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Niyū Yūrk
3 Centuries of Middle Eastern and North African Culture in New York City
Opening October 4, Niyū Yūrk will explore the often overlooked history of Middle Eastern and North African (MENA) immigration to New York City, from the first waves in the late 19th century through to present day. The exhibition examines how New York City has shaped MENA communities as well as their enduring contributions to the city’s cultural landscape, from Yemeni bodegas in Brooklyn to Arab nightclubs along Eighth Avenue.
Through a rich array of materials—including Arab American newspapers, rare books, photographs, digitized music recordings, and film clips—Niyū Yūrk showcases MENA voices, stories, and creative legacies. The exhibit also reflects on The New York Public Library’s evolving role in documenting this community that has never been accounted for in the national census.

Augustus F. Sherman, 1865–1925
Algerian Man from Ellis Island Portraits Series, 1910
Gelatin silver print
Credit: The New York Public Library
Mohamed Juda was among the earliest Algerians documented at Ellis Island. He arrived on April 23, 1910, with three other Algerian men, intending to work for Martin Labe, a Sephardic Algerian merchant in Manhattan’s Syrian colony. This portrait shows Juda before he was denied entry after officials labeled him a “believer in the practice of polygamy,” a charge commonly used at the time to bar Muslim immigrants to the United States. Although being a Christian often facilitated one’s entry and access to citizenship, the 1891 Immigration Act prohibited “polygamists, or persons who admit their belief in the practice of polygamy,” posing a major barrier to Muslim immigration.

Lewis Wickes Hine, 1874–1940
A Syrian Arab at Ellis Island, 1926
Credit: The New York Public Library
Some of the earliest visual documentation of MENA immigrants in New York City was made at Ellis Island in the early 20th century by Augustus Sherman, chief clerk at Ellis Island and avid photographer, and Lewis Hine, a pioneering photojournalist. While they sought to portray the diversity of newcomers, the images were often staged, with names left unrecorded and descriptions frequently inaccurate. The woman pictured here reflects a generation of Syrian women who, though initially a minority within the predominantly male Syrian colony, soon grew in number and influence. Women’s labor was crucial to the community’s survival. Many defied traditional gender roles to support their families, working as peddlers and in factories, and running businesses.

Ai Weiwei, b. 1957
Banner #2 (After Algerian Man by Augustus Sherman, 1910), 2018
Courtesy of Public Art Fund. Originally presented as part of the citywide exhibition Good Fences Make Good Neighbors, presented by Public Art Fund in New York City, October 12, 2017-February 11, 2018.
Good Fences Make Good Neighbors was a citywide exhibition of 300 artworks, sculptures, installations, and lamppost banners, displayed across New York City’s five boroughs. It drew attention to the global refugee crisis and the rise of anti-immigrant nationalism in the U.S. and Europe. The series of banners that Ai WeiWei made as part of the 2017-18 exhibition feature images of contemporary refugees alongside historical figures who experienced displacement or were denied entry to the U.S., such as Augustus Sherman’s famous photo Algerian Man. Ai Weiwei, himself once a refugee and a former New Yorker, saw the city’s immigrant communities as central to the project. By taking over public space, the exhibition invited viewers to reflect on the need for boundaries and asked, in the artist’s words, how a “global society [might] emerge from fear, isolation, and self-interest.”

Berenice Abbott, 1898–1991
The Lebanon Restaurant (Syrian), 88 Washington Street
Federal Art Project (New York, N.Y.): Changing New York, 1936
Credit: The New York Public Library
Many early Syrian Americans began as peddlers before establishing themselves as business owners. By 1908, more than 300 Syrian-owned businesses were listed in the Syrian Business Directory of New York, most concentrated along Washington and Rector Streets in the Syrian colony. While this photograph focuses on The Lebanon Restaurant, it also reveals an adjacent music store selling Syrian and Egyptian records. Posters in the window advertise new releases by two of Egypt’s most iconic stars—singer Umm Kulthūm and singer-composer Muhammad Abd al-Wahhāb. Arab New Yorkers remained closely attuned to the latest

Columbia Syrian Arabic Records, 1920
Credit: The New York Public Library
As Middle Eastern American communities grew, so did their desire to recreate the sounds and feelings of home, especially through music. Men and women from present-day Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Palestine, and Turkey, hailing from Christian, Muslim, and Jewish backgrounds, recorded songs and poems that expressed romantic and familial love, faith in God, and longing for homeland. This longing was particularly acute for survivors of the Armenian genocide of 1915.
From the early 20th century, major American record labels such as Victor and Columbia recognized the commercial potential of ethnic music markets in the United States. They signed artists from the Middle East and its diasporas in New York, producing and releasing recordings for immigrant audiences as well as American listeners drawn to these “exotic” sounds. Much of this music featured takht ensembles, small chamber groups built around instruments including the oud, qanun, violin, and nay that fit the 78 RPM record format, unlike longer classical Arabic songs.
By the 1920s, Arab American record labels emerged, including Alexander J. Maloof’s Maloof Phonograph Company and A.J. Macksoud’s Macksoud Phonograph Company. These labels offered a platform for lesser- known artists to experiment and create new music in New York.

Richard Kasbaum (active 1880s)
Photograph of Sir (Sidi) Hassan Ben Ali (1863–1914), undated
Credit: The New York Public Library
Among the more distinctive professions taken up by Middle Eastern and North African immigrants in the U.S. was that of the acrobat. From the 1850s onward, performers from the region appeared in tent shows and vaudeville theaters, capitalizing on their exoticized imagery popularized by world’s fairs. North Africans stood out in particular, with Hassan Ben Ali, an impresario from the outskirts of Marrakech, Morocco, emerging as a leading figure. Active by the 1880s, he toured nationally but gained particular recognition in New York with his troupe of Moroccan acrobats, dancers, musicians, and actors called the Hassan Ben Ali Arabs Co. They performed at the Coney Island venues of Luna Park and Dreamland, and various theaters across the city. This long tradition of Moroccan performance in New York continued into the 20th century through artists like Hassan Ouakrim and Samuel Avital, who performed at La MaMa Experimental Theatre Club and off-Broadway productions across the city. Their work extended the lineage of Moroccan performance in the United States.

Alexander Maloof, 1884–1956
“Amerika-ya-Hilwa,” in Oriental Piano Music by Alexander Maloof: Syrian Popular Songs
Maloof Phonograph & Music Co.,
32 Rector Street, New York City, 1924
Credit: The New York Public Library
Born in present-day northern Lebanon, Alexander Maloof (Iskandar Ma‘lūf ) immigrated with his family to New York City, where he became a composer, arranger, pianist, label owner, and conductor.
Maloof engaged both Arab American audiences through Arabic-language piano songbooks, and broader American audiences by composing “Orientalist” music tailored to local tastes. He also composed music for silent films and Broadway, patriotic hymns, and even dances for Adolph Bolm’s Ballet Intime. In 1912, he wrote For Thee, America (Amerika-Ya-Hilwa) and spent years campaigning for it to become the U.S. national anthem. More broadly, the song reflects his enduring efforts to belong to his new homeland. Though never adopted, he advocated for it to be sung in New York schools.

Afīfa Karam, 1883–1924
1921 Character, June (الأخلاق)
New York: The Syrian-American Press: Ya‘qūb Rūfā’īl
Credit: The New York Public Library
Women played a crucial role in shaping the Arabic literary landscape in New York as well as in the Middle East. ‘Afīfa Karam, the first Lebanese American female journalist, was also a prolific novelist and translator. Her work boldly addressed women’s rights and social issues in the community, establishing her as one of the most progressive voices of her era. She contributed regularly Arabic serial publications including al-Akhlāq (Character), an illustrated Arabic magazine of literature and history edited by Lebanese-born Jacob Raphael (Ya‘qūb Rūfā’īl), who actively promoted the writings of female authors.

The Organization of the Arab Students in the U.S.A.
Yearbook for 1958
Credit: The New York Public Library
Formed in Ann Arbor, Michigan, in 1952 and later headquartered in New York City, the Organization of the Arab Students (OAS) was the largest and most important activist Arab student group in the United States from the 1950s through the 70s. It initially sought to support Arab American students across the U.S. and improve the “understanding between Americans and Arabs.” It later evolved into an activist group heavily informed by communist groups within the Global South, as well as anti-imperialist and antiracist struggles prominent in the American Black and New Left movements of the period. Among them were the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), part of the civil rights movement in the 1960s, and later the Black Panthers, which offered powerful models of political organizing.
Engaged with both American civic life and global politics, the OAS also advocated for Arab political unity, educational reform, and constitutional rights. The 1967 Arab- Israeli War marked a turning point, and the Palestinian liberation struggle became central to the organization’s mission. The group’s activism reflected a dual commitment: participation in American civic life and transnational solidarity.
In 1960, for example, the OAS joined the African Students Union in protesting French nuclear tests in Algeria and calling for Algerian independence from France. The 1963 issue of the Yearbook includes a portrait by Pablo Picasso of Djamila Boupacha, an Algerian activist tortured by French forces (seen here, right). Through publications such as the Yearbook, together with demonstrations and conferences, the OAS fostered awareness, resistance, and cross-border alliances that connected Arab students in the U.S. to global movements for justice and decolonization.
{
"article":
{
"title" : "Niyū Yūrk: 3 Centuries of Middle Eastern and North African Culture in New York City",
"author" : "Hiba Abid",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/niyu-yurk-middle-eastern-north-african-culture-new-york",
"date" : "2025-11-21 09:00:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/nyuyurk-25.06.002-thumb.jpg",
"excerpt" : "Opening October 4, Niyū Yūrk will explore the often overlooked history of Middle Eastern and North African (MENA) immigration to New York City, from the first waves in the late 19th century through to present day. The exhibition examines how New York City has shaped MENA communities as well as their enduring contributions to the city’s cultural landscape, from Yemeni bodegas in Brooklyn to Arab nightclubs along Eighth Avenue.",
"content" : "Opening October 4, Niyū Yūrk will explore the often overlooked history of Middle Eastern and North African (MENA) immigration to New York City, from the first waves in the late 19th century through to present day. The exhibition examines how New York City has shaped MENA communities as well as their enduring contributions to the city’s cultural landscape, from Yemeni bodegas in Brooklyn to Arab nightclubs along Eighth Avenue.Through a rich array of materials—including Arab American newspapers, rare books, photographs, digitized music recordings, and film clips—Niyū Yūrk showcases MENA voices, stories, and creative legacies. The exhibit also reflects on The New York Public Library’s evolving role in documenting this community that has never been accounted for in the national census.Augustus F. Sherman, 1865–1925Algerian Man from Ellis Island Portraits Series, 1910Gelatin silver printCredit: The New York Public LibraryMohamed Juda was among the earliest Algerians documented at Ellis Island. He arrived on April 23, 1910, with three other Algerian men, intending to work for Martin Labe, a Sephardic Algerian merchant in Manhattan’s Syrian colony. This portrait shows Juda before he was denied entry after officials labeled him a “believer in the practice of polygamy,” a charge commonly used at the time to bar Muslim immigrants to the United States. Although being a Christian often facilitated one’s entry and access to citizenship, the 1891 Immigration Act prohibited “polygamists, or persons who admit their belief in the practice of polygamy,” posing a major barrier to Muslim immigration.Lewis Wickes Hine, 1874–1940A Syrian Arab at Ellis Island, 1926Credit: The New York Public LibrarySome of the earliest visual documentation of MENA immigrants in New York City was made at Ellis Island in the early 20th century by Augustus Sherman, chief clerk at Ellis Island and avid photographer, and Lewis Hine, a pioneering photojournalist. While they sought to portray the diversity of newcomers, the images were often staged, with names left unrecorded and descriptions frequently inaccurate. The woman pictured here reflects a generation of Syrian women who, though initially a minority within the predominantly male Syrian colony, soon grew in number and influence. Women’s labor was crucial to the community’s survival. Many defied traditional gender roles to support their families, working as peddlers and in factories, and running businesses.Ai Weiwei, b. 1957Banner #2 (After Algerian Man by Augustus Sherman, 1910), 2018Courtesy of Public Art Fund. Originally presented as part of the citywide exhibition Good Fences Make Good Neighbors, presented by Public Art Fund in New York City, October 12, 2017-February 11, 2018.Good Fences Make Good Neighbors was a citywide exhibition of 300 artworks, sculptures, installations, and lamppost banners, displayed across New York City’s five boroughs. It drew attention to the global refugee crisis and the rise of anti-immigrant nationalism in the U.S. and Europe. The series of banners that Ai WeiWei made as part of the 2017-18 exhibition feature images of contemporary refugees alongside historical figures who experienced displacement or were denied entry to the U.S., such as Augustus Sherman’s famous photo Algerian Man. Ai Weiwei, himself once a refugee and a former New Yorker, saw the city’s immigrant communities as central to the project. By taking over public space, the exhibition invited viewers to reflect on the need for boundaries and asked, in the artist’s words, how a “global society [might] emerge from fear, isolation, and self-interest.”Berenice Abbott, 1898–1991The Lebanon Restaurant (Syrian), 88 Washington StreetFederal Art Project (New York, N.Y.): Changing New York, 1936Credit: The New York Public LibraryMany early Syrian Americans began as peddlers before establishing themselves as business owners. By 1908, more than 300 Syrian-owned businesses were listed in the Syrian Business Directory of New York, most concentrated along Washington and Rector Streets in the Syrian colony. While this photograph focuses on The Lebanon Restaurant, it also reveals an adjacent music store selling Syrian and Egyptian records. Posters in the window advertise new releases by two of Egypt’s most iconic stars—singer Umm Kulthūm and singer-composer Muhammad Abd al-Wahhāb. Arab New Yorkers remained closely attuned to the latestColumbia Syrian Arabic Records, 1920Credit: The New York Public LibraryAs Middle Eastern American communities grew, so did their desire to recreate the sounds and feelings of home, especially through music. Men and women from present-day Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Palestine, and Turkey, hailing from Christian, Muslim, and Jewish backgrounds, recorded songs and poems that expressed romantic and familial love, faith in God, and longing for homeland. This longing was particularly acute for survivors of the Armenian genocide of 1915.From the early 20th century, major American record labels such as Victor and Columbia recognized the commercial potential of ethnic music markets in the United States. They signed artists from the Middle East and its diasporas in New York, producing and releasing recordings for immigrant audiences as well as American listeners drawn to these “exotic” sounds. Much of this music featured takht ensembles, small chamber groups built around instruments including the oud, qanun, violin, and nay that fit the 78 RPM record format, unlike longer classical Arabic songs.By the 1920s, Arab American record labels emerged, including Alexander J. Maloof’s Maloof Phonograph Company and A.J. Macksoud’s Macksoud Phonograph Company. These labels offered a platform for lesser- known artists to experiment and create new music in New York.Richard Kasbaum (active 1880s)Photograph of Sir (Sidi) Hassan Ben Ali (1863–1914), undatedCredit: The New York Public LibraryAmong the more distinctive professions taken up by Middle Eastern and North African immigrants in the U.S. was that of the acrobat. From the 1850s onward, performers from the region appeared in tent shows and vaudeville theaters, capitalizing on their exoticized imagery popularized by world’s fairs. North Africans stood out in particular, with Hassan Ben Ali, an impresario from the outskirts of Marrakech, Morocco, emerging as a leading figure. Active by the 1880s, he toured nationally but gained particular recognition in New York with his troupe of Moroccan acrobats, dancers, musicians, and actors called the Hassan Ben Ali Arabs Co. They performed at the Coney Island venues of Luna Park and Dreamland, and various theaters across the city. This long tradition of Moroccan performance in New York continued into the 20th century through artists like Hassan Ouakrim and Samuel Avital, who performed at La MaMa Experimental Theatre Club and off-Broadway productions across the city. Their work extended the lineage of Moroccan performance in the United States.Alexander Maloof, 1884–1956“Amerika-ya-Hilwa,” in Oriental Piano Music by Alexander Maloof: Syrian Popular SongsMaloof Phonograph & Music Co.,32 Rector Street, New York City, 1924Credit: The New York Public LibraryBorn in present-day northern Lebanon, Alexander Maloof (Iskandar Ma‘lūf ) immigrated with his family to New York City, where he became a composer, arranger, pianist, label owner, and conductor.Maloof engaged both Arab American audiences through Arabic-language piano songbooks, and broader American audiences by composing “Orientalist” music tailored to local tastes. He also composed music for silent films and Broadway, patriotic hymns, and even dances for Adolph Bolm’s Ballet Intime. In 1912, he wrote For Thee, America (Amerika-Ya-Hilwa) and spent years campaigning for it to become the U.S. national anthem. More broadly, the song reflects his enduring efforts to belong to his new homeland. Though never adopted, he advocated for it to be sung in New York schools.Afīfa Karam, 1883–19241921 Character, June (الأخلاق)New York: The Syrian-American Press: Ya‘qūb Rūfā’īlCredit: The New York Public LibraryWomen played a crucial role in shaping the Arabic literary landscape in New York as well as in the Middle East. ‘Afīfa Karam, the first Lebanese American female journalist, was also a prolific novelist and translator. Her work boldly addressed women’s rights and social issues in the community, establishing her as one of the most progressive voices of her era. She contributed regularly Arabic serial publications including al-Akhlāq (Character), an illustrated Arabic magazine of literature and history edited by Lebanese-born Jacob Raphael (Ya‘qūb Rūfā’īl), who actively promoted the writings of female authors.The Organization of the Arab Students in the U.S.A.Yearbook for 1958Credit: The New York Public LibraryFormed in Ann Arbor, Michigan, in 1952 and later headquartered in New York City, the Organization of the Arab Students (OAS) was the largest and most important activist Arab student group in the United States from the 1950s through the 70s. It initially sought to support Arab American students across the U.S. and improve the “understanding between Americans and Arabs.” It later evolved into an activist group heavily informed by communist groups within the Global South, as well as anti-imperialist and antiracist struggles prominent in the American Black and New Left movements of the period. Among them were the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), part of the civil rights movement in the 1960s, and later the Black Panthers, which offered powerful models of political organizing.Engaged with both American civic life and global politics, the OAS also advocated for Arab political unity, educational reform, and constitutional rights. The 1967 Arab- Israeli War marked a turning point, and the Palestinian liberation struggle became central to the organization’s mission. The group’s activism reflected a dual commitment: participation in American civic life and transnational solidarity.In 1960, for example, the OAS joined the African Students Union in protesting French nuclear tests in Algeria and calling for Algerian independence from France. The 1963 issue of the Yearbook includes a portrait by Pablo Picasso of Djamila Boupacha, an Algerian activist tortured by French forces (seen here, right). Through publications such as the Yearbook, together with demonstrations and conferences, the OAS fostered awareness, resistance, and cross-border alliances that connected Arab students in the U.S. to global movements for justice and decolonization."
}
,
"relatedposts": [
{
"title" : "Malcolm X and Islam: U.S. Islamophobia Didn’t Start with 9/11",
"author" : "Collis Browne",
"category" : "",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/malcolm-x-and-islam",
"date" : "2025-11-27 14:58:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/life-malcolm-3.jpg",
"excerpt" : "",
"content" : "Anti-Muslim hate has been deeply engrained and intertwined with anti-Black racism in the United States for well over 60 years, far longer than most of us are taught or are aware.As the EIP team dug into design research for the new magazine format of our first anniversary issue, we revisited 1960s issues of LIFE magazine—and landed on the March 1965 edition, published just after the assassination of Malcolm X.The reporting is staggering in its openness: blatantly anti-Black and anti-Muslim in a way that normalizes white supremacy at its most fundamental level. The anti-Blackness, while horrifying, is not surprising. This was a moment when, despite the formal dismantling of Jim Crow, more than 10,000 “sundown towns” still existed across the country, segregation remained the norm, and racial terror structured daily life.What shocked our team was the nakedness of the anti-Muslim propaganda.This was not yet framed as anti-Arab in the way Western Islamophobia is often framed today. Arab and Middle Eastern people were not present in the narrative at all. Instead, what was being targeted was organized resistance to white supremacy—specifically, the adoption of Islam by Black communities as a source of political power, dignity, and self-determination. From this moment, we can trace a clear ideological line from anti-Muslim sentiment rooted in anti-Black racism in the 1960s to the anti-Arab, anti-MENA, and anti-SWANA racism that saturates Western culture today.The reporting leaned heavily on familiar colonial tropes: the implication of “inter-tribal” violence, the suggestion that resistance to white supremacy is itself a form of reverse racism or inherent aggression, and the detached, almost smug tone surrounding the violent death of a cultural leader.Of course, the Nation of Islam and Elijah Muhammad represent only expressions within an immense and diverse global Muslim world—spanning Morocco, Sudan, the Gulf, Iraq, Pakistan, Indonesia, and far beyond. Yet U.S. cultural and military power has long blurred these distinctions, collapsing complexity into a singular enemy image.It is worth naming this history clearly and connecting the dots: U.S. Islamophobia did not begin with 9/11. It is rooted in a much older racial project—one that has always braided anti-Blackness and anti-Muslim sentiment together in service of white supremacy, at home and abroad."
}
,
{
"title" : "The Billionaire Who Bought the Met Gala: What the Bezoses’ Check Means for Fashion’s Future",
"author" : "Louis Pisano",
"category" : "",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/the-billionaire-who-bought-the-met-gala",
"date" : "2025-11-27 10:41:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Cover_EIP_TBesos_MET_Galajpg.jpg",
"excerpt" : "On the morning of November 17, 2025, the Metropolitan Museum of Art announced that Jeff Bezos and Lauren Sánchez Bezos would serve as the sole lead sponsors of the 2026 Met Gala and its accompanying Costume Institute exhibition, “Costume Art”. Saint Laurent and Condé Nast were listed as supporting partners. To be clear, this is not a co-sponsorship. It is not “in association with.” It is the first time in the modern history of the gala that the headline slot, previously occupied by Louis Vuitton, TikTok, or a discreet old-money surname, has been handed to a tech billionaire and his wife. The donation amount remains undisclosed, but sources familiar with the negotiations place it comfortably north of seven figures, in line with the checks that helped the event raise $22 million last year.",
"content" : "On the morning of November 17, 2025, the Metropolitan Museum of Art announced that Jeff Bezos and Lauren Sánchez Bezos would serve as the sole lead sponsors of the 2026 Met Gala and its accompanying Costume Institute exhibition, “Costume Art”. Saint Laurent and Condé Nast were listed as supporting partners. To be clear, this is not a co-sponsorship. It is not “in association with.” It is the first time in the modern history of the gala that the headline slot, previously occupied by Louis Vuitton, TikTok, or a discreet old-money surname, has been handed to a tech billionaire and his wife. The donation amount remains undisclosed, but sources familiar with the negotiations place it comfortably north of seven figures, in line with the checks that helped the event raise $22 million last year.Within hours of the announcement, the Met’s Instagram post was overrun with comments proclaiming the gala “dead.” On TikTok and X, users paired declarations of late-stage capitalism with memes of the museum staircase wrapped in Amazon boxes. Not that this was unexpected. Anyone paying attention could see it coming for over a decade.When billionaires like Bezos, whose Amazon warehouses reported injury rates nearly double the industry average in 2024 and whose fashion supply chain has been linked to forced labor and poverty wages globally, acquire influence over prestigious institutions like the Met Museum through sponsorships, it risks commodifying fashion as a tool for not only personal but corporate image-laundering. To put it simply: who’s going to bite the hand that feeds them? Designers, editors, and curators will have little choice but to turn a blind eye to keep the money flowing and the lights on.Back in 2012, Amazon co-chaired the “Schiaparelli and Prada” gala, and honorary chair Jeff Bezos showed up in a perfectly respectable tux with then-wife MacKenzie Scott by his side and an Anna Wintour-advised pocket square. After his divorce from Scott in 2019, Bezos made a solo appearance at the Met Gala, signaling that he was becoming a familiar presence in fashion circles on his own. Of course, by that point, he already had Lauren Sánchez. Fast forward to 2020: print advertising was crumbling, and Anna Wintour co-signed The Drop, a set of limited CFDA collections sold exclusively on Amazon, giving the company a veneer of fashion credibility. By 2024, Sánchez made her Met debut in a mirrored Oscar de la Renta gown personally approved by Wintour, signaling that the Bezos orbit was now squarely inside the fashion world.Then, the political world started to catch up, as it always does. In January 2025, Sánchez and Bezos sat three rows behind President-elect Donald Trump at the inauguration. Amazon wrote a one-million-dollar check to Trump’s inaugural fund, and Bezos, once mocked by Trump as “Jeff Bozo,” publicly congratulated Trump on an “extraordinary political comeback.” By June 2025, Bezos and Sánchez became cultural and political mainstays: Sánchez married Bezos in Venice, wearing a Dolce & Gabbana gown Wintour had helped select. This landed Sánchez the digital cover of American Vogue almost immediately afterward. Wintour quietly handed day-to-day control of the magazine to Chloe Malle but kept the Met Gala, the global title, and her Condé Nast equity stake, cementing a new era of fashion power where money, influence, and optics are inseparable.Underneath all of it, the quiet hum of Amazon’s fashion machine continued to whirr. By 2024, the company already controlled 16.2 percent of every dollar Americans spent on clothing, footwear, and accessories—more than Walmart, Target, Macy’s, and Nordstrom combined. That same year, it generated $34.7 billion in U.S. apparel and footwear revenue that year, with the women’s category alone on pace to top $40 billion. No legacy house has ever had that volume of real-time data on what people actually try on, keep, or return in shame. Amazon can react in weeks rather than seasons, reordering winning pieces, tweaking existing ones, and killing unpopular options before they’re even produced at scale.Wintour did more than simply observe this shift; she engineered a soft landing by bringing Amazon in when it was still somewhat uncool and seen mostly as a discount retailer, lending it credibility when it needed legitimacy, and spending the last two years turning Sánchez from tabloid footnote to Vogue cover star. The Condé Nast sale rumors that began circulating in July 2025, complete with talk of Wintour cashing out her equity and Sánchez taking a creative role, have been denied by every official mouthpiece. But they have also refused to die, because the timeline is simply too tidy.The clearest preview of what billionaire ownership can do to a cultural institution remains Bezos’ other pet project, The Washington Post. Bezos bought it for $250 million in 2013, saved it from bankruptcy, and built it into a profitable digital operation with 2.5 million subscribers. Then, in October 2024, he personally blocked a planned editorial endorsement of Kamala Harris. More than 250,000 subscribers canceled in the following days. By February 2025, the opinion section was restructured around “personal liberties and free markets,” triggering another exodus and the resignation of editorial page editor David Shipley. Former executive editor Marty Baron called it “craven.” The timing, just months after Bezos began warming to the incoming Trump administration, was not lost on anyone. The story didn’t stop there: in the last few days, U.S. Vice President J.D. Vance revealed he had texted Bezos suggesting the hiring of a right-leaning Breitbart journalist, Matthew Boyle, to run the Post’s political coverage. This is a clear signal of how staffing decisions at a storied paper now sit within the same power matrix that funds the Met Gala and shapes culture, media, and politics alike. It’s a tangled, strategic web—all of Bezos’ making.It’s curious that, in the same 30-day window that the Trump DOJ expanded its antitrust inquiry into Amazon, specifically how its algorithms favor its own products over third-party sellers, including many fashion brands, the MET, a city-owned museum, handed the keys of its marquee event to the man whose company now wields outsized influence over designers’ fortunes and faces regulatory scrutiny from the administration he helped reinstall. This is not sponsorship; it’s leverage. Wintour once froze Melania Trump out of Vogue because she could afford to.But she cannot freeze out Sánchez or Bezos. Nor does she want to.So on the first Monday in May, the museum doors will open as they always do for the Met Gala. The carpet will still be red (or whatever color the theme demands). The photographs of celebrities posing in their interpretations of “Costume Art” will still break the internet. Andrew Bolton’s exhibition, roughly 200 objects tracing the dressed body across five millennia, displayed in the newly renamed Condé Nast Galleries, will still be brilliant. But the biggest check will come from the couple who already control 16 percent of America’s clothing spend, who own The Washington Post, and who sat three rows behind Trump at the inauguration. Everything else, guest list tweaks, livestream deals, shoppable moments, will flow from that single source of money and power. That is who now has the final word on the most influential night in American fashion."
}
,
{
"title" : "Communicating Palestine: A Guide for Liberation and Narrative Power",
"author" : "Palestine Institute for Public Diplomacy",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/communicating-palestine",
"date" : "2025-11-25 14:04:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Cover_EIP_Template-MIT_Engineering_Genocide.jpg",
"excerpt" : "Communication as a Tool of Erasure",
"content" : "Communication as a Tool of ErasureAs new “peace plans” for Palestine are drafted far from Palestinian life, Palestinians find themselves once again spoken for - another reminder of how communication is weaponized to sustain Zionist colonialism. Colonialism doesn’t just seize land; it seizes the story and its agents. From early myths like “a land without a people for a people without a land” to today’s narrative spin that frames Palestinians as “rejecting peace,” the Zionist project has aimed to erase not only a people but also their agency, voice, and narratives.Today, as Israel continues its genocide on the ground, its propaganda apparatus, known as Hasbara (“explanation” in Hebrew), wages a parallel war over narrative in the media, in diplomatic halls, and online. From smear campaigns, to lobbying governments and media outlets, to pressuring digital platforms like Meta, the machinery of erasure is well-funded and relentless.As Edward Said wrote in Blaming the Victim, Zionist success was not just military - it was narrative. They won the global narrative battle long before 1948. Narrative control is not symbolic - it justifies policy, enables displacement, and legitimizes genocide.Our ResponseFor Palestinians, the narrative struggle has never been separate from the struggle for liberation. We recognized that incredible work is already being done to amplify Palestinian narratives and counter disinformation—through platforms like MAKAN, Decolonize Palestine, Let’s Talk Palestine, Newscord, and others. But what was missing was a one-stop toolkit that brings together the best practices and resources across all areas of communication, for everyone who communicates Palestine: media, policymakers, artists, content creators, advocates, and more. A space rooted not in defensiveness, but in reclaiming our agency and our narratives.So we built one.Communicating Palestine is more than a guide; it’s a manifesto for liberatory and decolonised communication. It is the outcome of a Palestinian-led process, woven from the wisdom of focus groups in Ramallah, Battir village, and Dheisheh Refugee Camp as well as journalists, activists and analysts. It centers Palestinian narratives on their own terms, refusing to be defined in reaction to the propaganda that seeks to erase them.What does the guide look like in practice? It’s a one-stop platform for anyone communicating about Palestine—journalists, activists, artists, policymakers. It’s organized into four core sections: Narratives and framings – analysis and recommendations to counter harmful tropes and disinformation. Visual representations – guidance for photographers, artists and video journalists on ethical imagery. **Communication and engagement practices **– tips and tools for ethical reporting and centering Palestinians with dignity, Tools – user-friendly resources that can be day-to-day support in your work. Practical checklists on key take-aways from across the guide Terminology guide for accurate wording and reporting. Photography and video guidelines to avoid harmful visuals. Resources countering disinformation, bias and fallacies. **This is a call to action. **It’s an invitation to unlearn the narratives we’ve been fed, to relearn how to engage with dignity and integrity, and to finally practice a form of communication that doesn’t just talk about justice, but actively builds it—one word, one image, one story at a time."
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