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Richie Reseda

CÉLINE SEMAAN: Congratulations on your new film. It’s really amazing. How has the response been?
RICHIE RESEDA: There have been all kinds of responses. The responses that are most exciting to me are from people who have lived through something similar to “88” [the name of RICHIE’s album collaborator who was also incarcerated]. Maybe they were incarcerated, or they lost a family member to murder, or both. We did a screening and healing circle in a prison for children in the Bay Area, and there was a 14-year-old kid in there whose cousin was killed while he was locked up. The person who killed his cousin ended up going to the prison and he told 88 that because he saw his film, he felt like he might be able to forgive the person who killed his cousin, rather than respond with revenge. Those are the responses that mean everything.
CÉLINE: It seems that your service to liberation starts from your personal, lived experience. Please share a bit about what motivates you to create these types of creative expression.
RICHIE: I hate when people call me an activist. I hate the idea of activism because it implies that we’re doing something “special” by caring for one another. That’s such an inherently colonial way of thinking. The colonizers taught us that your life is about you, and anything you do for anyone else is extra or “giving back.” You’re not giving back anything. You’re just participating in the environment. You’re participating in the community, and hopefully in a way that sustains that environment and that community.
I’m from LA, and I grew up being criminalized my whole fucking life. The first time I had a negative experience with the cops, I was four years old. The first time I was put in handcuffs was for horse playing, when I was 11 years old. Then I was arrested when I was 13 for leaving school early to get a haircut. I was arrested at 14 for scratching the dirt off my desk. I was arrested at 15 for talking during an assembly. That time, I was choked by the cops. I was arrested for being late to school. I was first kicked out of school when I was eight years old for talking too much, and eventually kicked out of society and sent to prison.
I started making art when I was 14, but the way this society is set up, and the way the Los Angeles Unified School District and the Los Angeles School Police were set up, made creating art extremely difficult. They called making art gay, and they meant that in a negative way. So I became the exact thing I was told to become by every movie. I acted out the things I saw. And eventually, I wasn’t getting arrested for getting haircuts anymore. I was getting arrested for selling drugs, and I was getting arrested for having guns on me and for stealing shit. I was living on the streets as a 16-year-old trying to survive. I wanted to work at American Apparel, hella bad, because I was into fashion, and I would go to all their open calls in downtown LA. I went seven times. It was a two-and-a-half-hour bus ride, and they never hired me. They had a pamphlet about what kind of black people to hire. I guess I wasn’t that kind.

One day, I came home after my seventh time trying to get a job there, and my homeboy, who I was staying with, was like, “We can’t just live off my mom… like, we got to make something happen.” He had some weed on him, and that’s how I got into selling drugs for real. I survived on the streets for about two and a half years before getting locked up at 19. I’d committed three robberies. They tried to give me a life sentence, but I ended up getting 10 years. When I was in prison, I tried to make music and get closer to my true self, and put aside the mask I’d been wearing to fit into a society based in violence. After a few years, I met 88, who was also an artist like me.
CÉLINE: Did you find yourself?
RICHIE: I don’t know if I found myself in prison. I chose myself in prison, which was a scary thing to do. I chose, in a really violent place, to be comfortable expressing all the parts of me, including my femininity, which is something that is looked down on and preyed on in this current version of society. Prisons reflect the society around them. One thing I learned being in prison is that you can’t act like you’re not afraid; you have to genuinely not be afraid. If you’re trying to act like you’re not afraid, you will be preyed on. It is deep heart work to genuinely not be afraid of your own people when they’ve been pushed to show up at their worst. You must truly be able to see the best in people while they’re showing up at their worst. I had to do that for myself, and then I had to do that for the people I was locked up with, because if I chose to see everybody as monsters who just wanted to take something from me, that was all I was going to see.
CÉLINE: Much of your work challenges patriarchy. How do you see gender justice as inseparable from dismantling the prison-industrial complex?
RICHIE: The way I think about it is: domination versus connection. The colonial world teaches us we need to dominate, dominate our bodies, dominate each other, and dominate nature to survive. I feel like Indigeneity is about connecting. We connect with our bodies, we connect with each other, we connect with nature to survive. I was taught that masculinity was based in domination, and the people who were allowed to be connected were the more feminine people. I don’t want to imply that masculinity can’t naturally be connected… but that’s not the way it’s taught in this society. Because I was so feminine, I overcompensated for it by being violent. I did that for a while, and then I eventually chose to have more integrity…
One of my biggest blessings is that I grew up in the super-masculine LA street culture, and I grew up around queer, non-binary, and feminine women of color who politicized me and trained me to be an organizer. Being part of both is what has allowed me to be
who I am, because I could bring those connective practices to my street friends in a way that they understood, and that’s what I seek to do with my art. I’m trying to bring integrity and connection into our communities in a way that our communities can actually relate to.
CÉLINE: It’s an abolitionist practice to tell our stories, to reclaim our narrative. How did you develop the narrative for your film? Did it come to you organically or intuitively, or did you find it in some other way? Who is it for?
RICHIE: Just to respond to the connection between ending patriarchy and prison abolition. Prisons and individualism go hand-in-hand. You can’t have one without the other. Like policing and individualism go hand-in-hand. If you want to keep living an individualist life, there will always be policing. Prisons are based on the idea that domination is necessary. Whereas, if we practice true integrity with ourselves, the community, and the earth, I’m going to get my needs met in a way that also serves the needs of the whole, the same way plants, forests, and the cells in our bodies do. We don’t need punishment to scare people into “doing the right thing” if we’re serving the needs of the whole. I’ve been organizing since 2006… I don’t start with the institutions we’re tearing down. I start with the culture we must build up so that we can learn how to live in integrity with one another.

CÉLINE: What is the culture we’re building? It’s not just about expanding our imagination, which storytelling is a big part of, but it’s also about defining the sort of culture that is needed for a world of liberation. The heart of it is through abolitionist work, but it also touches on so many other struggles…
RICHIE: I would say it’s about more than just imagining. It’s about practicing. Culture is a practice. You can make a post, or you can make a movie, or you can make a TV show. That is a cultural product, but if it doesn’t change the way people are meeting their needs on a daily basis, you haven’t changed culture. Culture has to be practiced by human beings. Culture is made up of the patterns that come up as we collectively meet our needs. People see something, get inspired by it, and then go live the same way they did before watching it, because the cultural product, in and of itself, doesn’t actually support anybody in practicing something new.
We have a tool that we developed as part of this project called The Abolition Dream Lab: A Healing Plan. In the Healing Plan, there’s a step for how we can actually live from an abolitionist perspective. How can we live in integrity with ourselves, the community, and the earth today… it’s through the practice of building “accountability pods” as Mia Mingus (an American writer, educator, and community organizer who focuses on issues of disability justice) calls them. I’m committed to meeting my needs in a way that also meets the needs of the community and all living things. Then I ask my closest people to hold me accountable to that. We can build consensual accountability. This is an actual mechanism with which to govern the New World.
CÉLINE: You said there’s a difference between a cultural product, like a movie or a platform or a book, and actually changing culture. How do you change culture, whether it’s around abolition, anti-racism, or anti-Zionism? How do we change policies?
RICHIE: We have to first practice the new culture and then invite people to do it with us, and by doing it together, it will change whatever the practice is. I’m a formerly incarcerated, cisgender, “man.” I’m Black, from LA, and I speak English… All these things affect how I practice accountability, which is our ticket out of violence-based governing. My work is centered around literally creating cultural products that are a portal into cultural practices that get us away from dominance and into integrity. When we’re talking about a society truly based in care, as opposed to violence and domination, that is radical for us here, living in the West. For many Indigenous peoples all over the world, that’s not radical at all.
CÉLINE: Your movie is a generous offering, because making something like this takes so much work, and it takes so much ruffling feathers, and it’s a battle to get there, to get to putting it out. How has it been?
RICHIE: I have been working on this project for 10 years. It has been an uphill, independent battle the whole time. We sold it to Netflix after it was done. It’s not like we had major institutional support at every turn. We’ve had to go against the grain and figure it out and do it in the community way… 88 and I produced this music in prison. We recorded it in prison. Once we were out, we took the prison vocals and produced new music around those vocals. We had no money; we had to figure it out independently. We’ve walked into film festivals where our film was showing and been asked, “Are you guys seat fillers?” I’m so fucking tired and burnt out…
CÉLINE: I feel you deeply. It is the hard road, but it’s really beautiful, what you’ve created, and it’s magical. Building frameworks of care and non-dominance outside of this culture of dominance is the hardest path. How have you been building this framework of care for yourself?
RICHIE: I got called out by my best friend and a lot of my close people, who were like, “Bro, you need to center how you’re being and not just how you’re spreading, because otherwise you’re not going to spread the thing for real. If you’re burnt out, you’re going to spread burnt outness.” If you lack boundaries, you’re going to spread a lack of boundaries and all the chaos that comes with that. And that has happened in all the organizations I’ve founded and co-founded, and led. Since 2022, I’ve been investing a lot of time in my own integrity practice. I have an accountability pod made up of three brothers… We share a lot of experiences, and we link up once a month and hold each other accountable. I have another kind of unofficial pod with feminine women in it… I need that type of accountability too, because their perspective is different, and they catch things that my pod doesn’t catch.

CÉLINE: Assata Shakur talks in her book, Assata: An Autobiography, about how one of her mentors said to her regarding being an organizer, you should start by organizing yourself. Your kitchen is a mess, your room is a mess, your whole life is a mess. How can you talk about organizing and affecting the world outside when your world inside is a mess? I’m paraphrasing. But it’s essentially what you’re saying, that what’s happening inside is going to reflect outside. I am building a model of care that includes me. How did you design a way that also includes you?
RICHIE: Many healing movements have been discouraging because they’re all about how you take care of yourself at the expense of everyone else. It’s ultimately in service to capitalism, not community. That’s not the kind of healing we’re pushing for… I am a member of a greater body. I am just one cell in a greater body, and I need to take care of myself as one of those cells. I was able to start really prioritizing and taking care of myself, because I understood it as part of this mission of getting back to connection and integrity, as opposed to something that was in competition with that.
CÉLINE: How do we support you? What does that look like?
RICHIE: Watching the movie, buying the album… We have merch too; I’m not ashamed of that. That’s not capitalism. We worked hard to offer something to exchange with the community for value… and all business isn’t capitalism.
CÉLINE: Business existed before capitalism!
RICHIE: Exactly. Capitalism has to do with how things are owned and how power is distributed. And we are a worker-owned collective. We make all of our decisions based on consensus. It’s not like I started the company and now I own it, and I make all the money. We share everything we have, and we have a model that can be replicated by any business.
You follow any war, any genocide, and you’ll find that it’s rooted in capitalist business practices. One way people can support us is by buying the things we put 10 years into creating. I don’t want to rely on grants; grants actually rely on exploitation, on rich people who steal from workers. They donate their money to foundations so they can write it off their taxes, and then those foundations give it to organizations trying to do good things for the world and treat us like they did us a favor. And then we’re reliant on the money of the people who created the problem in the first place. Practicing integrity is the only way we get out of a domination-based world. This movie isn’t a prison documentary. It’s a film about how a person and a family chose healing in response to unimaginable harm, murder, incarceration, and sexual violence… it’s ultimately a film about choosing healing. The reason I’ve dedicated a third of my life to making this album and making this film is because I wanted people to see a real-life example of choosing healing over revenge. And now we have an example that we can all see. It’s on Netflix. Now we have an example of what choosing healing actually looks like when it’s really, really hard to do.

In Conversation:
Photography by:
{
"article":
{
"title" : "Richie Reseda",
"author" : "Richie Reseda, Céline Semaan",
"category" : "interviews",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/richie-reseda",
"date" : "2025-11-21 09:02:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/RIchieReseda_0032.jpg",
"excerpt" : "",
"content" : "CÉLINE SEMAAN: Congratulations on your new film. It’s really amazing. How has the response been?RICHIE RESEDA: There have been all kinds of responses. The responses that are most exciting to me are from people who have lived through something similar to “88” [the name of RICHIE’s album collaborator who was also incarcerated]. Maybe they were incarcerated, or they lost a family member to murder, or both. We did a screening and healing circle in a prison for children in the Bay Area, and there was a 14-year-old kid in there whose cousin was killed while he was locked up. The person who killed his cousin ended up going to the prison and he told 88 that because he saw his film, he felt like he might be able to forgive the person who killed his cousin, rather than respond with revenge. Those are the responses that mean everything.CÉLINE: It seems that your service to liberation starts from your personal, lived experience. Please share a bit about what motivates you to create these types of creative expression.RICHIE: I hate when people call me an activist. I hate the idea of activism because it implies that we’re doing something “special” by caring for one another. That’s such an inherently colonial way of thinking. The colonizers taught us that your life is about you, and anything you do for anyone else is extra or “giving back.” You’re not giving back anything. You’re just participating in the environment. You’re participating in the community, and hopefully in a way that sustains that environment and that community.I’m from LA, and I grew up being criminalized my whole fucking life. The first time I had a negative experience with the cops, I was four years old. The first time I was put in handcuffs was for horse playing, when I was 11 years old. Then I was arrested when I was 13 for leaving school early to get a haircut. I was arrested at 14 for scratching the dirt off my desk. I was arrested at 15 for talking during an assembly. That time, I was choked by the cops. I was arrested for being late to school. I was first kicked out of school when I was eight years old for talking too much, and eventually kicked out of society and sent to prison.I started making art when I was 14, but the way this society is set up, and the way the Los Angeles Unified School District and the Los Angeles School Police were set up, made creating art extremely difficult. They called making art gay, and they meant that in a negative way. So I became the exact thing I was told to become by every movie. I acted out the things I saw. And eventually, I wasn’t getting arrested for getting haircuts anymore. I was getting arrested for selling drugs, and I was getting arrested for having guns on me and for stealing shit. I was living on the streets as a 16-year-old trying to survive. I wanted to work at American Apparel, hella bad, because I was into fashion, and I would go to all their open calls in downtown LA. I went seven times. It was a two-and-a-half-hour bus ride, and they never hired me. They had a pamphlet about what kind of black people to hire. I guess I wasn’t that kind.One day, I came home after my seventh time trying to get a job there, and my homeboy, who I was staying with, was like, “We can’t just live off my mom… like, we got to make something happen.” He had some weed on him, and that’s how I got into selling drugs for real. I survived on the streets for about two and a half years before getting locked up at 19. I’d committed three robberies. They tried to give me a life sentence, but I ended up getting 10 years. When I was in prison, I tried to make music and get closer to my true self, and put aside the mask I’d been wearing to fit into a society based in violence. After a few years, I met 88, who was also an artist like me.CÉLINE: Did you find yourself?RICHIE: I don’t know if I found myself in prison. I chose myself in prison, which was a scary thing to do. I chose, in a really violent place, to be comfortable expressing all the parts of me, including my femininity, which is something that is looked down on and preyed on in this current version of society. Prisons reflect the society around them. One thing I learned being in prison is that you can’t act like you’re not afraid; you have to genuinely not be afraid. If you’re trying to act like you’re not afraid, you will be preyed on. It is deep heart work to genuinely not be afraid of your own people when they’ve been pushed to show up at their worst. You must truly be able to see the best in people while they’re showing up at their worst. I had to do that for myself, and then I had to do that for the people I was locked up with, because if I chose to see everybody as monsters who just wanted to take something from me, that was all I was going to see.CÉLINE: Much of your work challenges patriarchy. How do you see gender justice as inseparable from dismantling the prison-industrial complex?RICHIE: The way I think about it is: domination versus connection. The colonial world teaches us we need to dominate, dominate our bodies, dominate each other, and dominate nature to survive. I feel like Indigeneity is about connecting. We connect with our bodies, we connect with each other, we connect with nature to survive. I was taught that masculinity was based in domination, and the people who were allowed to be connected were the more feminine people. I don’t want to imply that masculinity can’t naturally be connected… but that’s not the way it’s taught in this society. Because I was so feminine, I overcompensated for it by being violent. I did that for a while, and then I eventually chose to have more integrity…One of my biggest blessings is that I grew up in the super-masculine LA street culture, and I grew up around queer, non-binary, and feminine women of color who politicized me and trained me to be an organizer. Being part of both is what has allowed me to bewho I am, because I could bring those connective practices to my street friends in a way that they understood, and that’s what I seek to do with my art. I’m trying to bring integrity and connection into our communities in a way that our communities can actually relate to.CÉLINE: It’s an abolitionist practice to tell our stories, to reclaim our narrative. How did you develop the narrative for your film? Did it come to you organically or intuitively, or did you find it in some other way? Who is it for?RICHIE: Just to respond to the connection between ending patriarchy and prison abolition. Prisons and individualism go hand-in-hand. You can’t have one without the other. Like policing and individualism go hand-in-hand. If you want to keep living an individualist life, there will always be policing. Prisons are based on the idea that domination is necessary. Whereas, if we practice true integrity with ourselves, the community, and the earth, I’m going to get my needs met in a way that also serves the needs of the whole, the same way plants, forests, and the cells in our bodies do. We don’t need punishment to scare people into “doing the right thing” if we’re serving the needs of the whole. I’ve been organizing since 2006… I don’t start with the institutions we’re tearing down. I start with the culture we must build up so that we can learn how to live in integrity with one another.CÉLINE: What is the culture we’re building? It’s not just about expanding our imagination, which storytelling is a big part of, but it’s also about defining the sort of culture that is needed for a world of liberation. The heart of it is through abolitionist work, but it also touches on so many other struggles…RICHIE: I would say it’s about more than just imagining. It’s about practicing. Culture is a practice. You can make a post, or you can make a movie, or you can make a TV show. That is a cultural product, but if it doesn’t change the way people are meeting their needs on a daily basis, you haven’t changed culture. Culture has to be practiced by human beings. Culture is made up of the patterns that come up as we collectively meet our needs. People see something, get inspired by it, and then go live the same way they did before watching it, because the cultural product, in and of itself, doesn’t actually support anybody in practicing something new.We have a tool that we developed as part of this project called The Abolition Dream Lab: A Healing Plan. In the Healing Plan, there’s a step for how we can actually live from an abolitionist perspective. How can we live in integrity with ourselves, the community, and the earth today… it’s through the practice of building “accountability pods” as Mia Mingus (an American writer, educator, and community organizer who focuses on issues of disability justice) calls them. I’m committed to meeting my needs in a way that also meets the needs of the community and all living things. Then I ask my closest people to hold me accountable to that. We can build consensual accountability. This is an actual mechanism with which to govern the New World.CÉLINE: You said there’s a difference between a cultural product, like a movie or a platform or a book, and actually changing culture. How do you change culture, whether it’s around abolition, anti-racism, or anti-Zionism? How do we change policies?RICHIE: We have to first practice the new culture and then invite people to do it with us, and by doing it together, it will change whatever the practice is. I’m a formerly incarcerated, cisgender, “man.” I’m Black, from LA, and I speak English… All these things affect how I practice accountability, which is our ticket out of violence-based governing. My work is centered around literally creating cultural products that are a portal into cultural practices that get us away from dominance and into integrity. When we’re talking about a society truly based in care, as opposed to violence and domination, that is radical for us here, living in the West. For many Indigenous peoples all over the world, that’s not radical at all.CÉLINE: Your movie is a generous offering, because making something like this takes so much work, and it takes so much ruffling feathers, and it’s a battle to get there, to get to putting it out. How has it been?RICHIE: I have been working on this project for 10 years. It has been an uphill, independent battle the whole time. We sold it to Netflix after it was done. It’s not like we had major institutional support at every turn. We’ve had to go against the grain and figure it out and do it in the community way… 88 and I produced this music in prison. We recorded it in prison. Once we were out, we took the prison vocals and produced new music around those vocals. We had no money; we had to figure it out independently. We’ve walked into film festivals where our film was showing and been asked, “Are you guys seat fillers?” I’m so fucking tired and burnt out…CÉLINE: I feel you deeply. It is the hard road, but it’s really beautiful, what you’ve created, and it’s magical. Building frameworks of care and non-dominance outside of this culture of dominance is the hardest path. How have you been building this framework of care for yourself?RICHIE: I got called out by my best friend and a lot of my close people, who were like, “Bro, you need to center how you’re being and not just how you’re spreading, because otherwise you’re not going to spread the thing for real. If you’re burnt out, you’re going to spread burnt outness.” If you lack boundaries, you’re going to spread a lack of boundaries and all the chaos that comes with that. And that has happened in all the organizations I’ve founded and co-founded, and led. Since 2022, I’ve been investing a lot of time in my own integrity practice. I have an accountability pod made up of three brothers… We share a lot of experiences, and we link up once a month and hold each other accountable. I have another kind of unofficial pod with feminine women in it… I need that type of accountability too, because their perspective is different, and they catch things that my pod doesn’t catch.CÉLINE: Assata Shakur talks in her book, Assata: An Autobiography, about how one of her mentors said to her regarding being an organizer, you should start by organizing yourself. Your kitchen is a mess, your room is a mess, your whole life is a mess. How can you talk about organizing and affecting the world outside when your world inside is a mess? I’m paraphrasing. But it’s essentially what you’re saying, that what’s happening inside is going to reflect outside. I am building a model of care that includes me. How did you design a way that also includes you?RICHIE: Many healing movements have been discouraging because they’re all about how you take care of yourself at the expense of everyone else. It’s ultimately in service to capitalism, not community. That’s not the kind of healing we’re pushing for… I am a member of a greater body. I am just one cell in a greater body, and I need to take care of myself as one of those cells. I was able to start really prioritizing and taking care of myself, because I understood it as part of this mission of getting back to connection and integrity, as opposed to something that was in competition with that.CÉLINE: How do we support you? What does that look like?RICHIE: Watching the movie, buying the album… We have merch too; I’m not ashamed of that. That’s not capitalism. We worked hard to offer something to exchange with the community for value… and all business isn’t capitalism.CÉLINE: Business existed before capitalism!RICHIE: Exactly. Capitalism has to do with how things are owned and how power is distributed. And we are a worker-owned collective. We make all of our decisions based on consensus. It’s not like I started the company and now I own it, and I make all the money. We share everything we have, and we have a model that can be replicated by any business.You follow any war, any genocide, and you’ll find that it’s rooted in capitalist business practices. One way people can support us is by buying the things we put 10 years into creating. I don’t want to rely on grants; grants actually rely on exploitation, on rich people who steal from workers. They donate their money to foundations so they can write it off their taxes, and then those foundations give it to organizations trying to do good things for the world and treat us like they did us a favor. And then we’re reliant on the money of the people who created the problem in the first place. Practicing integrity is the only way we get out of a domination-based world. This movie isn’t a prison documentary. It’s a film about how a person and a family chose healing in response to unimaginable harm, murder, incarceration, and sexual violence… it’s ultimately a film about choosing healing. The reason I’ve dedicated a third of my life to making this album and making this film is because I wanted people to see a real-life example of choosing healing over revenge. And now we have an example that we can all see. It’s on Netflix. Now we have an example of what choosing healing actually looks like when it’s really, really hard to do."
}
,
"relatedposts": [
{
"title" : "Mercy Over Speed: Revolutionizing Our Political Imagination",
"author" : "Sue Ariza",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/mercy-over-speed",
"date" : "2025-12-11 13:40:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Cover_EIP_Mercy_Speed.jpg",
"excerpt" : "2025 was a masterclass in haste.",
"content" : "2025 was a masterclass in haste.Policies rushed to enact a merciless agenda that benefit only the few—President Donald Trump scrapped Biden’s AI executive order within hours of taking office, wiping out safety and transparency requirements as we enter a new digital age. Immigration officials were ordered to quadruple immigration arrests overnight. Food assistance was frozen while billions in relief funds sat unused; hunger used as a pawn in the longest government shutdown in American history. Entire communities pushed not just to autopilot, but to survival—by algorithms that cannot see them, by bureaucracies that cannot pause long enough to understand them, by political actors who confuse immediacy with leadership.Of course, the real crisis isn’t speed on its own. It’s what speed erases: attention, nuance, reflection, and the fundamental truth that human beings are not statistics or administrative burdens. Perhaps nowhere was this clearer than in the State Department’s human rights reports earlier this year. In the name of “streamlining,” references to prison abuse, LGBTQIA+ persecution, and attacks on human rights defenders were quietly removed. The language was technocratic—reduce redundancy, tidy up the narrative—but the effect was ideological: whole communities and categories of suffering erased from national memory.Because the truth is, what speed strategically, ruthlessly, obliterates is the one crucial political practice we need most: mercy.Our world has taught us to think of mercy in opposition to speed, too soft for our lived realities, though it’s anything but that: Mercy is the commitment to respond to harm, conflict, or complexity with clarity rather than panic—with discernment instead of reflex. Mercy is the refusal to collapse a person, an idea, or a crisis into something smaller than it is. Mercy is political imagination: the capacity to see beyond what urgency allows and stay with one another long enough to resist the reflexes that turn disagreement into instant judgment—so we can listen before we attack or defend.But what does mercy actually demand of us? For us to reclaim it politically, we first must understand what it means and how it offers a counter-rhythm to our frantic culture of speed and instant gratification.The word itself tells a story. Mercy comes from the Latin merces—wages, payment, the price of goods. Ancient Romans understood it as a transaction. But early Christians shifted the word toward the sacred: the spiritual reward for showing kindness where cruelty was expected. They moved a word about the marketplace into a vocabulary of grace.Judaism’s rachamim, Islam’s rahma, Buddhism’s karuṇā, and Hinduism’s dayā all insist on the same truth: mercy is a way of recognizing the sacredness in others.That transformation mirrors what mercy asks of us now: to move beyond the logic of exchange, beyond what is earned or owed. It asks us to look at someone who has caused pain, and instead of asking What do they deserve? ask, What does healing require here? It is seeing beyond someone’s worst moment and choosing curiosity over condemnation.But mercy is more than individual forgiveness. It is a way of moving through the world that assumes people are larger than their failures; that redemption remains possible; that, importantly, time is not a scarce resource, but something we can afford to give. Mercy requires attention—what French philosopher Simone Weil called “the rarest and purest form of generosity.” It is why American novelist James Baldwin described love as an active emotion: the daily labor of truly seeing another person, especially when the systems around us tell us to look away.The problem, however, is that attention is precisely what our culture has made almost impossible to give. We are overstimulated, overextended, algorithmically hijacked, not only bearing witness to incredible amounts of suffering, but scrolling past it. We don’t refuse mercy because we’re cruel. We refuse it because we’ve built a world that makes stopping feel unimaginable—impractical.This is why mercy is not opposed to speed; it is opposed to false urgency. There are moments when mercy requires swift, decisive intervention. The problem is not action—it’s reaction: the unexamined acceleration that mistakes immediacy for moral clarity and treats nuance as an inconvenience.Consider how the culture of speed is destabilizing basic public systems. Take the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) that feeds more than 42 million Americans. This year, households faced unprecedented threats to their benefits—not because their needs had changed, not because the money didn’t exist, but because the administration chose to let billions in contingency funds sit untouched. The crisis wasn’t a failure of capacity. It was a political choice dressed up as inevitability.Or look at the rush to implement AI—a race happening not because anyone has thought deeply about what these systems are for, but because companies fear being the last to adopt them. Across industries, AI is being plugged into hiring platforms, healthcare systems, education tools, corporate workflows, and crisis-response mechanisms, often with little understanding of the consequences. “Innovation” has become a justification to move faster than ethics, oversight, or even common sense can keep up. In that scramble to avoid falling behind, speed becomes a substitute for understanding what people actually need and for the mercy that governance requires.A merciful politics would insist that deliberation is not inefficiency but protection, and that slowing down is an ethical requirement. Because the stakes of leadership and governance without it are real: if AI systems are going to help determine who gets hired, who gets healthcare, who receives support, which students get flagged for discipline, then refusing to slow down is not neutrality—it is a political choice with human costs.Our addiction to speed also shapes how we respond to political disagreement. Our culture no longer rewards thinking or meaningful conversation. Instead, it rewards reacting. Watch how career Democrats responded to New York Assembly member Zohran Mamdani’s mayoral campaign in November. Rather than engaging with his proposals on housing, healthcare, or municipal governance, establishment voices moved immediately to demonization. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer withheld his endorsement entirely. His ideas required discussion, which takes time and attention. His vision challenged party orthodoxy, which requires deliberation to refute or incorporate. Instead of dialogue, we see instant censure, moral panic, and swift punishment.The speed of the response is the point. It signals that dissent is tolerable only when it can be quickly absorbed or quickly dismissed. Ideas that require conversation are treated as threats simply because they resist rapid processing. The issue isn’t whether Mamdani’s proposals are correct (and of course, it remains to be seen how they will actually be implemented); it’s that the reflex to demonize rather than debate reveals a political culture that has forgotten how to think collectively.We see this punitive speed logic everywhere. Students disciplined for language before conversations can happen. Social movements judged by headlines rather than the work. Communities criminalized in real time by social media cycles that flatten context into consumable outrage. We’ve built a society quicker to punish than to understand, quicker to condemn than to contextualize.But mercy could help us move differently. Mercy would refuse to relegate a person or an idea to a caricature simply because the truth requires time. Mercy asks us to hold uncertainty long enough to respond with discernment rather than reflex. It asks us to think—together.Legal scholar Matthias Mahlmann writes that dignity is “subversive,” an insistence that every human life carries irreducible worth. But dignity has a temporal requirement: you cannot witness another person’s humanity at speed. You cannot attend to the complexity of a life if you’re only interested in the fastest possible outcome.This is why systems built around optimization always feel so violent. Algorithmic welfare reviews, automated policing, real-time public shaming—all of them demand that human beings be compressed into categories that can be processed quickly. The violence isn’t just in the outcome; it’s in the refusal of attention itself.Mercy and dignity are inseparable. Dignity names the inherent worth that every person carries; mercy is the discipline that protects that worth in practice. Dignity says there is something unbreakable in each of us. Mercy is how we honor that unbreakable thing, especially when harm or conflict tempts us to forget it. What would shift if our reflex wasn’t How fast can we react?, but How deeply can we understand? What becomes possible when we refuse to hurry past another person’s humanity?Mercy is not sentiment. It is resistance. It is the refusal of dignity fatigue. It is the discipline of witnessing: in political policy, in the conversations we have, in how we treat each other’s failures and hopes. 2025 taught us what haste can destroy. The question now is whether we’re willing to build something slower—and more human—in its place."
}
,
{
"title" : "What We Can Learn from the Inuit Mapping of the Arctic",
"author" : "William Rankin",
"category" : "excerpts",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/inuit-mapping-arctic",
"date" : "2025-12-02 12:49:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Cover_EIP_Template-Inuit_Map.jpg",
"excerpt" : "This excerpt is from RADICAL CARTOGRAPHY by William Rankin, published by Viking, an imprint of Penguin Publishing Group, a division of Penguin Random House, LLC. Copyright © 2025 by William Rankin.",
"content" : "This excerpt is from RADICAL CARTOGRAPHY by William Rankin, published by Viking, an imprint of Penguin Publishing Group, a division of Penguin Random House, LLC. Copyright © 2025 by William Rankin.In 1994, the Berkeley geographer Bernard Nietschmann made a famous claim about the power of mapping in the global struggle for Indigenous rights. It was a claim about how the tools of historical oppression could be reclaimed by the oppressed: “More Indigenous territory has been claimed by maps than by guns. This assertion has its corollary: more Indigenous territory can be defended and reclaimed by maps than by guns.” The idea was that by putting themselves on the map—documenting their lives and their communities—Indigenous peoples would not be so easy to erase. Nietschmann was working in Central America, often heroically, during a time of violence and displacement, and he inspired a generation of researchers and activists interested in flipping the power structure of state-centric cartography on its head.But despite the spread of bottom-up mapping projects in the past 30 years, perhaps the most successful example of Indigenous mapping actually predates Nietschmann’s call to action. Just one year prior, in 1993, the Inuit of northern Canada signed a treaty creating the territory of Nunavut—the largest self-governing Indigenous territory in the world—and mapping was central to both the negotiation and the outcome. It remains one of the rare cases of Indigenous geographic knowledge decolonizing the world map.So why hasn’t the Inuit project been replicable elsewhere, despite decades more work on Indigenous mapping? The answer lies in the very idea of territory itself, and in particular in one of the most threatened parts of the Inuit landscape today: ice. The winter extent of Arctic sea ice reached a record low earlier this year, and a new low is predicted for the winter ahead. Yet the shrinking ice isn’t just an unshakable sign of Arctic warming; it’s also a poignant reminder of what Nietschmann got right—and what he missed—about the relationship between cartography and power. In particular, it shows how Inuit conceptions of space, place, and belonging are rooted in a dynamic, seasonal geography that’s often completely invisible on Western-style maps.The story begins in the 1970s, when the young Inuit leader Tagak Curley, today considered a “living father” of Nunavut, hired the Arctic anthropologist Milton Freeman to lead a collaborative mapping project of unprecedented scope and ambition. Freeman taught at McMaster University about an hour outside Toronto; he was white, but his wife, Mini Aodla Freeman, was Inuit (she was a translator and later a celebrated writer). Freeman assembled a team of other anthropologists and Arctic geographers—also white—to split the mapping into regions. They called their method the “map biography.” The goal was to capture the life history of every Inuit hunter in cartographic form, recording each person’s memories of where, at any point in their life, they had found roughly three dozen species of wildlife—from caribou and ptarmigan to beluga, narwhal, and seaweed. Each map biography would be a testimony of personal experience.After the mapping was split into regions, about 150 field-workers—almost all Inuit—traveled between 33 northern settlements with a stack of government-issued topographic maps to conduct interviews. Each hunter was asked to draw lines or shapes directly on the maps with colored pens or pencils. The interviewers stayed about 10 weeks in each settlement, visiting most hunters in their own homes, and the final participation rate was an astonishing 85 percent of all adult Inuit men. They collected 1,600 biographies in total, some on maps as large as 10 feet square.Then came the cartographers, back in Ontario: one professor and a team of about 15 students. The first map below (Figure 1) shows how the individual map biographies were transformed into summary maps, one for each community. For every species, the overlap of all hunters’ testimony became a single blob, and then blobs for all species were overlaid to make a complete map. The second map (Figure 2) shows one of the finished atlas pages along the Northwest Passage. The immediate impression is that the Arctic is in no way an empty expanse of barren land and unclaimed mineral riches. It is dense with human activity, necessary for personal and collective survival. The community maps combined to show almost uninterrupted Inuit presence stretching from northern Labrador to the Alaska border.Figure 1: Top left is a simplified version of a “map biography” from a single Inuit hunter, showing his birthplace and the places he hunted caribou, fox, wolf, grizzly bear, moose, and fish at various points in his life. (The original biography would have been drawn over a familiar government-issued topographic map.) The other three maps show how multiple biographies were then combined into patterned blobs for all hunters and all species. (Map courtesy of William Rankin/ Penguin Random House LLC.)Figure 2: A two-page spread from the finished atlas showing the seven kinds of animals hunted from the settlements of Igloolik and Hall Beach, in an area about 500 by 300 miles: caribou, polar bear, walrus, whale, fish, seal, and waterfowl. (Because of the large number of individual species recorded in the map biographies, some species were grouped together in the final maps.) The blobs are a strong, even overpowering figure atop an unusually subtle ground. Notice in particular how difficult it is to distinguish land and water areas, since the dark shading extends beyond coastlines even for individual species. This map in fact includes the Northwest Passage—the famous sea route around the tip of North America—but the crucial Fury and Hecla Strait (named after the two British ships that first learned of, but did not navigate, the passage in 1822) is almost entirely obscured. (Map courtesy of William Rankin/ Penguin Random House LLC.)Nothing about the cartography was meant to be subversive—or even controversial. For the cartographers, the only message was that the Inuit hunted a variety of species over large areas. But look again at the finished map in Figure 2. Yes, a foreground is layered over a background in the usual way, but the visual argument is strikingly different from a typical layered map in, say, a census atlas, where the foreground data doesn’t stray beyond crisp pre-existing borders. Here, in contrast, even the basic distinction between land and water is often obscure. The maps’ content is the facts of species and area; the maps’ argument is that Inuit culture is grounded in a substantially different understanding of territory than the one Western cartography was designed to show.As a result, this new atlas shifted the negotiations between the Inuit and the Canadian government decisively. Not only did the maps provide a legal claim to the Inuit-used land, documenting 750,000 square miles—an area the size of Mexico—but also a claim to the sea, showing an additional 325,000 square miles offshore.It took many years for the full implications to play out, but the erosion of the land–water boundary became central to the Inuit vision. At the time, wildlife on land was managed by the regional Northwest Territories government, while offshore marine species were the responsibility of centralized federal agencies. The Inuit used the atlas to win agreement for a new agency with equal responsibility over both. At the same time, the Inuit also improved their position by offering their offshore claims as evidence the Canadian government would use—not just in the 1980s, but even as recently as 2024—to resist foreign encroachment in the Northwest Passage. The final agreement in 1993 granted the Inuit $1.15 billion in cash, title to about 17 percent of the land in the “settlement area,” representation on several new management agencies, a share of all natural-resource revenue, broad hunting and fishing rights, and a promise that the territory of Nunavut would come into being on April 1, 1999.It’s easy to count this project as a success story, but it’s also important to remember that it depended both on the government’s own interest in negotiation and on the willingness of Indigenous peoples, or at least their leadership, to translate their sense of space onto a map, solidifying what had previously been fluid. It also meant abandoning claims to ancestral lands that had not been used in living experience and provoking new boundary disputes with neighboring, and previously amicable, Indigenous groups. These tradeoffs have led some scholars to critique mapping as only “drawing Indigenous peoples into a modern capitalist economy while maintaining the centrality of state power.” But for the Inuit, the alternatives seemed quite a bit worse.With the more recent proliferation of Indigenous mapping initiatives elsewhere—in Latin America, Africa, and Asia—the tradeoffs have been harder to evaluate. Most governments have shown little interest in addressing Indigenous claims, and when bottom-up mapping has been pushed instead by international nonprofits interested in environmental conservation, the downsides of mapping have often come without any of the upsides.Yet it’s not just the attitude of the state that’s been different; it’s also the cartography. In nearly all these other cases, the finished maps have shown none of the territorial inversion of the Inuit atlas. Instead, Indigenous knowledge is either overlaid on an existing base map in perfectly legible form, or it’s used to construct a new base map of a remarkably conventional sort, using the same visual vocabulary as Western maps.Did the Inuit project just show the data so clearly that its deeper implications were immediately apparent? No, not really, since the great irony here is that the cartographers were in fact quite dissatisfied. Follow-up surveys reached the conclusion that the atlas was only “moderately successful” by their usual mapmaking standards.The Inuit atlas was a kind of happy accident—one that doesn’t conform to any of the usual stories about Indigenous mapping, in Canada or elsewhere. The lesson here isn’t that maps should be as Indigenous as possible, or that they should be as orthodox as possible. These maps were neither. My take is simpler: the atlas shows that maps can, in fact, support alternative conceptions of space—and that showing space in a different way is crucial.The possibilities aren’t endless, but they’re broader than we might think. Plotting different sorts of data is a necessary step, but no less important are the relationships between that data and the assumptions of what lies below. For the Inuit, these assumptions were about land, water, and territory. These were in the background both visually and politically, and they were upstaged by an unexpectedly provocative foreground. The layers did not behave as they were meant to, and despite the tradeoffs, they allowed an Indigenous community to fight for their home and their way of life."
}
,
{
"title" : "Malcolm X and Islam: U.S. Islamophobia Didn’t Start with 9/11",
"author" : "Collis Browne",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/malcolm-x-and-islam",
"date" : "2025-11-27 14:58:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/life-malcolm-3.jpg",
"excerpt" : "",
"content" : "Anti-Muslim hate has been deeply engrained and intertwined with anti-Black racism in the United States for well over 60 years, far longer than most of us are taught or are aware.As the EIP team dug into design research for the new magazine format of our first anniversary issue, we revisited 1960s issues of LIFE magazine—and landed on the March 1965 edition, published just after the assassination of Malcolm X.The reporting is staggering in its openness: blatantly anti-Black and anti-Muslim in a way that normalizes white supremacy at its most fundamental level. The anti-Blackness, while horrifying, is not surprising. This was a moment when, despite the formal dismantling of Jim Crow, more than 10,000 “sundown towns” still existed across the country, segregation remained the norm, and racial terror structured daily life.What shocked our team was the nakedness of the anti-Muslim propaganda.This was not yet framed as anti-Arab in the way Western Islamophobia is often framed today. Arab and Middle Eastern people were not present in the narrative at all. Instead, what was being targeted was organized resistance to white supremacy—specifically, the adoption of Islam by Black communities as a source of political power, dignity, and self-determination. From this moment, we can trace a clear ideological line from anti-Muslim sentiment rooted in anti-Black racism in the 1960s to the anti-Arab, anti-MENA, and anti-SWANA racism that saturates Western culture today.The reporting leaned heavily on familiar colonial tropes: the implication of “inter-tribal” violence, the suggestion that resistance to white supremacy is itself a form of reverse racism or inherent aggression, and the detached, almost smug tone surrounding the violent death of a cultural leader.Of course, the Nation of Islam and Elijah Muhammad represent only expressions within an immense and diverse global Muslim world—spanning Morocco, Sudan, the Gulf, Iraq, Pakistan, Indonesia, and far beyond. Yet U.S. cultural and military power has long blurred these distinctions, collapsing complexity into a singular enemy image.It is worth naming this history clearly and connecting the dots: U.S. Islamophobia did not begin with 9/11. It is rooted in a much older racial project—one that has always braided anti-Blackness and anti-Muslim sentiment together in service of white supremacy, at home and abroad."
}
]
}