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The Land Testifies
Indigenous Resistance in a World on Fire
Each April, Earth Month invites reflection on our planet’s worsening conditions. Yet too often, these discussions remain detached from the histories of violence that continue to shape our relationship with nature. Dominant narratives tend to emphasize either individual responsibility or technological fixes, overlooking the structural forces—colonialism, capitalism, and militarization—that dispossess Indigenous peoples and drive the ongoing destruction of our planet in pursuit of profit.
Across the globe, Indigenous communities have long resisted these forces, defending their lands and their reciprocal ways of being with nature. Their struggles expose the enduring violence of today’s global system and offer alternatives rooted in care for the Earth. If Earth Month is to carry any meaningful significance, it must confront the systems that endanger both people and planet, re-center the conversation on those at the forefront of these battles and affirm that environmental justice is inseparable from anti-colonial struggle.
The Colonial Basis of Environmental Exploitation
European colonialism, beginning in the 15th century, unleashed a violent global system built on conquest, resource extraction, genocide, and enslavement. Through massacres and the dispossession of Indigenous populations, colonial powers established extractive economies that drained the land of life, depleted its resources, and reshaped entire landscapes. The result was widespread deforestation, biodiversity loss, and environmental degradation, devastating ecosystems in the pursuit of imperial profit.
This system commodified nature, reducing it to a limitless reservoir for accumulation. In the pursuit of imperial interests, both human life and the environment were exploited without restraint. For many Indigenous communities, land is not a resource to be owned or consumed, but a living relative—deeply woven into identity, spirituality, and culture. The violent severing of these relationships disrupted entire ways of life grounded in reciprocity with plants, animals, rivers, and soil. Though the tools of domination may differ across contexts, the colonial logic that fuels them endures.
The Inuit and Arctic Geopolitics
Greenland, home to the Inuit who constitute the majority of the population, has been under Danish colonial occupation for centuries. Although it gained home rule in 1979, Denmark continues to control key areas such as defense and foreign policy. Throughout the 20th century, colonial policies sought to forcibly assimilate the Inuit through relocations, involuntary sterilizations, and the systematic erasure of Inuit language and spiritual traditions, amounting to systemic cultural disruption.
One particularly harrowing example took place in 1951, when Inuit children were removed from their families and sent to Denmark in an effort to “re-educate” them as Danish citizens, forcing their assimilation into Danish society. This racist social engineering project reflected broader colonial assumptions that Indigenous ways of life were inferior and in need of erasure.
More recently, renewed U.S. interest in Greenland—most notably Donald Trump’s headline-making proposal to “buy” the Arctic Island—illustrates the enduring imperial mindset that views Indigenous land as property to be claimed. This mindset is embedded in a long history of U.S. attempts to control the island. In fact, this is not new: in 1946, the Truman administration offered Denmark $100 million to purchase Greenland. A few years later, in 1953, the U.S. forcibly displaced Indigenous families to construct the Thule Air Base, a military installation that remains active today. These actions reflect a consistent pattern of dispossession in which Greenland’s Inuit population has been uprooted, underscoring the recurring pattern of militarization and geopolitical interests overriding Indigenous sovereignty.
Greenland is not only strategic due to its position between North America, Europe, and Russia, but it is also rich in rare earth minerals, uranium, and oil. Today, it faces intensifying challenges as Arctic ice melts due to climate change. New shipping routes are emerging, and previously inaccessible resources are becoming increasingly reachable. But tapping into them threatens both the region’s ecosystems and the Inuit people, whose deep relationship with the environment is shaped by Sila—a concept that translates to “a great spirit, supporting the world and the weather and all life on earth, a force so mighty that its voice reaches humanity not through ordinary words, but through storm, snow, rain, and the fury of the sea.”
The Mapuche and Neoliberal Colonization
Thousands of kilometers to the south, the Mapuche—whose name means “people of the land”—are the largest Indigenous group in Chile. Their ancestral territory spans south-central Chile and parts of Patagonia in Argentina. Although they resisted Spanish conquest for over three centuries, the 19th century brought military campaigns—most notably the “Pacification of Araucanía” in Chile and the “Conquest of the Desert” in Argentina—that resulted in massive territorial loss, forced displacement, the massacre of thousands, and systematic efforts to suppress Mapuche culture.
Today, Mapuche territory is once again under relentless assault—this time by corporate timber plantations. Native forests are being razed and replaced with ecologically destructive monocultures of eucalyptus and pine, non-native species that deplete water, degrade soil, and disrupt local ecosystems by devastating biodiversity. Worse still, these corporate practices are subsidized by the state, perpetuating a model that rewards the destruction of Indigenous territory.
In Chile, this dispossession can be traced back to the neoliberal policies imposed during Augusto Pinochet’s dictatorship from 1973 to 1990. Backed strongly by the United States, his regime privatized ancestral Mapuche lands and sold them to multinational corporations, fueling extractive industries such as forestry and mining. Resistance was brutally repressed, and systematic efforts were made to erase Indigenous languages, cultural traditions, and identity.
In Argentina, U.S.-backed dictator José Alfredo Martínez de Hoz implemented similar neoliberal policies under his military regime, with equally devastating consequences for Mapuche communities.
Additionally, the proliferation of hydroelectric dams in Chile—often marketed as part of a sustainable energy transition—has further disrupted Mapuche lifeways by polluting rivers and desecrating sacred water sources. These developments exemplify a form of internal colonialism that continues to prioritize elite and foreign capitalist interests, standing in stark contrast to the Mapuche connection to the Ñukemapu (Mother Earth). For the Mapuche, water and other living forces of nature are sacred beings inhabited by protective spirits such as Kintuantü, who is intimately connected to the Pilmaiquén River.
The Aymara and Toxic Mining
In Chile, Argentina, Peru, and Bolivia, the Aymara people continue to endure the long legacy of extractive colonialism—a system that dates back to Spanish occupation. During colonization, silver mining, carried out under brutal forced labor conditions, helped finance the expansion of the Spanish Empire. Today, these exploitative dynamics persist in new forms: silver remains a key export, along with copper, zinc, and other critical minerals deemed essential to the global supply chains of so-called “green” technologies—reinforcing historical patterns of plunder.
The impacts on local communities are severe. In Peru’s Puno province, 57.8% of residents have elevated levels of toxic heavy metals in their blood; in the village of Coata, that number rises to 83.5%, according to data from Peru’s Ministry of Health. This public health crisis is a direct consequence of industrial mining, which pollutes the air and water, degrades the soil, destroys agricultural systems, and devastates biodiverse habitats.
The framing of mining as essential for economic “growth” and higher GDP not only obscures its true cost on nature, but also to the rights of Indigenous communities. Those who resist are often criminalized under anti-terrorism legislation, facing sentences of up to 20 years. These punitive measures reflect the continuity of colonial governance, one that views Indigenous ways of life as an obstacle to state and corporate wealth accumulation.
For the Aymara, the defense of Pachamama—the highest divinity, revered as the goddess of Earth and fertility—is a sacred duty, akin to protecting one’s own mother. She is believed to bring harmony and balance to all life.
The Marind-Anim and Palm Oil Expansion
In West Papua, Indonesia, the Marind-Anim people confront yet another front of ecological imperialism. Although Dutch colonial rule ended in the mid-20th century, Indigenous communities continue to face widespread land grabs driven by the state and multinational corporations. West Papua has become a hotspot for industrial agriculture, particularly the expansion of palm oil plantations.
The Marind-Anim hold an animist worldview in which human beings are inseparable from the natural world. For them, nature is alive, sentient, and filled with presence—they recognize forests, rivers, and animals as kin. Their relationship to the land is mediated through dema, ancestral and spiritual beings who inhabit nature. The deforestation of their territory, primarily for monoculture palm oil plantations, is therefore not only ecological devastation but also a profound act of cultural erasure.
The native sago palm, for example, is regarded as amai—an elder figure embodying sustenance and wisdom. Its loss, to make way for alien and invasive crops, is radically transforming ecosystems—displacing native flora and fauna that not only provide nourishment but are also honored through rituals of celebration and respect. State militarization of the land, accompanying oil palm expansion, extends beyond environmental devastation. On one hand, it endangers the resources that Marind-Anim communities rely on for sustenance; on the other, it obliterates the stories woven into the land and dismantles their deep-rooted connection to it. This transformation deeply affects their sense of being, which is both rooted in and derived from these forests.
Reclaiming the Land Through Resistance
Across these diverse geographies, Indigenous resistance reveals a common thread: the defense of life against a system that profits from the destruction of the land. While shaped by distinct histories, each community’s struggle affirms alternative ways of relating to the Earth that are rooted in reciprocity with nature.
Reviving Indigenous languages, for instance, is about more than preserving words—it is about restoring entire ways of seeing and understanding the world. These languages carry deep ecological knowledge, developed over thousands of years, and reflect ways of living in harmony with nature.
Likewise, food systems rooted in ancestral practices—whether planting native crops, saving seeds, or hunting sustainably—are acts of resistance that reject the commodification of nature.
The weaving of sacred symbols into fabric, the wearing of traditional clothing, tattooing practices, and ceremonies honoring Mother Earth through storytelling, chants, and dances are not merely cultural expressions. They are powerful assertions of identity that challenge colonial and capitalist attempts to erase Indigenous ways of life.
However, the burden of resistance should not fall solely on Indigenous peoples. They must not be left to carry this weight alone. The system we are all up against is massive, aggressive, and violent. A truly decolonial future—one in which both Indigenous peoples and nature are protected—demands collective action across continents to dismantle these global structures. Solidarity must move beyond symbolic gestures and take the form of organized, sustained, and unapologetic resistance through direct action, mass mobilization, and the building of transnational alliances committed to tearing down this oppressive system.
{
"article":
{
"title" : "The Land Testifies: Indigenous Resistance in a World on Fire",
"author" : "Sarah Sinno",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/the-land-testifies-indigenous-resistance-in-a-world-on-fire",
"date" : "2025-05-12 12:50:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/vlad-hilitanu-pt7QzB4ZLWw-unsplash.jpg",
"excerpt" : "Each April, Earth Month invites reflection on our planet’s worsening conditions. Yet too often, these discussions remain detached from the histories of violence that continue to shape our relationship with nature. Dominant narratives tend to emphasize either individual responsibility or technological fixes, overlooking the structural forces—colonialism, capitalism, and militarization—that dispossess Indigenous peoples and drive the ongoing destruction of our planet in pursuit of profit.",
"content" : "Each April, Earth Month invites reflection on our planet’s worsening conditions. Yet too often, these discussions remain detached from the histories of violence that continue to shape our relationship with nature. Dominant narratives tend to emphasize either individual responsibility or technological fixes, overlooking the structural forces—colonialism, capitalism, and militarization—that dispossess Indigenous peoples and drive the ongoing destruction of our planet in pursuit of profit.Across the globe, Indigenous communities have long resisted these forces, defending their lands and their reciprocal ways of being with nature. Their struggles expose the enduring violence of today’s global system and offer alternatives rooted in care for the Earth. If Earth Month is to carry any meaningful significance, it must confront the systems that endanger both people and planet, re-center the conversation on those at the forefront of these battles and affirm that environmental justice is inseparable from anti-colonial struggle.The Colonial Basis of Environmental ExploitationEuropean colonialism, beginning in the 15th century, unleashed a violent global system built on conquest, resource extraction, genocide, and enslavement. Through massacres and the dispossession of Indigenous populations, colonial powers established extractive economies that drained the land of life, depleted its resources, and reshaped entire landscapes. The result was widespread deforestation, biodiversity loss, and environmental degradation, devastating ecosystems in the pursuit of imperial profit.This system commodified nature, reducing it to a limitless reservoir for accumulation. In the pursuit of imperial interests, both human life and the environment were exploited without restraint. For many Indigenous communities, land is not a resource to be owned or consumed, but a living relative—deeply woven into identity, spirituality, and culture. The violent severing of these relationships disrupted entire ways of life grounded in reciprocity with plants, animals, rivers, and soil. Though the tools of domination may differ across contexts, the colonial logic that fuels them endures.The Inuit and Arctic GeopoliticsGreenland, home to the Inuit who constitute the majority of the population, has been under Danish colonial occupation for centuries. Although it gained home rule in 1979, Denmark continues to control key areas such as defense and foreign policy. Throughout the 20th century, colonial policies sought to forcibly assimilate the Inuit through relocations, involuntary sterilizations, and the systematic erasure of Inuit language and spiritual traditions, amounting to systemic cultural disruption.One particularly harrowing example took place in 1951, when Inuit children were removed from their families and sent to Denmark in an effort to “re-educate” them as Danish citizens, forcing their assimilation into Danish society. This racist social engineering project reflected broader colonial assumptions that Indigenous ways of life were inferior and in need of erasure.More recently, renewed U.S. interest in Greenland—most notably Donald Trump’s headline-making proposal to “buy” the Arctic Island—illustrates the enduring imperial mindset that views Indigenous land as property to be claimed. This mindset is embedded in a long history of U.S. attempts to control the island. In fact, this is not new: in 1946, the Truman administration offered Denmark $100 million to purchase Greenland. A few years later, in 1953, the U.S. forcibly displaced Indigenous families to construct the Thule Air Base, a military installation that remains active today. These actions reflect a consistent pattern of dispossession in which Greenland’s Inuit population has been uprooted, underscoring the recurring pattern of militarization and geopolitical interests overriding Indigenous sovereignty.Greenland is not only strategic due to its position between North America, Europe, and Russia, but it is also rich in rare earth minerals, uranium, and oil. Today, it faces intensifying challenges as Arctic ice melts due to climate change. New shipping routes are emerging, and previously inaccessible resources are becoming increasingly reachable. But tapping into them threatens both the region’s ecosystems and the Inuit people, whose deep relationship with the environment is shaped by Sila—a concept that translates to “a great spirit, supporting the world and the weather and all life on earth, a force so mighty that its voice reaches humanity not through ordinary words, but through storm, snow, rain, and the fury of the sea.”The Mapuche and Neoliberal ColonizationThousands of kilometers to the south, the Mapuche—whose name means “people of the land”—are the largest Indigenous group in Chile. Their ancestral territory spans south-central Chile and parts of Patagonia in Argentina. Although they resisted Spanish conquest for over three centuries, the 19th century brought military campaigns—most notably the “Pacification of Araucanía” in Chile and the “Conquest of the Desert” in Argentina—that resulted in massive territorial loss, forced displacement, the massacre of thousands, and systematic efforts to suppress Mapuche culture.Today, Mapuche territory is once again under relentless assault—this time by corporate timber plantations. Native forests are being razed and replaced with ecologically destructive monocultures of eucalyptus and pine, non-native species that deplete water, degrade soil, and disrupt local ecosystems by devastating biodiversity. Worse still, these corporate practices are subsidized by the state, perpetuating a model that rewards the destruction of Indigenous territory.In Chile, this dispossession can be traced back to the neoliberal policies imposed during Augusto Pinochet’s dictatorship from 1973 to 1990. Backed strongly by the United States, his regime privatized ancestral Mapuche lands and sold them to multinational corporations, fueling extractive industries such as forestry and mining. Resistance was brutally repressed, and systematic efforts were made to erase Indigenous languages, cultural traditions, and identity.In Argentina, U.S.-backed dictator José Alfredo Martínez de Hoz implemented similar neoliberal policies under his military regime, with equally devastating consequences for Mapuche communities.Additionally, the proliferation of hydroelectric dams in Chile—often marketed as part of a sustainable energy transition—has further disrupted Mapuche lifeways by polluting rivers and desecrating sacred water sources. These developments exemplify a form of internal colonialism that continues to prioritize elite and foreign capitalist interests, standing in stark contrast to the Mapuche connection to the Ñukemapu (Mother Earth). For the Mapuche, water and other living forces of nature are sacred beings inhabited by protective spirits such as Kintuantü, who is intimately connected to the Pilmaiquén River.The Aymara and Toxic MiningIn Chile, Argentina, Peru, and Bolivia, the Aymara people continue to endure the long legacy of extractive colonialism—a system that dates back to Spanish occupation. During colonization, silver mining, carried out under brutal forced labor conditions, helped finance the expansion of the Spanish Empire. Today, these exploitative dynamics persist in new forms: silver remains a key export, along with copper, zinc, and other critical minerals deemed essential to the global supply chains of so-called “green” technologies—reinforcing historical patterns of plunder.The impacts on local communities are severe. In Peru’s Puno province, 57.8% of residents have elevated levels of toxic heavy metals in their blood; in the village of Coata, that number rises to 83.5%, according to data from Peru’s Ministry of Health. This public health crisis is a direct consequence of industrial mining, which pollutes the air and water, degrades the soil, destroys agricultural systems, and devastates biodiverse habitats.The framing of mining as essential for economic “growth” and higher GDP not only obscures its true cost on nature, but also to the rights of Indigenous communities. Those who resist are often criminalized under anti-terrorism legislation, facing sentences of up to 20 years. These punitive measures reflect the continuity of colonial governance, one that views Indigenous ways of life as an obstacle to state and corporate wealth accumulation.For the Aymara, the defense of Pachamama—the highest divinity, revered as the goddess of Earth and fertility—is a sacred duty, akin to protecting one’s own mother. She is believed to bring harmony and balance to all life.The Marind-Anim and Palm Oil ExpansionIn West Papua, Indonesia, the Marind-Anim people confront yet another front of ecological imperialism. Although Dutch colonial rule ended in the mid-20th century, Indigenous communities continue to face widespread land grabs driven by the state and multinational corporations. West Papua has become a hotspot for industrial agriculture, particularly the expansion of palm oil plantations.The Marind-Anim hold an animist worldview in which human beings are inseparable from the natural world. For them, nature is alive, sentient, and filled with presence—they recognize forests, rivers, and animals as kin. Their relationship to the land is mediated through dema, ancestral and spiritual beings who inhabit nature. The deforestation of their territory, primarily for monoculture palm oil plantations, is therefore not only ecological devastation but also a profound act of cultural erasure.The native sago palm, for example, is regarded as amai—an elder figure embodying sustenance and wisdom. Its loss, to make way for alien and invasive crops, is radically transforming ecosystems—displacing native flora and fauna that not only provide nourishment but are also honored through rituals of celebration and respect. State militarization of the land, accompanying oil palm expansion, extends beyond environmental devastation. On one hand, it endangers the resources that Marind-Anim communities rely on for sustenance; on the other, it obliterates the stories woven into the land and dismantles their deep-rooted connection to it. This transformation deeply affects their sense of being, which is both rooted in and derived from these forests.Reclaiming the Land Through Resistance Across these diverse geographies, Indigenous resistance reveals a common thread: the defense of life against a system that profits from the destruction of the land. While shaped by distinct histories, each community’s struggle affirms alternative ways of relating to the Earth that are rooted in reciprocity with nature.Reviving Indigenous languages, for instance, is about more than preserving words—it is about restoring entire ways of seeing and understanding the world. These languages carry deep ecological knowledge, developed over thousands of years, and reflect ways of living in harmony with nature.Likewise, food systems rooted in ancestral practices—whether planting native crops, saving seeds, or hunting sustainably—are acts of resistance that reject the commodification of nature.The weaving of sacred symbols into fabric, the wearing of traditional clothing, tattooing practices, and ceremonies honoring Mother Earth through storytelling, chants, and dances are not merely cultural expressions. They are powerful assertions of identity that challenge colonial and capitalist attempts to erase Indigenous ways of life.However, the burden of resistance should not fall solely on Indigenous peoples. They must not be left to carry this weight alone. The system we are all up against is massive, aggressive, and violent. A truly decolonial future—one in which both Indigenous peoples and nature are protected—demands collective action across continents to dismantle these global structures. Solidarity must move beyond symbolic gestures and take the form of organized, sustained, and unapologetic resistance through direct action, mass mobilization, and the building of transnational alliances committed to tearing down this oppressive system."
}
,
"relatedposts": [
{
"title" : "What We Can Learn from the Inuit Mapping of the Arctic",
"author" : "William Rankin",
"category" : "excerpts",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/inuit-mapping-arctic",
"date" : "2025-12-02 12:49:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Cover_EIP_Template-Inuit_Map.jpg",
"excerpt" : "This excerpt is from RADICAL CARTOGRAPHY by William Rankin, published by Viking, an imprint of Penguin Publishing Group, a division of Penguin Random House, LLC. Copyright © 2025 by William Rankin.",
"content" : "This excerpt is from RADICAL CARTOGRAPHY by William Rankin, published by Viking, an imprint of Penguin Publishing Group, a division of Penguin Random House, LLC. Copyright © 2025 by William Rankin.In 1994, the Berkeley geographer Bernard Nietschmann made a famous claim about the power of mapping in the global struggle for Indigenous rights. It was a claim about how the tools of historical oppression could be reclaimed by the oppressed: “More Indigenous territory has been claimed by maps than by guns. This assertion has its corollary: more Indigenous territory can be defended and reclaimed by maps than by guns.” The idea was that by putting themselves on the map—documenting their lives and their communities—Indigenous peoples would not be so easy to erase. Nietschmann was working in Central America, often heroically, during a time of violence and displacement, and he inspired a generation of researchers and activists interested in flipping the power structure of state-centric cartography on its head.But despite the spread of bottom-up mapping projects in the past 30 years, perhaps the most successful example of Indigenous mapping actually predates Nietschmann’s call to action. Just one year prior, in 1993, the Inuit of northern Canada signed a treaty creating the territory of Nunavut—the largest self-governing Indigenous territory in the world—and mapping was central to both the negotiation and the outcome. It remains one of the rare cases of Indigenous geographic knowledge decolonizing the world map.So why hasn’t the Inuit project been replicable elsewhere, despite decades more work on Indigenous mapping? The answer lies in the very idea of territory itself, and in particular in one of the most threatened parts of the Inuit landscape today: ice. The winter extent of Arctic sea ice reached a record low earlier this year, and a new low is predicted for the winter ahead. Yet the shrinking ice isn’t just an unshakable sign of Arctic warming; it’s also a poignant reminder of what Nietschmann got right—and what he missed—about the relationship between cartography and power. In particular, it shows how Inuit conceptions of space, place, and belonging are rooted in a dynamic, seasonal geography that’s often completely invisible on Western-style maps.The story begins in the 1970s, when the young Inuit leader Tagak Curley, today considered a “living father” of Nunavut, hired the Arctic anthropologist Milton Freeman to lead a collaborative mapping project of unprecedented scope and ambition. Freeman taught at McMaster University about an hour outside Toronto; he was white, but his wife, Mini Aodla Freeman, was Inuit (she was a translator and later a celebrated writer). Freeman assembled a team of other anthropologists and Arctic geographers—also white—to split the mapping into regions. They called their method the “map biography.” The goal was to capture the life history of every Inuit hunter in cartographic form, recording each person’s memories of where, at any point in their life, they had found roughly three dozen species of wildlife—from caribou and ptarmigan to beluga, narwhal, and seaweed. Each map biography would be a testimony of personal experience.After the mapping was split into regions, about 150 field-workers—almost all Inuit—traveled between 33 northern settlements with a stack of government-issued topographic maps to conduct interviews. Each hunter was asked to draw lines or shapes directly on the maps with colored pens or pencils. The interviewers stayed about 10 weeks in each settlement, visiting most hunters in their own homes, and the final participation rate was an astonishing 85 percent of all adult Inuit men. They collected 1,600 biographies in total, some on maps as large as 10 feet square.Then came the cartographers, back in Ontario: one professor and a team of about 15 students. The first map below (Figure 1) shows how the individual map biographies were transformed into summary maps, one for each community. For every species, the overlap of all hunters’ testimony became a single blob, and then blobs for all species were overlaid to make a complete map. The second map (Figure 2) shows one of the finished atlas pages along the Northwest Passage. The immediate impression is that the Arctic is in no way an empty expanse of barren land and unclaimed mineral riches. It is dense with human activity, necessary for personal and collective survival. The community maps combined to show almost uninterrupted Inuit presence stretching from northern Labrador to the Alaska border.Figure 1: Top left is a simplified version of a “map biography” from a single Inuit hunter, showing his birthplace and the places he hunted caribou, fox, wolf, grizzly bear, moose, and fish at various points in his life. (The original biography would have been drawn over a familiar government-issued topographic map.) The other three maps show how multiple biographies were then combined into patterned blobs for all hunters and all species. (Map courtesy of William Rankin/ Penguin Random House LLC.)Figure 2: A two-page spread from the finished atlas showing the seven kinds of animals hunted from the settlements of Igloolik and Hall Beach, in an area about 500 by 300 miles: caribou, polar bear, walrus, whale, fish, seal, and waterfowl. (Because of the large number of individual species recorded in the map biographies, some species were grouped together in the final maps.) The blobs are a strong, even overpowering figure atop an unusually subtle ground. Notice in particular how difficult it is to distinguish land and water areas, since the dark shading extends beyond coastlines even for individual species. This map in fact includes the Northwest Passage—the famous sea route around the tip of North America—but the crucial Fury and Hecla Strait (named after the two British ships that first learned of, but did not navigate, the passage in 1822) is almost entirely obscured. (Map courtesy of William Rankin/ Penguin Random House LLC.)Nothing about the cartography was meant to be subversive—or even controversial. For the cartographers, the only message was that the Inuit hunted a variety of species over large areas. But look again at the finished map in Figure 2. Yes, a foreground is layered over a background in the usual way, but the visual argument is strikingly different from a typical layered map in, say, a census atlas, where the foreground data doesn’t stray beyond crisp pre-existing borders. Here, in contrast, even the basic distinction between land and water is often obscure. The maps’ content is the facts of species and area; the maps’ argument is that Inuit culture is grounded in a substantially different understanding of territory than the one Western cartography was designed to show.As a result, this new atlas shifted the negotiations between the Inuit and the Canadian government decisively. Not only did the maps provide a legal claim to the Inuit-used land, documenting 750,000 square miles—an area the size of Mexico—but also a claim to the sea, showing an additional 325,000 square miles offshore.It took many years for the full implications to play out, but the erosion of the land–water boundary became central to the Inuit vision. At the time, wildlife on land was managed by the regional Northwest Territories government, while offshore marine species were the responsibility of centralized federal agencies. The Inuit used the atlas to win agreement for a new agency with equal responsibility over both. At the same time, the Inuit also improved their position by offering their offshore claims as evidence the Canadian government would use—not just in the 1980s, but even as recently as 2024—to resist foreign encroachment in the Northwest Passage. The final agreement in 1993 granted the Inuit $1.15 billion in cash, title to about 17 percent of the land in the “settlement area,” representation on several new management agencies, a share of all natural-resource revenue, broad hunting and fishing rights, and a promise that the territory of Nunavut would come into being on April 1, 1999.It’s easy to count this project as a success story, but it’s also important to remember that it depended both on the government’s own interest in negotiation and on the willingness of Indigenous peoples, or at least their leadership, to translate their sense of space onto a map, solidifying what had previously been fluid. It also meant abandoning claims to ancestral lands that had not been used in living experience and provoking new boundary disputes with neighboring, and previously amicable, Indigenous groups. These tradeoffs have led some scholars to critique mapping as only “drawing Indigenous peoples into a modern capitalist economy while maintaining the centrality of state power.” But for the Inuit, the alternatives seemed quite a bit worse.With the more recent proliferation of Indigenous mapping initiatives elsewhere—in Latin America, Africa, and Asia—the tradeoffs have been harder to evaluate. Most governments have shown little interest in addressing Indigenous claims, and when bottom-up mapping has been pushed instead by international nonprofits interested in environmental conservation, the downsides of mapping have often come without any of the upsides.Yet it’s not just the attitude of the state that’s been different; it’s also the cartography. In nearly all these other cases, the finished maps have shown none of the territorial inversion of the Inuit atlas. Instead, Indigenous knowledge is either overlaid on an existing base map in perfectly legible form, or it’s used to construct a new base map of a remarkably conventional sort, using the same visual vocabulary as Western maps.Did the Inuit project just show the data so clearly that its deeper implications were immediately apparent? No, not really, since the great irony here is that the cartographers were in fact quite dissatisfied. Follow-up surveys reached the conclusion that the atlas was only “moderately successful” by their usual mapmaking standards.The Inuit atlas was a kind of happy accident—one that doesn’t conform to any of the usual stories about Indigenous mapping, in Canada or elsewhere. The lesson here isn’t that maps should be as Indigenous as possible, or that they should be as orthodox as possible. These maps were neither. My take is simpler: the atlas shows that maps can, in fact, support alternative conceptions of space—and that showing space in a different way is crucial.The possibilities aren’t endless, but they’re broader than we might think. Plotting different sorts of data is a necessary step, but no less important are the relationships between that data and the assumptions of what lies below. For the Inuit, these assumptions were about land, water, and territory. These were in the background both visually and politically, and they were upstaged by an unexpectedly provocative foreground. The layers did not behave as they were meant to, and despite the tradeoffs, they allowed an Indigenous community to fight for their home and their way of life."
}
,
{
"title" : "Malcolm X and Islam: U.S. Islamophobia Didn’t Start with 9/11",
"author" : "Collis Browne",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/malcolm-x-and-islam",
"date" : "2025-11-27 14:58:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/life-malcolm-3.jpg",
"excerpt" : "",
"content" : "Anti-Muslim hate has been deeply engrained and intertwined with anti-Black racism in the United States for well over 60 years, far longer than most of us are taught or are aware.As the EIP team dug into design research for the new magazine format of our first anniversary issue, we revisited 1960s issues of LIFE magazine—and landed on the March 1965 edition, published just after the assassination of Malcolm X.The reporting is staggering in its openness: blatantly anti-Black and anti-Muslim in a way that normalizes white supremacy at its most fundamental level. The anti-Blackness, while horrifying, is not surprising. This was a moment when, despite the formal dismantling of Jim Crow, more than 10,000 “sundown towns” still existed across the country, segregation remained the norm, and racial terror structured daily life.What shocked our team was the nakedness of the anti-Muslim propaganda.This was not yet framed as anti-Arab in the way Western Islamophobia is often framed today. Arab and Middle Eastern people were not present in the narrative at all. Instead, what was being targeted was organized resistance to white supremacy—specifically, the adoption of Islam by Black communities as a source of political power, dignity, and self-determination. From this moment, we can trace a clear ideological line from anti-Muslim sentiment rooted in anti-Black racism in the 1960s to the anti-Arab, anti-MENA, and anti-SWANA racism that saturates Western culture today.The reporting leaned heavily on familiar colonial tropes: the implication of “inter-tribal” violence, the suggestion that resistance to white supremacy is itself a form of reverse racism or inherent aggression, and the detached, almost smug tone surrounding the violent death of a cultural leader.Of course, the Nation of Islam and Elijah Muhammad represent only expressions within an immense and diverse global Muslim world—spanning Morocco, Sudan, the Gulf, Iraq, Pakistan, Indonesia, and far beyond. Yet U.S. cultural and military power has long blurred these distinctions, collapsing complexity into a singular enemy image.It is worth naming this history clearly and connecting the dots: U.S. Islamophobia did not begin with 9/11. It is rooted in a much older racial project—one that has always braided anti-Blackness and anti-Muslim sentiment together in service of white supremacy, at home and abroad."
}
,
{
"title" : "The Billionaire Who Bought the Met Gala: What the Bezoses’ Check Means for Fashion’s Future",
"author" : "Louis Pisano",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/the-billionaire-who-bought-the-met-gala",
"date" : "2025-11-27 10:41:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Cover_EIP_TBesos_MET_Galajpg.jpg",
"excerpt" : "On the morning of November 17, 2025, the Metropolitan Museum of Art announced that Jeff Bezos and Lauren Sánchez Bezos would serve as the sole lead sponsors of the 2026 Met Gala and its accompanying Costume Institute exhibition, “Costume Art”. Saint Laurent and Condé Nast were listed as supporting partners. To be clear, this is not a co-sponsorship. It is not “in association with.” It is the first time in the modern history of the gala that the headline slot, previously occupied by Louis Vuitton, TikTok, or a discreet old-money surname, has been handed to a tech billionaire and his wife. The donation amount remains undisclosed, but sources familiar with the negotiations place it comfortably north of seven figures, in line with the checks that helped the event raise $22 million last year.",
"content" : "On the morning of November 17, 2025, the Metropolitan Museum of Art announced that Jeff Bezos and Lauren Sánchez Bezos would serve as the sole lead sponsors of the 2026 Met Gala and its accompanying Costume Institute exhibition, “Costume Art”. Saint Laurent and Condé Nast were listed as supporting partners. To be clear, this is not a co-sponsorship. It is not “in association with.” It is the first time in the modern history of the gala that the headline slot, previously occupied by Louis Vuitton, TikTok, or a discreet old-money surname, has been handed to a tech billionaire and his wife. The donation amount remains undisclosed, but sources familiar with the negotiations place it comfortably north of seven figures, in line with the checks that helped the event raise $22 million last year.Within hours of the announcement, the Met’s Instagram post was overrun with comments proclaiming the gala “dead.” On TikTok and X, users paired declarations of late-stage capitalism with memes of the museum staircase wrapped in Amazon boxes. Not that this was unexpected. Anyone paying attention could see it coming for over a decade.When billionaires like Bezos, whose Amazon warehouses reported injury rates nearly double the industry average in 2024 and whose fashion supply chain has been linked to forced labor and poverty wages globally, acquire influence over prestigious institutions like the Met Museum through sponsorships, it risks commodifying fashion as a tool for not only personal but corporate image-laundering. To put it simply: who’s going to bite the hand that feeds them? Designers, editors, and curators will have little choice but to turn a blind eye to keep the money flowing and the lights on.Back in 2012, Amazon co-chaired the “Schiaparelli and Prada” gala, and honorary chair Jeff Bezos showed up in a perfectly respectable tux with then-wife MacKenzie Scott by his side and an Anna Wintour-advised pocket square. After his divorce from Scott in 2019, Bezos made a solo appearance at the Met Gala, signaling that he was becoming a familiar presence in fashion circles on his own. Of course, by that point, he already had Lauren Sánchez. Fast forward to 2020: print advertising was crumbling, and Anna Wintour co-signed The Drop, a set of limited CFDA collections sold exclusively on Amazon, giving the company a veneer of fashion credibility. By 2024, Sánchez made her Met debut in a mirrored Oscar de la Renta gown personally approved by Wintour, signaling that the Bezos orbit was now squarely inside the fashion world.Then, the political world started to catch up, as it always does. In January 2025, Sánchez and Bezos sat three rows behind President-elect Donald Trump at the inauguration. Amazon wrote a one-million-dollar check to Trump’s inaugural fund, and Bezos, once mocked by Trump as “Jeff Bozo,” publicly congratulated Trump on an “extraordinary political comeback.” By June 2025, Bezos and Sánchez became cultural and political mainstays: Sánchez married Bezos in Venice, wearing a Dolce & Gabbana gown Wintour had helped select. This landed Sánchez the digital cover of American Vogue almost immediately afterward. Wintour quietly handed day-to-day control of the magazine to Chloe Malle but kept the Met Gala, the global title, and her Condé Nast equity stake, cementing a new era of fashion power where money, influence, and optics are inseparable.Underneath all of it, the quiet hum of Amazon’s fashion machine continued to whirr. By 2024, the company already controlled 16.2 percent of every dollar Americans spent on clothing, footwear, and accessories—more than Walmart, Target, Macy’s, and Nordstrom combined. That same year, it generated $34.7 billion in U.S. apparel and footwear revenue that year, with the women’s category alone on pace to top $40 billion. No legacy house has ever had that volume of real-time data on what people actually try on, keep, or return in shame. Amazon can react in weeks rather than seasons, reordering winning pieces, tweaking existing ones, and killing unpopular options before they’re even produced at scale.Wintour did more than simply observe this shift; she engineered a soft landing by bringing Amazon in when it was still somewhat uncool and seen mostly as a discount retailer, lending it credibility when it needed legitimacy, and spending the last two years turning Sánchez from tabloid footnote to Vogue cover star. The Condé Nast sale rumors that began circulating in July 2025, complete with talk of Wintour cashing out her equity and Sánchez taking a creative role, have been denied by every official mouthpiece. But they have also refused to die, because the timeline is simply too tidy.The clearest preview of what billionaire ownership can do to a cultural institution remains Bezos’ other pet project, The Washington Post. Bezos bought it for $250 million in 2013, saved it from bankruptcy, and built it into a profitable digital operation with 2.5 million subscribers. Then, in October 2024, he personally blocked a planned editorial endorsement of Kamala Harris. More than 250,000 subscribers canceled in the following days. By February 2025, the opinion section was restructured around “personal liberties and free markets,” triggering another exodus and the resignation of editorial page editor David Shipley. Former executive editor Marty Baron called it “craven.” The timing, just months after Bezos began warming to the incoming Trump administration, was not lost on anyone. The story didn’t stop there: in the last few days, U.S. Vice President J.D. Vance revealed he had texted Bezos suggesting the hiring of a right-leaning Breitbart journalist, Matthew Boyle, to run the Post’s political coverage. This is a clear signal of how staffing decisions at a storied paper now sit within the same power matrix that funds the Met Gala and shapes culture, media, and politics alike. It’s a tangled, strategic web—all of Bezos’ making.It’s curious that, in the same 30-day window that the Trump DOJ expanded its antitrust inquiry into Amazon, specifically how its algorithms favor its own products over third-party sellers, including many fashion brands, the MET, a city-owned museum, handed the keys of its marquee event to the man whose company now wields outsized influence over designers’ fortunes and faces regulatory scrutiny from the administration he helped reinstall. This is not sponsorship; it’s leverage. Wintour once froze Melania Trump out of Vogue because she could afford to.But she cannot freeze out Sánchez or Bezos. Nor does she want to.So on the first Monday in May, the museum doors will open as they always do for the Met Gala. The carpet will still be red (or whatever color the theme demands). The photographs of celebrities posing in their interpretations of “Costume Art” will still break the internet. Andrew Bolton’s exhibition, roughly 200 objects tracing the dressed body across five millennia, displayed in the newly renamed Condé Nast Galleries, will still be brilliant. But the biggest check will come from the couple who already control 16 percent of America’s clothing spend, who own The Washington Post, and who sat three rows behind Trump at the inauguration. Everything else, guest list tweaks, livestream deals, shoppable moments, will flow from that single source of money and power. That is who now has the final word on the most influential night in American fashion."
}
]
}