Digital & Print Membership
Yearly + Receive 8 free printed back issues
$420 Annually
Monthly + Receive 3 free printed back issues
$40 Monthly
Richie Reseda

CÉLINE SEMAAN: Congratulations on your new film. It’s really amazing. How has the response been?
RICHIE RESEDA: There have been all kinds of responses. The responses that are most exciting to me are from people who have lived through something similar to “88” [the name of RICHIE’s album collaborator who was also incarcerated]. Maybe they were incarcerated, or they lost a family member to murder, or both. We did a screening and healing circle in a prison for children in the Bay Area, and there was a 14-year-old kid in there whose cousin was killed while he was locked up. The person who killed his cousin ended up going to the prison and he told 88 that because he saw his film, he felt like he might be able to forgive the person who killed his cousin, rather than respond with revenge. Those are the responses that mean everything.
CÉLINE: It seems that your service to liberation starts from your personal, lived experience. Please share a bit about what motivates you to create these types of creative expression.
RICHIE: I hate when people call me an activist. I hate the idea of activism because it implies that we’re doing something “special” by caring for one another. That’s such an inherently colonial way of thinking. The colonizers taught us that your life is about you, and anything you do for anyone else is extra or “giving back.” You’re not giving back anything. You’re just participating in the environment. You’re participating in the community, and hopefully in a way that sustains that environment and that community.
I’m from LA, and I grew up being criminalized my whole fucking life. The first time I had a negative experience with the cops, I was four years old. The first time I was put in handcuffs was for horse playing, when I was 11 years old. Then I was arrested when I was 13 for leaving school early to get a haircut. I was arrested at 14 for scratching the dirt off my desk. I was arrested at 15 for talking during an assembly. That time, I was choked by the cops. I was arrested for being late to school. I was first kicked out of school when I was eight years old for talking too much, and eventually kicked out of society and sent to prison.
I started making art when I was 14, but the way this society is set up, and the way the Los Angeles Unified School District and the Los Angeles School Police were set up, made creating art extremely difficult. They called making art gay, and they meant that in a negative way. So I became the exact thing I was told to become by every movie. I acted out the things I saw. And eventually, I wasn’t getting arrested for getting haircuts anymore. I was getting arrested for selling drugs, and I was getting arrested for having guns on me and for stealing shit. I was living on the streets as a 16-year-old trying to survive. I wanted to work at American Apparel, hella bad, because I was into fashion, and I would go to all their open calls in downtown LA. I went seven times. It was a two-and-a-half-hour bus ride, and they never hired me. They had a pamphlet about what kind of black people to hire. I guess I wasn’t that kind.

One day, I came home after my seventh time trying to get a job there, and my homeboy, who I was staying with, was like, “We can’t just live off my mom… like, we got to make something happen.” He had some weed on him, and that’s how I got into selling drugs for real. I survived on the streets for about two and a half years before getting locked up at 19. I’d committed three robberies. They tried to give me a life sentence, but I ended up getting 10 years. When I was in prison, I tried to make music and get closer to my true self, and put aside the mask I’d been wearing to fit into a society based in violence. After a few years, I met 88, who was also an artist like me.
CÉLINE: Did you find yourself?
RICHIE: I don’t know if I found myself in prison. I chose myself in prison, which was a scary thing to do. I chose, in a really violent place, to be comfortable expressing all the parts of me, including my femininity, which is something that is looked down on and preyed on in this current version of society. Prisons reflect the society around them. One thing I learned being in prison is that you can’t act like you’re not afraid; you have to genuinely not be afraid. If you’re trying to act like you’re not afraid, you will be preyed on. It is deep heart work to genuinely not be afraid of your own people when they’ve been pushed to show up at their worst. You must truly be able to see the best in people while they’re showing up at their worst. I had to do that for myself, and then I had to do that for the people I was locked up with, because if I chose to see everybody as monsters who just wanted to take something from me, that was all I was going to see.
CÉLINE: Much of your work challenges patriarchy. How do you see gender justice as inseparable from dismantling the prison-industrial complex?
RICHIE: The way I think about it is: domination versus connection. The colonial world teaches us we need to dominate, dominate our bodies, dominate each other, and dominate nature to survive. I feel like Indigeneity is about connecting. We connect with our bodies, we connect with each other, we connect with nature to survive. I was taught that masculinity was based in domination, and the people who were allowed to be connected were the more feminine people. I don’t want to imply that masculinity can’t naturally be connected… but that’s not the way it’s taught in this society. Because I was so feminine, I overcompensated for it by being violent. I did that for a while, and then I eventually chose to have more integrity…
One of my biggest blessings is that I grew up in the super-masculine LA street culture, and I grew up around queer, non-binary, and feminine women of color who politicized me and trained me to be an organizer. Being part of both is what has allowed me to be
who I am, because I could bring those connective practices to my street friends in a way that they understood, and that’s what I seek to do with my art. I’m trying to bring integrity and connection into our communities in a way that our communities can actually relate to.
CÉLINE: It’s an abolitionist practice to tell our stories, to reclaim our narrative. How did you develop the narrative for your film? Did it come to you organically or intuitively, or did you find it in some other way? Who is it for?
RICHIE: Just to respond to the connection between ending patriarchy and prison abolition. Prisons and individualism go hand-in-hand. You can’t have one without the other. Like policing and individualism go hand-in-hand. If you want to keep living an individualist life, there will always be policing. Prisons are based on the idea that domination is necessary. Whereas, if we practice true integrity with ourselves, the community, and the earth, I’m going to get my needs met in a way that also serves the needs of the whole, the same way plants, forests, and the cells in our bodies do. We don’t need punishment to scare people into “doing the right thing” if we’re serving the needs of the whole. I’ve been organizing since 2006… I don’t start with the institutions we’re tearing down. I start with the culture we must build up so that we can learn how to live in integrity with one another.

CÉLINE: What is the culture we’re building? It’s not just about expanding our imagination, which storytelling is a big part of, but it’s also about defining the sort of culture that is needed for a world of liberation. The heart of it is through abolitionist work, but it also touches on so many other struggles…
RICHIE: I would say it’s about more than just imagining. It’s about practicing. Culture is a practice. You can make a post, or you can make a movie, or you can make a TV show. That is a cultural product, but if it doesn’t change the way people are meeting their needs on a daily basis, you haven’t changed culture. Culture has to be practiced by human beings. Culture is made up of the patterns that come up as we collectively meet our needs. People see something, get inspired by it, and then go live the same way they did before watching it, because the cultural product, in and of itself, doesn’t actually support anybody in practicing something new.
We have a tool that we developed as part of this project called The Abolition Dream Lab: A Healing Plan. In the Healing Plan, there’s a step for how we can actually live from an abolitionist perspective. How can we live in integrity with ourselves, the community, and the earth today… it’s through the practice of building “accountability pods” as Mia Mingus (an American writer, educator, and community organizer who focuses on issues of disability justice) calls them. I’m committed to meeting my needs in a way that also meets the needs of the community and all living things. Then I ask my closest people to hold me accountable to that. We can build consensual accountability. This is an actual mechanism with which to govern the New World.
CÉLINE: You said there’s a difference between a cultural product, like a movie or a platform or a book, and actually changing culture. How do you change culture, whether it’s around abolition, anti-racism, or anti-Zionism? How do we change policies?
RICHIE: We have to first practice the new culture and then invite people to do it with us, and by doing it together, it will change whatever the practice is. I’m a formerly incarcerated, cisgender, “man.” I’m Black, from LA, and I speak English… All these things affect how I practice accountability, which is our ticket out of violence-based governing. My work is centered around literally creating cultural products that are a portal into cultural practices that get us away from dominance and into integrity. When we’re talking about a society truly based in care, as opposed to violence and domination, that is radical for us here, living in the West. For many Indigenous peoples all over the world, that’s not radical at all.
CÉLINE: Your movie is a generous offering, because making something like this takes so much work, and it takes so much ruffling feathers, and it’s a battle to get there, to get to putting it out. How has it been?
RICHIE: I have been working on this project for 10 years. It has been an uphill, independent battle the whole time. We sold it to Netflix after it was done. It’s not like we had major institutional support at every turn. We’ve had to go against the grain and figure it out and do it in the community way… 88 and I produced this music in prison. We recorded it in prison. Once we were out, we took the prison vocals and produced new music around those vocals. We had no money; we had to figure it out independently. We’ve walked into film festivals where our film was showing and been asked, “Are you guys seat fillers?” I’m so fucking tired and burnt out…
CÉLINE: I feel you deeply. It is the hard road, but it’s really beautiful, what you’ve created, and it’s magical. Building frameworks of care and non-dominance outside of this culture of dominance is the hardest path. How have you been building this framework of care for yourself?
RICHIE: I got called out by my best friend and a lot of my close people, who were like, “Bro, you need to center how you’re being and not just how you’re spreading, because otherwise you’re not going to spread the thing for real. If you’re burnt out, you’re going to spread burnt outness.” If you lack boundaries, you’re going to spread a lack of boundaries and all the chaos that comes with that. And that has happened in all the organizations I’ve founded and co-founded, and led. Since 2022, I’ve been investing a lot of time in my own integrity practice. I have an accountability pod made up of three brothers… We share a lot of experiences, and we link up once a month and hold each other accountable. I have another kind of unofficial pod with feminine women in it… I need that type of accountability too, because their perspective is different, and they catch things that my pod doesn’t catch.

CÉLINE: Assata Shakur talks in her book, Assata: An Autobiography, about how one of her mentors said to her regarding being an organizer, you should start by organizing yourself. Your kitchen is a mess, your room is a mess, your whole life is a mess. How can you talk about organizing and affecting the world outside when your world inside is a mess? I’m paraphrasing. But it’s essentially what you’re saying, that what’s happening inside is going to reflect outside. I am building a model of care that includes me. How did you design a way that also includes you?
RICHIE: Many healing movements have been discouraging because they’re all about how you take care of yourself at the expense of everyone else. It’s ultimately in service to capitalism, not community. That’s not the kind of healing we’re pushing for… I am a member of a greater body. I am just one cell in a greater body, and I need to take care of myself as one of those cells. I was able to start really prioritizing and taking care of myself, because I understood it as part of this mission of getting back to connection and integrity, as opposed to something that was in competition with that.
CÉLINE: How do we support you? What does that look like?
RICHIE: Watching the movie, buying the album… We have merch too; I’m not ashamed of that. That’s not capitalism. We worked hard to offer something to exchange with the community for value… and all business isn’t capitalism.
CÉLINE: Business existed before capitalism!
RICHIE: Exactly. Capitalism has to do with how things are owned and how power is distributed. And we are a worker-owned collective. We make all of our decisions based on consensus. It’s not like I started the company and now I own it, and I make all the money. We share everything we have, and we have a model that can be replicated by any business.
You follow any war, any genocide, and you’ll find that it’s rooted in capitalist business practices. One way people can support us is by buying the things we put 10 years into creating. I don’t want to rely on grants; grants actually rely on exploitation, on rich people who steal from workers. They donate their money to foundations so they can write it off their taxes, and then those foundations give it to organizations trying to do good things for the world and treat us like they did us a favor. And then we’re reliant on the money of the people who created the problem in the first place. Practicing integrity is the only way we get out of a domination-based world. This movie isn’t a prison documentary. It’s a film about how a person and a family chose healing in response to unimaginable harm, murder, incarceration, and sexual violence… it’s ultimately a film about choosing healing. The reason I’ve dedicated a third of my life to making this album and making this film is because I wanted people to see a real-life example of choosing healing over revenge. And now we have an example that we can all see. It’s on Netflix. Now we have an example of what choosing healing actually looks like when it’s really, really hard to do.

In Conversation:
Photography by:
{
"article":
{
"title" : "Richie Reseda",
"author" : "Richie Reseda, Céline Semaan",
"category" : "interviews",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/richie-reseda",
"date" : "2025-11-21 09:02:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/RIchieReseda_0032.jpg",
"excerpt" : "",
"content" : "CÉLINE SEMAAN: Congratulations on your new film. It’s really amazing. How has the response been?RICHIE RESEDA: There have been all kinds of responses. The responses that are most exciting to me are from people who have lived through something similar to “88” [the name of RICHIE’s album collaborator who was also incarcerated]. Maybe they were incarcerated, or they lost a family member to murder, or both. We did a screening and healing circle in a prison for children in the Bay Area, and there was a 14-year-old kid in there whose cousin was killed while he was locked up. The person who killed his cousin ended up going to the prison and he told 88 that because he saw his film, he felt like he might be able to forgive the person who killed his cousin, rather than respond with revenge. Those are the responses that mean everything.CÉLINE: It seems that your service to liberation starts from your personal, lived experience. Please share a bit about what motivates you to create these types of creative expression.RICHIE: I hate when people call me an activist. I hate the idea of activism because it implies that we’re doing something “special” by caring for one another. That’s such an inherently colonial way of thinking. The colonizers taught us that your life is about you, and anything you do for anyone else is extra or “giving back.” You’re not giving back anything. You’re just participating in the environment. You’re participating in the community, and hopefully in a way that sustains that environment and that community.I’m from LA, and I grew up being criminalized my whole fucking life. The first time I had a negative experience with the cops, I was four years old. The first time I was put in handcuffs was for horse playing, when I was 11 years old. Then I was arrested when I was 13 for leaving school early to get a haircut. I was arrested at 14 for scratching the dirt off my desk. I was arrested at 15 for talking during an assembly. That time, I was choked by the cops. I was arrested for being late to school. I was first kicked out of school when I was eight years old for talking too much, and eventually kicked out of society and sent to prison.I started making art when I was 14, but the way this society is set up, and the way the Los Angeles Unified School District and the Los Angeles School Police were set up, made creating art extremely difficult. They called making art gay, and they meant that in a negative way. So I became the exact thing I was told to become by every movie. I acted out the things I saw. And eventually, I wasn’t getting arrested for getting haircuts anymore. I was getting arrested for selling drugs, and I was getting arrested for having guns on me and for stealing shit. I was living on the streets as a 16-year-old trying to survive. I wanted to work at American Apparel, hella bad, because I was into fashion, and I would go to all their open calls in downtown LA. I went seven times. It was a two-and-a-half-hour bus ride, and they never hired me. They had a pamphlet about what kind of black people to hire. I guess I wasn’t that kind.One day, I came home after my seventh time trying to get a job there, and my homeboy, who I was staying with, was like, “We can’t just live off my mom… like, we got to make something happen.” He had some weed on him, and that’s how I got into selling drugs for real. I survived on the streets for about two and a half years before getting locked up at 19. I’d committed three robberies. They tried to give me a life sentence, but I ended up getting 10 years. When I was in prison, I tried to make music and get closer to my true self, and put aside the mask I’d been wearing to fit into a society based in violence. After a few years, I met 88, who was also an artist like me.CÉLINE: Did you find yourself?RICHIE: I don’t know if I found myself in prison. I chose myself in prison, which was a scary thing to do. I chose, in a really violent place, to be comfortable expressing all the parts of me, including my femininity, which is something that is looked down on and preyed on in this current version of society. Prisons reflect the society around them. One thing I learned being in prison is that you can’t act like you’re not afraid; you have to genuinely not be afraid. If you’re trying to act like you’re not afraid, you will be preyed on. It is deep heart work to genuinely not be afraid of your own people when they’ve been pushed to show up at their worst. You must truly be able to see the best in people while they’re showing up at their worst. I had to do that for myself, and then I had to do that for the people I was locked up with, because if I chose to see everybody as monsters who just wanted to take something from me, that was all I was going to see.CÉLINE: Much of your work challenges patriarchy. How do you see gender justice as inseparable from dismantling the prison-industrial complex?RICHIE: The way I think about it is: domination versus connection. The colonial world teaches us we need to dominate, dominate our bodies, dominate each other, and dominate nature to survive. I feel like Indigeneity is about connecting. We connect with our bodies, we connect with each other, we connect with nature to survive. I was taught that masculinity was based in domination, and the people who were allowed to be connected were the more feminine people. I don’t want to imply that masculinity can’t naturally be connected… but that’s not the way it’s taught in this society. Because I was so feminine, I overcompensated for it by being violent. I did that for a while, and then I eventually chose to have more integrity…One of my biggest blessings is that I grew up in the super-masculine LA street culture, and I grew up around queer, non-binary, and feminine women of color who politicized me and trained me to be an organizer. Being part of both is what has allowed me to bewho I am, because I could bring those connective practices to my street friends in a way that they understood, and that’s what I seek to do with my art. I’m trying to bring integrity and connection into our communities in a way that our communities can actually relate to.CÉLINE: It’s an abolitionist practice to tell our stories, to reclaim our narrative. How did you develop the narrative for your film? Did it come to you organically or intuitively, or did you find it in some other way? Who is it for?RICHIE: Just to respond to the connection between ending patriarchy and prison abolition. Prisons and individualism go hand-in-hand. You can’t have one without the other. Like policing and individualism go hand-in-hand. If you want to keep living an individualist life, there will always be policing. Prisons are based on the idea that domination is necessary. Whereas, if we practice true integrity with ourselves, the community, and the earth, I’m going to get my needs met in a way that also serves the needs of the whole, the same way plants, forests, and the cells in our bodies do. We don’t need punishment to scare people into “doing the right thing” if we’re serving the needs of the whole. I’ve been organizing since 2006… I don’t start with the institutions we’re tearing down. I start with the culture we must build up so that we can learn how to live in integrity with one another.CÉLINE: What is the culture we’re building? It’s not just about expanding our imagination, which storytelling is a big part of, but it’s also about defining the sort of culture that is needed for a world of liberation. The heart of it is through abolitionist work, but it also touches on so many other struggles…RICHIE: I would say it’s about more than just imagining. It’s about practicing. Culture is a practice. You can make a post, or you can make a movie, or you can make a TV show. That is a cultural product, but if it doesn’t change the way people are meeting their needs on a daily basis, you haven’t changed culture. Culture has to be practiced by human beings. Culture is made up of the patterns that come up as we collectively meet our needs. People see something, get inspired by it, and then go live the same way they did before watching it, because the cultural product, in and of itself, doesn’t actually support anybody in practicing something new.We have a tool that we developed as part of this project called The Abolition Dream Lab: A Healing Plan. In the Healing Plan, there’s a step for how we can actually live from an abolitionist perspective. How can we live in integrity with ourselves, the community, and the earth today… it’s through the practice of building “accountability pods” as Mia Mingus (an American writer, educator, and community organizer who focuses on issues of disability justice) calls them. I’m committed to meeting my needs in a way that also meets the needs of the community and all living things. Then I ask my closest people to hold me accountable to that. We can build consensual accountability. This is an actual mechanism with which to govern the New World.CÉLINE: You said there’s a difference between a cultural product, like a movie or a platform or a book, and actually changing culture. How do you change culture, whether it’s around abolition, anti-racism, or anti-Zionism? How do we change policies?RICHIE: We have to first practice the new culture and then invite people to do it with us, and by doing it together, it will change whatever the practice is. I’m a formerly incarcerated, cisgender, “man.” I’m Black, from LA, and I speak English… All these things affect how I practice accountability, which is our ticket out of violence-based governing. My work is centered around literally creating cultural products that are a portal into cultural practices that get us away from dominance and into integrity. When we’re talking about a society truly based in care, as opposed to violence and domination, that is radical for us here, living in the West. For many Indigenous peoples all over the world, that’s not radical at all.CÉLINE: Your movie is a generous offering, because making something like this takes so much work, and it takes so much ruffling feathers, and it’s a battle to get there, to get to putting it out. How has it been?RICHIE: I have been working on this project for 10 years. It has been an uphill, independent battle the whole time. We sold it to Netflix after it was done. It’s not like we had major institutional support at every turn. We’ve had to go against the grain and figure it out and do it in the community way… 88 and I produced this music in prison. We recorded it in prison. Once we were out, we took the prison vocals and produced new music around those vocals. We had no money; we had to figure it out independently. We’ve walked into film festivals where our film was showing and been asked, “Are you guys seat fillers?” I’m so fucking tired and burnt out…CÉLINE: I feel you deeply. It is the hard road, but it’s really beautiful, what you’ve created, and it’s magical. Building frameworks of care and non-dominance outside of this culture of dominance is the hardest path. How have you been building this framework of care for yourself?RICHIE: I got called out by my best friend and a lot of my close people, who were like, “Bro, you need to center how you’re being and not just how you’re spreading, because otherwise you’re not going to spread the thing for real. If you’re burnt out, you’re going to spread burnt outness.” If you lack boundaries, you’re going to spread a lack of boundaries and all the chaos that comes with that. And that has happened in all the organizations I’ve founded and co-founded, and led. Since 2022, I’ve been investing a lot of time in my own integrity practice. I have an accountability pod made up of three brothers… We share a lot of experiences, and we link up once a month and hold each other accountable. I have another kind of unofficial pod with feminine women in it… I need that type of accountability too, because their perspective is different, and they catch things that my pod doesn’t catch.CÉLINE: Assata Shakur talks in her book, Assata: An Autobiography, about how one of her mentors said to her regarding being an organizer, you should start by organizing yourself. Your kitchen is a mess, your room is a mess, your whole life is a mess. How can you talk about organizing and affecting the world outside when your world inside is a mess? I’m paraphrasing. But it’s essentially what you’re saying, that what’s happening inside is going to reflect outside. I am building a model of care that includes me. How did you design a way that also includes you?RICHIE: Many healing movements have been discouraging because they’re all about how you take care of yourself at the expense of everyone else. It’s ultimately in service to capitalism, not community. That’s not the kind of healing we’re pushing for… I am a member of a greater body. I am just one cell in a greater body, and I need to take care of myself as one of those cells. I was able to start really prioritizing and taking care of myself, because I understood it as part of this mission of getting back to connection and integrity, as opposed to something that was in competition with that.CÉLINE: How do we support you? What does that look like?RICHIE: Watching the movie, buying the album… We have merch too; I’m not ashamed of that. That’s not capitalism. We worked hard to offer something to exchange with the community for value… and all business isn’t capitalism.CÉLINE: Business existed before capitalism!RICHIE: Exactly. Capitalism has to do with how things are owned and how power is distributed. And we are a worker-owned collective. We make all of our decisions based on consensus. It’s not like I started the company and now I own it, and I make all the money. We share everything we have, and we have a model that can be replicated by any business.You follow any war, any genocide, and you’ll find that it’s rooted in capitalist business practices. One way people can support us is by buying the things we put 10 years into creating. I don’t want to rely on grants; grants actually rely on exploitation, on rich people who steal from workers. They donate their money to foundations so they can write it off their taxes, and then those foundations give it to organizations trying to do good things for the world and treat us like they did us a favor. And then we’re reliant on the money of the people who created the problem in the first place. Practicing integrity is the only way we get out of a domination-based world. This movie isn’t a prison documentary. It’s a film about how a person and a family chose healing in response to unimaginable harm, murder, incarceration, and sexual violence… it’s ultimately a film about choosing healing. The reason I’ve dedicated a third of my life to making this album and making this film is because I wanted people to see a real-life example of choosing healing over revenge. And now we have an example that we can all see. It’s on Netflix. Now we have an example of what choosing healing actually looks like when it’s really, really hard to do."
}
,
"relatedposts": [
{
"title" : "Our Era of Insecurity: How Unaffordability and Uncertainty Became Our Monoculture",
"author" : "Alissa Quart",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/our-era-of-insecurity",
"date" : "2025-12-16 11:56:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Cover_EIP_Unaffordability.jpg",
"excerpt" : "In 2025, I’ve interviewed a number of people who saw themselves as living in “survival mode.” At first, their professions might surprise you. They are government contractors, public broadcasters, and tech workers, formerly safe professions. And some of their jobs disappeared this year due to DOGE “efficiency” cuts, the dismantling of the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, and AI acceleration. They are among the millions now living through an experience that I call terra infirma, a new level of economic and social uncertainty.",
"content" : "In 2025, I’ve interviewed a number of people who saw themselves as living in “survival mode.” At first, their professions might surprise you. They are government contractors, public broadcasters, and tech workers, formerly safe professions. And some of their jobs disappeared this year due to DOGE “efficiency” cuts, the dismantling of the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, and AI acceleration. They are among the millions now living through an experience that I call terra infirma, a new level of economic and social uncertainty.It’s the mood that encapsulates so much of Trump 2.0. A November 2025 Pew study found that almost half of U.S. adults are uncertain about having enough retirement income. When it comes to health insurance, they may be waiting for their ACA health subsidies to sunset or for their partner’s premiums to skyrocket. Addressing unaffordability and uncertainty is even the newest theme song in politics, most recently in the Maine campaign of gubernatorial candidate, oyster farmer and military veteran Graham Platner.Seventy years ago, the critic Raymond Williams used the term “structure of feeling” to describe a collective emotion that is tied to a time and place, as well as social and economic conditions. Today, our “structure of feeling” is uncertainty. You could even take it further, and call “precarity” the last monoculture as it’s a condition shared by so many Americans. As Astra Taylor, author of The Age of Insecurity: Coming Together as Things Fall Apart, says, insecurity is a “defining feature of our time.”As far as mass moods go, “insecurity” is certainly a disconcerting one. The economist Pranab Bardhan writes in A World of Insecurity, that “insecurity, more than inequality, agitates people.” What makes 2025 different from other years, however, is the degree to which we all experienced this precarity. The usual uncertainty level has been turned up from a whine to a 135-decibel air raid scream.What’s happened? Tariffs have raised our costs. Medicaid will be scaled back over the next decade by a trillion dollars. Meanwhile, dozens of Venezuelan fishermen have been exploded by our armed forces. And while two-thirds of Americans are already living with economic insecurity, their feelings about it don’t necessarily involve the discrepancy between their lot and those of the very rich. As Steven Semler, the co-founder of Security Policy Reform Institute (SPRI), explains it to me, these Americans have a mindset that “is more fearful of poverty than aspirations of being a millionaire.”The people of terra infirma do describe such fears. In the words of one, they’ve experienced a “mental health decline and a loss of purpose” and in another, “a serious financial pinch”, because they are their family’s main breadwinner. Uncertainty is the common refrain of the growing number of laid-off software workers, according to Human-Centered Design scholar Samuel So. In addition to feeling destabilized about their professional security for the first time, software workers have experienced disillusionment and alienation from the technology industry’s “military and police partnerships.” Jobs themselves are part of this insecurity, with never-ending hiring processes, the race of automation, and ghost jobs, the twisted contemporary version of the perished Russian serfs of Nikolai Gogol’s Dead Souls, except now professional opportunities are offered that don’t actually exist. People are also nervous about their future, because insecurity is a temporal emotion, as much about the future as the present. Many of us wonder how our security will further erode, as our health plan premiums soar, or as our subways catch on fire, or as ICE comes to our cities. This causes not only stress in the moment, but discomfort about what lies ahead.Of course, it’s not just Trump 2.0 alone that has caused this. The forces behind Trump’s win in 2024—and the anger at the traditional Democratic party—have something to do with this disposition, as well. In the weeks leading up to Trump’s election, people surveyed by the Federal Reserve Board ranked one of their top concerns as pricing and their top concern as inflation. Disparate phenomena—AI slop, job cuts, relentless and confusing cutbacks in crucial academic research—are entwined. It’s as if they were all figures in a paranoiac Thomas Pynchon novel. In a “world of insecurity,” as economist Bardhan writes, instabilities interlink. In other words, what I think of as “informational insecurity”—bots, false ads, fake news—often joins up with economic instability.These different instances of confusion and instability blend into a gnarly color wheel of distress. Economic distress, sure—that is also accentuated by societal, cultural, environmental, and physical examples of insecurity we see all around us, every day.How do we pick apart these knotted-together insecurities? For starters, we can embrace candidates who address economic uncertainty head-on, including New York’s new mayor, Zohran Mamdani, Seattle’s new mayor, Katie Wilson, and Virginia’s governor-elect Abigail Spanberger. These politicians, as Nicholas Jacobs has written of Maine candidate Platner, are “speaking to grievances that are real, measurable, and decades in the making.”Another line of defense is being brave and grasping for community in any way we can. I think of the ordinary people blowing whistles near Chicago to alert their neighbors when ICE showed up in their suburban towns: they were accidental upstanders, refusing to be part of manufactured uncertainty and instability.One traditional definition of security is “freedom from fear.” And while we are unlikely to experience that freedom from fear as long as the populist American Right continues its goosestep, it’s also important to remember that uncertainty, like any “structure of feeling,” is an unfinished emotion.Yes, insecurity shapes us now. But we, as a collective, are so much more than it. Because even if we are living in a time of such negative uncertainty, it won’t necessarily stay that way. We can still redefine ourselves and, most importantly, recognize we are not alone."
}
,
{
"title" : "On the Failures of Mainstream Media: The Rise of Independent Newsrooms",
"author" : "Céline Semaan",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/on-the-failures-of-mainstream-media",
"date" : "2025-12-15 15:53:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/B417273E-EA4A-4BB8-9245-081928282D6D.jpeg",
"excerpt" : "Has it become immoral to be featured in the New York Times? I remember when I first saw my face in the iconic newspaper that for decades was regarded as a global standard‑bearer of mainstream journalism, I felt vindicated. Vindicated because, finally, my Lebanese family stopped asking if I had a real career. Vindicated because they would maybe stop worrying that I had blown my chances (and their immense sacrifices getting me an education), devoting my life instead to art and endless revolution. The New York Times’ legitimacy, now long gone, was regarded as the highest badge of honor, in particular, for immigrant kids who chose a different path than the usual career options afforded to us, and despite their rebellion, found a way to be recognized for it.",
"content" : "Has it become immoral to be featured in the New York Times? I remember when I first saw my face in the iconic newspaper that for decades was regarded as a global standard‑bearer of mainstream journalism, I felt vindicated. Vindicated because, finally, my Lebanese family stopped asking if I had a real career. Vindicated because they would maybe stop worrying that I had blown my chances (and their immense sacrifices getting me an education), devoting my life instead to art and endless revolution. The New York Times’ legitimacy, now long gone, was regarded as the highest badge of honor, in particular, for immigrant kids who chose a different path than the usual career options afforded to us, and despite their rebellion, found a way to be recognized for it.When the headline for the piece read “Refugee Designer Shines a Light on Global Issues,” my mother called me that day, not to congratulate me, but to demand I contact the editor and have them remove the word “refugee” before the word “designer.” I tried, in vain. Little did I know that this form of belittling, discrediting, and choice of words designed to incite disdain and eventually violence was core to the New York Times’ ethos.Over the past two years, increasingly immoral headlines and editorial choices in its Opinion section have eroded that credibility among many readers and contributors, particularly around coverage of the war in Gaza. A growing number of scholars, writers, and public intellectuals have publicly criticized the Times for framing geopolitical violence in ways that align with oppressive power structures rather than interrogate them — a criticism that raises deep concerns about misinformation and manufactured consent of dangerous ideologies.Headlines like “Bondi Beach Is What ‘Globalize the Intifada’ Looks Like” and “No, Israel Is Not Committing Genocide in Gaza” are editorial strategies designed to reshape public understanding of systemic violence to support far-right narratives and the interests of the global military-industrial complex. What happens when mainstream media becomes a mouthpiece for fascism and arms dealers? Where “objectivity” is marketed as truth, but really serves as a code for “obey the rulers” and “ask no questions.”This editorial leadership at the New York Times has sparked significant backlash within the intellectual community and among independent journalists. More than 300 writers, scholars, and former contributors have pledged a boycott of the Times’ Opinion pages, accusing the paper of anti‑Palestinian bias and demanding editorial accountability, including a re‑evaluation of its coverage and calls for a U.S. arms embargo on Israel. Alongside this, peace and justice organizations have condemned their editorial decisions, such as rejecting advertising that simply described Israel’s actions in Gaza as genocide.The larger consequence of these controversies is not simply a reputational dispute; it reflects a broader shift in public trust away from legacy media toward people‑driven platforms that prioritize accountability, lived experience, and political context over corporate interests or geopolitical alignment. As mainstream outlets retreat from confronting systemic violence in favor of the bottom line, audiences — especially younger and more globally connected readers — are turning to independent media for context and truth‑telling that legacy institutions increasingly fail to provide.That’s where platforms like Everything is Political come in. I started this platform because I was fed up with pitching stories to mainstream media platforms and receiving bogus rejections, only to later read the most outrageous takes in their Opinion section, exposing racism and deliberate calls for violence that had real consequences for my people back home. Rather than treating opinion as a commodity or a battleground for corporate narratives, independent media like EIP can center historically grounded analysis, intersectional understanding, and ethical engagement with stories that cover conflict and power. In an age of globalization and hypermediated conflict, how media frames violence matters deeply — not just to who lives or dies on the ground, but also whose stories are amplified, whose suffering is recognized, and whose futures are imagined. Platforms accountable to audiences rather than corporate advertisers and shareholders must emerge to fill a vacuum created by a legacy press that too often places power over people. Outlets like Democracy Now!, The Intercept, BTNews, and countless others are leading the way, reporting accurate news without ever compromising their moral compass."
}
,
{
"title" : "Mercy Over Speed: Revolutionizing Our Political Imagination",
"author" : "Sue Ariza",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/mercy-over-speed",
"date" : "2025-12-11 13:40:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Cover_EIP_Mercy_Speed.jpg",
"excerpt" : "2025 was a masterclass in haste.",
"content" : "2025 was a masterclass in haste.Policies rushed to enact a merciless agenda that benefit only the few—President Donald Trump scrapped Biden’s AI executive order within hours of taking office, wiping out safety and transparency requirements as we enter a new digital age. Immigration officials were ordered to quadruple immigration arrests overnight. Food assistance was frozen while billions in relief funds sat unused; hunger used as a pawn in the longest government shutdown in American history. Entire communities pushed not just to autopilot, but to survival—by algorithms that cannot see them, by bureaucracies that cannot pause long enough to understand them, by political actors who confuse immediacy with leadership.Of course, the real crisis isn’t speed on its own. It’s what speed erases: attention, nuance, reflection, and the fundamental truth that human beings are not statistics or administrative burdens. Perhaps nowhere was this clearer than in the State Department’s human rights reports earlier this year. In the name of “streamlining,” references to prison abuse, LGBTQIA+ persecution, and attacks on human rights defenders were quietly removed. The language was technocratic—reduce redundancy, tidy up the narrative—but the effect was ideological: whole communities and categories of suffering erased from national memory.Because the truth is, what speed strategically, ruthlessly, obliterates is the one crucial political practice we need most: mercy.Our world has taught us to think of mercy in opposition to speed, too soft for our lived realities, though it’s anything but that: Mercy is the commitment to respond to harm, conflict, or complexity with clarity rather than panic—with discernment instead of reflex. Mercy is the refusal to collapse a person, an idea, or a crisis into something smaller than it is. Mercy is political imagination: the capacity to see beyond what urgency allows and stay with one another long enough to resist the reflexes that turn disagreement into instant judgment—so we can listen before we attack or defend.But what does mercy actually demand of us? For us to reclaim it politically, we first must understand what it means and how it offers a counter-rhythm to our frantic culture of speed and instant gratification.The word itself tells a story. Mercy comes from the Latin merces—wages, payment, the price of goods. Ancient Romans understood it as a transaction. But early Christians shifted the word toward the sacred: the spiritual reward for showing kindness where cruelty was expected. They moved a word about the marketplace into a vocabulary of grace.Judaism’s rachamim, Islam’s rahma, Buddhism’s karuṇā, and Hinduism’s dayā all insist on the same truth: mercy is a way of recognizing the sacredness in others.That transformation mirrors what mercy asks of us now: to move beyond the logic of exchange, beyond what is earned or owed. It asks us to look at someone who has caused pain, and instead of asking What do they deserve? ask, What does healing require here? It is seeing beyond someone’s worst moment and choosing curiosity over condemnation.But mercy is more than individual forgiveness. It is a way of moving through the world that assumes people are larger than their failures; that redemption remains possible; that, importantly, time is not a scarce resource, but something we can afford to give. Mercy requires attention—what French philosopher Simone Weil called “the rarest and purest form of generosity.” It is why American novelist James Baldwin described love as an active emotion: the daily labor of truly seeing another person, especially when the systems around us tell us to look away.The problem, however, is that attention is precisely what our culture has made almost impossible to give. We are overstimulated, overextended, algorithmically hijacked, not only bearing witness to incredible amounts of suffering, but scrolling past it. We don’t refuse mercy because we’re cruel. We refuse it because we’ve built a world that makes stopping feel unimaginable—impractical.This is why mercy is not opposed to speed; it is opposed to false urgency. There are moments when mercy requires swift, decisive intervention. The problem is not action—it’s reaction: the unexamined acceleration that mistakes immediacy for moral clarity and treats nuance as an inconvenience.Consider how the culture of speed is destabilizing basic public systems. Take the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) that feeds more than 42 million Americans. This year, households faced unprecedented threats to their benefits—not because their needs had changed, not because the money didn’t exist, but because the administration chose to let billions in contingency funds sit untouched. The crisis wasn’t a failure of capacity. It was a political choice dressed up as inevitability.Or look at the rush to implement AI—a race happening not because anyone has thought deeply about what these systems are for, but because companies fear being the last to adopt them. Across industries, AI is being plugged into hiring platforms, healthcare systems, education tools, corporate workflows, and crisis-response mechanisms, often with little understanding of the consequences. “Innovation” has become a justification to move faster than ethics, oversight, or even common sense can keep up. In that scramble to avoid falling behind, speed becomes a substitute for understanding what people actually need and for the mercy that governance requires.A merciful politics would insist that deliberation is not inefficiency but protection, and that slowing down is an ethical requirement. Because the stakes of leadership and governance without it are real: if AI systems are going to help determine who gets hired, who gets healthcare, who receives support, which students get flagged for discipline, then refusing to slow down is not neutrality—it is a political choice with human costs.Our addiction to speed also shapes how we respond to political disagreement. Our culture no longer rewards thinking or meaningful conversation. Instead, it rewards reacting. Watch how career Democrats responded to New York Assembly member Zohran Mamdani’s mayoral campaign in November. Rather than engaging with his proposals on housing, healthcare, or municipal governance, establishment voices moved immediately to demonization. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer withheld his endorsement entirely. His ideas required discussion, which takes time and attention. His vision challenged party orthodoxy, which requires deliberation to refute or incorporate. Instead of dialogue, we see instant censure, moral panic, and swift punishment.The speed of the response is the point. It signals that dissent is tolerable only when it can be quickly absorbed or quickly dismissed. Ideas that require conversation are treated as threats simply because they resist rapid processing. The issue isn’t whether Mamdani’s proposals are correct (and of course, it remains to be seen how they will actually be implemented); it’s that the reflex to demonize rather than debate reveals a political culture that has forgotten how to think collectively.We see this punitive speed logic everywhere. Students disciplined for language before conversations can happen. Social movements judged by headlines rather than the work. Communities criminalized in real time by social media cycles that flatten context into consumable outrage. We’ve built a society quicker to punish than to understand, quicker to condemn than to contextualize.But mercy could help us move differently. Mercy would refuse to relegate a person or an idea to a caricature simply because the truth requires time. Mercy asks us to hold uncertainty long enough to respond with discernment rather than reflex. It asks us to think—together.Legal scholar Matthias Mahlmann writes that dignity is “subversive,” an insistence that every human life carries irreducible worth. But dignity has a temporal requirement: you cannot witness another person’s humanity at speed. You cannot attend to the complexity of a life if you’re only interested in the fastest possible outcome.This is why systems built around optimization always feel so violent. Algorithmic welfare reviews, automated policing, real-time public shaming—all of them demand that human beings be compressed into categories that can be processed quickly. The violence isn’t just in the outcome; it’s in the refusal of attention itself.Mercy and dignity are inseparable. Dignity names the inherent worth that every person carries; mercy is the discipline that protects that worth in practice. Dignity says there is something unbreakable in each of us. Mercy is how we honor that unbreakable thing, especially when harm or conflict tempts us to forget it. What would shift if our reflex wasn’t How fast can we react?, but How deeply can we understand? What becomes possible when we refuse to hurry past another person’s humanity?Mercy is not sentiment. It is resistance. It is the refusal of dignity fatigue. It is the discipline of witnessing: in political policy, in the conversations we have, in how we treat each other’s failures and hopes. 2025 taught us what haste can destroy. The question now is whether we’re willing to build something slower—and more human—in its place."
}
]
}