactured were polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs), synthetic industrial chemicals that were eventually banned worldwide due to their toxicity. Through their production and disposal, including the discharge of millions of pounds of PCBs into waterways and landfills, Monsanto contributed to some of the most enduring chemical contamination crises in modern history, the consequences of which continue to reverberate today.One of the most notorious cases unfolded in Anniston, Ala., where Monsanto’s chemical factory polluted the entire town from 1935 through the 1970s, causing widespread harm to the community. Despite being fully aware of the toxic effects of PCBs, the company concealed evidence, according to internal documents, a conduct that reflects a longstanding pattern of disregard for both environmental care and human health. Whether in the case of PCBs or glyphosate, the underlying logic remains consistent: ecological systems and communities are harmed in order to prioritize profit and, at times, territorial expansion.Monsanto also became the world’s largest seed company. Through the enforcement of restrictive patents on genetically modified seeds, the corporation consolidated unprecedented control over global food systems. By prohibiting seed saving, a practice upheld by farmers and Indigenous communities for millennia, it undermined seed sovereignty and compelled farmers to purchase new seeds each season rather than replanting from their own harvests. What had long functioned as part of the commons since the origins of human civilization, the foundational basis of food and life itself, was privatized. Monsanto transferred control over seeds from cultivators to corporations, further creating systems of structural dependency.What was once embedded in reciprocal relationships between land, seed, and cultivator is now controlled by the same chemical-producing corporations implicated in the degradation of land—as is the case of what is unfolding in southern Lebanon. Power is thus consolidated within an industrial architecture that, at times, prohibits the exchange and regeneration of seeds and, at other times, renders the land uninhabitable. In both cases, it undermines the ability to grow food and remain rooted in the land, thereby threatening the conditions necessary for survival.Chemical WarfareAlongside its record of manufacturing carcinogenic products, dumping hazardous chemicals into the environment, and contributing to the destruction of agricultural systems, Monsanto has also been linked to chemical warfare. During the Vietnam War (1962–1971), it was among the U.S. military contractors that manufactured Agent Orange, a defoliant used to strip forests and destroy crops that provided cover and food to Vietnamese communities.The chemical contained dioxin, one of the most toxic compounds known, contributing to the defoliation of millions of acres of forest and farmland. It has been associated with hundreds of thousands of deaths and long-term illnesses, including cancers and birth defects.Although acts of ecocide long predated this period, well before the term itself was coined, it was in the aftermath of Agent Orange that the word “ecocide” was first used to describe the deliberate destruction of ecosystems and began to enter political and legal discourse.The Vietnam War exposed a structural link between chemical production, corporate power, and a military doctrine in which ecosystems and farmlands are targeted precisely because they sustain human life. Nature, because it nourished, protected, and anchored Indigenous communities, was treated as an obstacle to military and imperial control. As a result, it became a battlefield in its own right.Capital and RuinThis historical precedent continues to reverberate today in Lebanon, Palestine, and Syria. Decades apart, these are not isolated acts of ecological destruction but part of a continuous trajectory carried out by the same imperial, corporate, and financial machinery.In 2018, Monsanto was acquired by Bayer. Bayer’s largest institutional shareholders include BlackRock and Vanguard, the world’s two largest asset management firms.Both firms have been identified in reports, including those by UN Special Rapporteur Francesca Albanese, as major investors in corporations linked to Israel’s occupation apparatus, military industry, and surveillance infrastructure. These include Palantir Technologies, Lockheed Martin, Caterpillar Inc., Microsoft, Amazon, and Elbit Systems.Mapping these financial linkages reveals how ecocide is structurally embedded within broader systems of violence that are deeply entrenched and mutually reinforcing. Ecocide and genocide are financed through overlapping capital networks that connect chemical production, militarization, and territorial control.The spraying of glyphosate over agricultural land in southern Lebanon must therefore be situated within this historical continuum. The same corporate-financial structure that profits from destructive chemicals and agricultural control is interwoven with the industries that maintain a settler-colonial stronghold."
}
,
{
"title" : "Nothing Is ”Apolitical”: Why I Refused to Exhibit at the Venice Biennale",
"author" : "Céline Semaan",
"category" : "",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/nothing-is-apolitical",
"date" : "2026-02-24 15:51:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Cover_EIP_Apolitical_Venice_Biennale-19ed6f.jpg",
"excerpt" : "After October 2023, the art world felt comfortable discriminating against Arab artists and dehumanizing us when Israel began carpet bombing Gaza leading to a genocide . For a few years since that moment, many Arab artists saw their work rejected, refused, or cancelled from shows, publications, and galleries. But in 2025, the propaganda against Arabs began to be debunked and the world recognized that Israel was in fact a colonial military occupation decimating Indigenous people, and curiously, we started receiving invitations to participate in the art world again.",
"content" : "After October 2023, the art world felt comfortable discriminating against Arab artists and dehumanizing us when Israel began carpet bombing Gaza leading to a genocide . For a few years since that moment, many Arab artists saw their work rejected, refused, or cancelled from shows, publications, and galleries. But in 2025, the propaganda against Arabs began to be debunked and the world recognized that Israel was in fact a colonial military occupation decimating Indigenous people, and curiously, we started receiving invitations to participate in the art world again.In the middle of last year, I was invited to exhibit my work at the Venice Biennale as part of their Personal Structures art exhibition. But unfortunately, I found myself needing to decline the invitation due to their separation between artistic practice and political reality: An expectation, stated and implied, that the work remain “apolitical.”For many artists, this is understood as an important recognition in one’s art career, a symbolic entrance into contemporary art history. Venice confers legitimacy, visibility, and, for many of us, validation from a historically extractive, colonial arts system. It also functions, like all major biennials, as an instrument of cultural diplomacy, soft power, and geopolitical storytelling. So a representation at the Venice Biennale as a Lebanese artist means a lot on a political scale.The word “apolitical” was used as part of a response that the Venice Biennale curator sent to justify their position regarding centering Israeli artists. It was an attempt to make explicit that engaging with the ongoing violence shaping the present moment, including the mass killing and destruction in Gaza, is a personal choice. That art exists without consequence, an elevated ideal that has the privilege of existing outside reality.I couldn’t tolerate pretending art was separated from politics, when Israel continues to bomb Lebanon daily, erase and sell Gaza, and murders Palestinians almost on a daily basis. Not when, just this February, Israel proposed to install a death penalty for the abducted Palestinians in Israeli jails with complete immunity. We are living through a time in which bombardment, starvation, displacement, and civilian death are documented in real time. Images circulate instantly; testimony is archived before bodies are buried. The evidence is not obscured by distance or ambiguity, but rather, is immediate, relentless, and impossible to ignore. Yet cultural institutions claim ignorance or worse, voluntary exclusion. In such a context, neutrality is not a passive stance but an alignment with injustice.Moral clarity is non-negotiable for me. It is my anchor in a time where global forces are unveiling their corruption for the world to see. In shock and despair, overwhelmed by the intensity of the crimes, many remain silent. Motionless. Like deers in the headlights. Hence, the safe label of remaining apolitical.But the myth of the apolitical artist has always depended on their proximity to power. It is a luxury position historically afforded to those whose bodies are not directly threatened by the carceral order. For many artists—particularly those shaped by colonization, occupation, exile, or racial violence—the political is not a thematic choice. It is the ground of existence itself.Arab women artists have shown me the path to moral clarity, integrity, and honor. The Palestinian American painter Samia Halaby has long argued that all art is political in its relation to society, whether acknowledged or not. For instance, Mona Hatoum’s sculptural language, often read through the lens of minimalism, is inseparable from histories of displacement and surveillance. The body remains present even when absent, reminding viewers that aesthetics do not transcend geopolitics.The Egyptian feminist writer Nawal El Saadawi warned with unmistakable clarity: “Neutrality in situations of injustice is siding with the oppressor.” Her words emerged from lived confrontation with imprisonment, censorship, and patriarchal state violence. Neutrality was never theoretical to her, it was lethal.Black feminist artists and thinkers have articulated the same truth. Audre Lorde’s assertion—“Your silence will not protect you”—dismantles the illusion that withholding speech preserves safety. Silence is participation in the maintenance of power. Lorraine O’Grady’s performances exposed how cultural institutions erase entire populations while claiming universality, revealing that visibility itself can be a political rupture. These perspectives converge on a single recognition: Art does not exist outside power structures. It either interrogates them or reinforces them.We remember artists who refused neutrality because their work altered the moral imagination of their time. Artists like Ai Weiwei, whose work centers politics and identity, go as far as putting their own bodies in danger. We remember the cultural boycott of apartheid South Africa, when artists refused lucrative opportunities rather than legitimize a racist regime. We remember Nina Simone transforming grief and rage into sonic resistance. We remember the Black Arts Movement insisting that aesthetics could not be detached from liberation.We also remember the artists who accommodated power. History is rarely generous toward them. The contemporary art world often performs political engagement while it structurally protects capital, donors, and institutional relationships behind closed doors. Calls for “complexity” or “nuance” frequently operate as ways to avoid taking positions that might threaten funding streams or geopolitical alliances. Requests for artists to remain apolitical are risk-management strategies that prioritize donors’ comfort.The insistence that artists claim they “do not know enough” to speak while mass civilian death unfolds is abdication. It mirrors political rhetoric that justifies violence through ideology, nationalism, or divine authority. Both rely on belief systems that absolve responsibility. The role of the artist is not to decorate power. It is to feel reality—to alchemize collective experiences into forms that expand perception rather than sterilize it.Art is essential precisely because we are living through rupture. But essential art is not decorative. It is not institutional ornamentation detached from consequence. It does not require erasing humanity in exchange for belonging to elite cultural circuits. Refusing the Biennale was not a heroic gesture. In fact, I had no desire to write this piece to begin with. It was just a form of moral clarity. Moral clarity some can live without, but unlike them, I refuse to become numb. I want to exist with a deep connection to my own humanity, and to feel it all.Including this moment that forces us to reckon with our own privileges and position. No exhibition, no platform, no symbolic prestige outweighs the responsibility of responding honestly to the conditions shaping our world. Participation under forced neutrality in accepting the presence of genocidal entities such as Israel would have required fragmentation — an agreement to pretend that art exists outside the systems producing suffering, including settler colonial violence and military occupation.It does not. And I cannot fake it."
}
,
{
"title" : "ICE Attacks Are a Food Sovereignty Issue",
"author" : "Jill Damatac",
"category" : "essay",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/ice-interference-is-a-food-sovereignty-issue",
"date" : "2026-02-24 11:26:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/ice_food_soveriegnty.jpg",
"excerpt" : "Food inequality, like the carceral state, is not a bug, but a feature.",
"content" : "Food inequality, like the carceral state, is not a bug, but a feature.California National Guard troops face off with protestors during a federal immigration raid on Glass House Farms in Camarillo, Calif. on July 10, 2025. Photo Credit: Blake Fagan via AFPIn June 2025, ICE agents walked into Glenn Valley Foods, a meat plant in Omaha, Neb. and detained roughly half the workforce. Production sagged to a fraction of normal: Producers were already strained by drought, thinned herds, and high cattle prices. On paper and in headlines, the Trump administration claimed an enforcement success; on the plant floor, workers stayed home, choosing to lose wages rather than risk returning. Beef processors warned that if raids became routine, they would buy fewer animals, and bottlenecks would pinch slaughterhouses and feedlots. The systemic shock emerged in the price of ground beef, which edged, at one point, towards seven dollars a pound. Still, raids were sold to voters as proof of control, even as they paid more for food and meals.ICE actions against food workers, already exhausted and criminally underpaid, have a demonstrable effect on sky-high food prices and our tax dollars: Raids further strain an already fragile, extractive food production and service system by not only further funding violent carceral systems, but also our fiscal ability to put food on the table. And while it’s clear that much needs to be changed when it comes to how we treat food workers–from livable wages and health insurance to legal protections and affordable housing –one thing has not been properly acknowledged. ICE interference shapes how we eat and our ability to have food sovereignty.By definition, food sovereignty is, first and foremost, a claim to power. It is the right of communities, including immigrant food workers, to decide how food is grown, who profits from it, and what it costs. True self-determination means the land and our labor serve everyone, rather than corporations or government agencies. It means the price of food stays low and steady enough that working-class households eat well, that profits are shared so that small farmers, migrant workers, and food workers can live with dignity and comfort. But this is far from the reality we face today: with grocery and restaurant bills rising and food workers one threat away from deportation, what we are left with is a food system benefiting corporate interests, flanked by a carceral force wearing a false claim to justice as a mask.Immigrant food workers carry the nation’s appetite on their shoulders: According to a 2020 study by the American Immigrant Council, over 20% of food industry workers are immigrants. Within agriculture, 40-50% of workers are undocumented on any given year, while in the restaurant industry, undocumented immigrants are 10-15% of the workforce. Their work is in our carts, fridges, and pantries, on our restaurant tables, takeout counters, and drive-throughs. Workers are keenly aware that ICE knows exactly where to detainthem to hit their arrest quota: in fruit orchards and vegetable farms, meat processing plants, egg barns, dairy plants, grocery stores, restaurant kitchens, and even the parking lots where they gather at dawn, hoping to find work for the day. With agents detaining and deporting workers regardless of immigration status or criminal record, workers are scared into staying home, giving up precious income just to live another day. Meanwhile, fields go unpicked, stores scramble to cover shifts, and kitchens stall. Crews thin out rather than risk being taken, or, as in the case of Jaime Alanís García, are killed while fleeing an ICE farm raid.These calculations between fear and courage in the face of aggression are not abstract to me; they’re personal. My father was an undocumented immigrant who worked nights stocking a cereal aisle. He was given thirty-two hours a week, just shy of full-time, so the grocery store could avoid providing health insurance. When a new manager began to ask employees for identification, my dad and other undocumented co-workers quit, leaving the store scrambling to find people willing to work for minimum wage, nearly full-time, with no healthcare. These violent acts move through the food chain under the guise of “rising prices,” a surcharge in our grocery carts and restaurant bills.The U.S. government has played with the lives of immigrant food workers many times before. Under President Herbert Hoover during the Great Depression, “Mexican repatriation” campaigns deported hundreds of thousands of Mexicans and Mexican Americans, many of them farmworkers recruited in boom years, as officials caved to white workers, who were both unwilling to cede the work to immigrants or to take on the low-paying farm jobs themselves. Filipino farmworkers, known as the Manongs, were treated similarly: in the 1920s and 30s, Filipino workers slept in crowded bunkhouses, were paid low wages, worked through illnesses such as tuberculosis, and were given no path to citizenship, even though the Philippines was then a U.S. territory. In January 1930, white mobs in Watsonville, Calif. hunted Filipino men, beat them, threw them off bridges, and shot and lynched them. Soon after, California banned marriage between Filipinos and white people, and Congress slashed Filipino immigration to a token quota. The food industry has long built itself on brown people’s labor while the law denied them basic human rights. At the root of it all is a sinister plantation logic: a nation’s wealth and abundance built on enslaved Black people’s labor and deprivation. It’s just new bodies in the fields, now.Today’s arrests and deportations are a continuation of this very logic: exploited migrant workers are still denied basic rights and protections while the food industry that employs them grows, year on year. Many lack legal status; many more live in mixed-status families. Using the excuse of “border security,” ICE and DHS agents press on that vulnerability by design. As a result, fear of ICE enforcement becomes a cost itself, narrowing what people can afford and where they can eat. These enforcements, carried out without input the food industry or local communities, and often against their will, directly impact our food sovereignty—how people determine the way food is grown, distributed, made, and served, as well as how workers within the food industry are paid and treated.Take summer 2025 as an example: ICE raids swept through produce fields around Oxnard in California’s Ventura County, arriving in unmarked vehicles (and sometimes helicopters) at the height of harvest. The raids spread, so crews went into hiding: one Ventura County grower estimated that roughly 70% of workers vanished from the rows almost overnight, leaving farms heavy with rotting produce and no one to pick it. Economists modeling removals of migrant farmworkers from California estimate that growers could lose up to 40% of their workforce, wiping out billions of dollars in crop value and raising produce prices by as much as 10%.These losses are passed on to communities and households, obfuscating why and how the increases happened in the first place. The American consumer is consequently exploited, too, absorbing the real labor cost of detentions and deportations. In Los Angeles, immigration sweeps in June 2025 hit downtown produce markets and surrounding eateries; vendors called business “worse than COVID” as customers vanished and supplies wasted away in storage. In January 2026, along Lake Street in south Minneapolis, immigrant-run spots like Lito’s Burritos and stalls at Midtown Global Market, a popular food hall in downtown Minneapolis, saw revenue plunge due to ICE enforcement, forcing them to cut hours, or close altogether. In nearby St. Paul, Minn., El Burrito Mercado shut down after its owner watched agents circle the building “like a hunting ground.” Meanwhile, four ICE agents ate at El Tapatio, a restaurant in Willmar, Mn. Hours later, they returned after closing time to arrest the owners and a dishwasher. Hmong restaurants and Mexican groceries across the Twin Cities have gone dark for days or weeks at a time, suffocating the local economy, leaving consumers with shrinking access to food, and small business owners with no revenue while their employees go unpaid.If food sovereignty means real control over how food is grown, distributed, and accessed, it must begin with the safety of the workers holding the system up. Workers’ wellbeing is not ornamental: it is the precondition for steady harvests, stable prices, and an affordable Main Street. Federal and state legislation must build strict firewalls between labor and immigration enforcement so that workers can file complaints, call inspectors, or take a sick day without fear. Laws can enforce and extend safety protections, wage standards, and the right to unionize. This can only happen with comprehensive immigration reform: A durable legal status and a path to citizenship for food and farmworkers would help immigrant families break the old pattern of being extracted for labor while being denied the basic right to stability.There are also infrastructures that must be abolished to truly achieve food sovereignty: specifically, the burgeoning immigration detention industrial complex. The Big Beautiful Bill allocated $75 billion dollars, spread over four years, to ICE, funding the expansion of private prison facilities. Alongside the nation’s existing prison industrial complex, the immigration detention industrial complex has become a key economic driver, albeit one that benefits only a few, such as shareholders in CoreCivic and Geo Group, two of the nation’s biggest private prison companies.Food inequality and lack of food sovereignty, like the carceral state, are not bugs, but features: soaring food, housing, and healthcare costs, voter discontent, and public unrest form a feedback loop, reinforcing the manufactured narrative scapegoating immigrant and migrant workers. If enough Americans believe that immigrants are to blame for the high prices in grocery stores and restaurants, no one will pause long enough to scrutinize the corporations (and owners) who stand to profit.Should legislators have the courage to change the infrastructure that allows these inequities to occur, the hands that harvest, pack, cook, serve, and wash would be fairly recognized as part of the nation they feed. Because fear and imprisonment should never be priced into the dinner table. Everyone can—and should be able to—eat."
}
]
}