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The Art of Witnessing

CÉLINE: I came across your work as a fashion photographer, and I want to talk about your trajectory from fashion to politics. Obviously, everything is political. How has the industry responded, both publicly and behind closed doors, to your vocal support for Palestine?
MISAN: I am so disappointed in many industries, but the fashion industry in particular has really surprised me, because so much of its wealth has come out of the Global South, and so much of its value chain is built off the backs of those in the Global South. They have been somewhat vocal about the things that are safe to be vocal about over the years: queer rights, climate, and Black Lives Matter. However, I’ve never seen such silence over Palestine, across the board. I can’t think of a big fashion influencer who has made a very strong statement on Palestine at all in the last two years, at least in film and music. We can pick a handful, but I’m just thinking of a fashion icon, a big, big name, whether they’re a model, fashion designer, or fashion editor; I can’t think of one.

My life was changed by shooting a Vogue cover. I cannot deny that. I was ushered into that world without necessarily asking for it. It just happened. And once I got into that world, I realized very quickly that I was a very different character. You only have to go to a few of the parties and meet some of the characters to realize that, beneath the surface, there is not much there. “I must be a mermaid, Rango. I have no fear of depths and a great fear of shallow living.” I love that Anais Nin quote so much.

It’s been really sad because for many women, in particular, fashion has been a singular pillar to hold on to, a way to resist, to thrive, to show who they are against all odds. And for that not to enter this moment we’re in now is deeply disappointing. Fashion has co-opted our trauma. There was the Met Gala this year, highlighting Black dandyism. Anna Wintour is a genius in marketing, and she understands what culture and the zeitgeist is. But there’s a bigger question about how Black culture has been wrapped around white supremacy for too long, whether it’s in sports, music, or film. We have to ask ourselves whether Black excellence hasn’t become part of an imperial structure. I DMed some of my brothers who were involved in this, saying that if they were going to do it, then they should make sure that they have a moment at the Met on the red carpet for the children of Congo, the children of Sudan, and the children of Gaza. I said that if they did that, I would fly to New York with my camera and shoot it. Some of the proceeds would go to medical aid for Palestine. I didn’t hear back from a damn person.
In Kendrick’s performance during the Super Bowl, it wasn’t Kendrick who gave permission to that dancer to run with the Sudanese and Palestinian flags, yet the whole show was using revolutionary imagery. It was the most watched show in the world, and it’s literally a show about revolution, and yet we’re living through our Vietnam. You used to see people like Marlon Brando and Charlton Heston, who were complicated white men, march in Washington with MLK and other black civil rights leaders. We don’t have that kind of intersectionality at all right now. We don’t have a Palestine Liberation Movement in the way I wish we had. The irony is that the same demons are at the top of it all: imperialism, extractive capitalism, overt, historical and current white supremacy.

CÉLINE: How did you enter the conversation on Palestine? Because you’ve been a powerful voice in documenting uprisings and moments of truth. What was the turning point for you, personally, that led you to speak out about Palestine, despite all the risks for your career and your reputation? It doesn’t come without stigma. What was it for you that was a turning point?
MISAN: I’ve always had Palestinian friends. I’ve always had Arab friends. Muslim and Arab people are part of my soul. Our shared collective traumas are so similar in so many ways. I’ve known human beings that the world has told me are terrorists. I went to boarding school, and the Black boys and the Arab boys… we survived together. But there’s also the thing that (before October 7) really made me think… It wasn’t just the assassination of Shireen Abu Akleh (a Palestinian-American journalist who was killed by Israeli forces in May of 2022). That was bad enough, but what changed me, almost at a molecular level, were the images of her funeral. When I saw the IDF soldiers beating up her family members whilst they were holding her coffin. For me, that was it. You don’t need to explain or debate anything else. I was like, okay, I need to do more.
How did we get to the place where the security apparatus for a nation that calls itself the only democracy in the Middle East can beat up family members at a funeral of their sister, a woman who was assassinated in cold blood just for trying to make sure the truth stayed in the room? I read everything I could. Also, I have a family connection with apartheid. My father had one brother… the two Harriman men were very well known in Nigeria. One went to Oxford, one went to Cambridge; it’s kind of like the Cain and Abel story in many ways. Both were brilliant men. My dad became this huge industrialist, but my father’s brother became the first chairman of the United Nations Special Committee Against Apartheid. If you Google Ambassador Leslie Harriman, a picture of him smoking a cigar in traditional Nigerian dress with Muhammad Ali in the UN pops up. Activism, working against apartheid, is part of my family heritage.
And then there’s a small detail of me being born in Nigeria, and my parents being born in Nigeria, which was an occupied country by the same folks that created this mess in the first place. Nigeria, which is now Africa’s most populous country, was named by Flora Shaw, Baroness Lugard, a white lady. Imagine the power of that. One person named us, like my children named their teddy bears. I have some stock in the game. How the hell could I see the West Bank and Gaza and not recognize what was being done to them from my own heritage and lived experience of the colonial mess that all of us were born into? I read about the Sykes-Picot Agreement (a 1916 secret treaty between the United Kingdom and France, with assent from Russia and Italy, to define their mutually agreed spheres of influence and control in an eventual partition of the Ottoman Empire – Wikipedia), and I realized what was done to the Arab people.

CÉLINE: Historically, there is solidarity between Black and Arab liberation movements, African and Middle Eastern solidarity. For instance, after Malcolm X traveled to Palestine, the struggle for Black liberation in America became grounded and rooted in liberation for Palestinians. Often this discourse is erased when we talk about Malcolm X. Lisa al Hassan who is Syrian and one of our fellows and advisors at slow factory, did her PhD on Malcolm X and his connection to Palestine and all the work he did to legitimize the solidarity between Black Americans and Palestinians… there is a larger solidarity between Black and Arab folks internationally. And you just pointed to it so perfectly…
MISAN: There is a community in Palestine of Nigerians… Nigerian families that have been there for over 100 years. People forget that there are black Palestinians. No one in the Western media wants Black folk in the Western world to understand that. People find that to be a very dangerous thing for obvious reasons. Palestine has taken off the veil of what the world is. There is the madness of the colonial settler project all around the West Bank. There is the ridiculous categorization of Palestinians as Arab Israelis. What’s happening in Palestine is making mothers in Ohio wake up to the fact that the US military machine isn’t the good guy. Something about this moment has lifted the veil not just on imperialism and the for-profit war machine, but on the fact that many of us were like spectators in the Coliseum, watching Gladiators fight to the death during the Roman Empire, not realizing that everything was falling apart as we were being entertained. Russell Crowe’s character in Gladiator asks, “Are you not entertained?”
We’ve been dumbed down by going to Taylor Swift and Beyoncé concerts. We have been dumbed down by being hyper-focused on tribalization, on whether you support Arsenal, or you’re a Chicago Bulls fan; we have been dumbed down by the post 9/11 racism. The dehumanization of Black and Brown identities through entertainment is effective. Claire Danes running around the Middle East in Homeland, or a myriad of different films where the baddie, an Arab man, is either a rich fool or a terrorist. He cannot be a philosopher or a teacher or a lover or a father or just a deeply complicated, nuanced, imperfect soul who deserves a right to thrive. The Arab woman has been reduced to some sort of terrorist bride. I have bathed in the history of our collective past in a way that few in my position have. There’s a reason why I’m not asked to be interviewed on big shows…

CÉLINE: I didn’t know the depth of your understanding of all this. I’m delighted. What an alignment. This is exactly why we created this platform. We are building collective liberation with our work through our ethnic struggles. It’s not an isolated struggle.
MISAN: We’re dealing with a very well-organized machine… Zionism is part of a bigger, and in many ways uglier machine, which is capitalism. That’s what’s making this world so wounded, whether we’re talking about climate or marginalized groups like the Trans community. I can understand how many people are scared to resist because the cost is usually to their livelihood, and that’s what’s so dangerous about this for artists. Many artists are with us, maybe not in the same way I am… they haven’t gone down your rabbit hole or mine, but they recognize that children shouldn’t be treated in this way. They recognize that apartheid and settler colonialism are wrong, but they also have a team of publicists and managers who are telling them that they will never work again. I think of Omar El Akkad’s book title, One Day, Everyone Will Have Always Been Against This.
I’m not here to judge; if anything, I’m here to say, hold my hand, and we’ll figure out how to build a new circular economy to support all of us. I was talking to Malak Mattar (a great Palestinian artist), and I’m just like, it’s crazy that there isn’t a fund designed to make sure poets, dancers, filmmakers, photographers, all of us, don’t second guess, as we charge ahead, using our art as one of the great soft powers of resistance. And she’s like, but that’s how they win, right? There’s so much Arab wealth, Global South wealth… If one percent of it was used to make sure art survives… we are fighting tooth and nail to keep the lights on, because 99% of the real money is in Blackrock and mega hedge funds. There’s a reason why someone like Zuckerberg can come up with an idea, a good idea.
How many Arab women have been invested in on the tech side of things? I know investment in Black women is next to zero. I’m pretty sure it’s the same for Arab women. Most founders of the big unicorns that are destroying the world right now are men. In fact, almost all of them, whether it’s Elon Musk or Jeff Zucker, former President of CNN, are men. I think that’s something that we really must look at. I do not believe women are perfect, but there is something within matriarchy that hasn’t got that scorched earth button. I did some research on mass shootings in America, and I think there has only been one woman who has committed a mass shooting in almost 100 years, which is crazy, because women are abused. Women have crazy dads who give them a machine gun for their 16th birthday, but there’s something that stops a woman from walking into a school and just spraying babies to death. I then went further and looked at women on death row, and most of the women on death row had done awful things, but they were singular in nature. Poisoning your husband because he fell in love with someone else, that kind of thing. They weren’t massacring children. Since that’s the case, don’t you think that maybe we should have women in the room when it comes to military decisions, when it comes to how much we spend on defense, when it comes to our health care, when it comes to climate?
Most of the horrible decisions that have been made, like dropping nuclear bombs, have been made by men. I hate the sexist, misogynistic retort, “What about Margaret Thatcher?” She had to become the machine to get to where she got to. She had to turn herself into part of the patriarchy. In order to be in a position of power, she had to become part of the same machine that is destroying all of us.

CÉLINE: My philosophy teacher in Lebanon said, “Oppressive systems are afraid of two things, love and ideas, because both of these things open up the door to possibilities. It’s not the system. It’s just a system. And so when you say that artists like Malak Mattar and Slow Factory and creatives should be supported, you are literally calling for disruption. True disruption comes from the arts, from freedom of expression. True creativity is feared; that is why PBS is being defunded and Colbert is being canceled. We’re seeing all the things at the intersection of education and entertainment being taken down. Why is that?
MISAN: It’s the greatest weapon we have. It’s the only magic that Homo Sapiens have. Otherwise, we are the same as the primordial soup we came from. It’s what sets us apart from the rest of the natural world and makes us really, really special. I was worried about my show, only because of the crazy, unhinged response people have to anything that humanizes the Palestine Solidarity movement. This is why, for years, artists were arrested and killed, and archives were destroyed. No one has ever come after me for my images of women’s rights and the anti-racist movement. But there’s something about how I’ve managed to shoot Palestinian protests in LA and Johannesburg… At the time of this interview, the show has only been open to the public for five days… but the gallery space has already become a sanctuary. At the opening, a Lebanese lady collapsed and fell into my arms. She looked up at me with red eyes and said, “Now I know what art is.” So many Arab men, Muslim men, walk in and cry, and then I get phone calls from powerful forces who damn near threaten my life and tell me to shut it down.

CÉLINE: That’s why we want to print it. That’s why we want it everywhere. That’s why we want to support it.
MISAN: I found a very brave Black-owned gallery to take this on. You know, as well as I do, that this show would never be at the Tate. It would never be at any of the major spaces. Yet, everyone has the subject on their minds. How does that make sense?

CÉLINE: We have the superpower to bring to life things that are being experienced and ignored, or silenced, or purposefully kept quiet. There is a war on our bodies, on our land, on the Palestinian bodies, on the Sudanese bodies, on the Congolese bodies, on the Asian bodies, on the Tibetan bodies. And, there is a global movement of liberation. Palestine is the soul of that. Because, as you said, what’s happening in Gaza and the worldwide protests in response to the genocide are awakening people. People are seeing pictures of people uprising, of people rising into courage. That’s what this is about. This is about uplifting, showing that there is a door, there is a way, there is a path. That you don’t need to sit in pain. You can do something. What is the ultimate action you wish to inspire through your work?
MISAN: I want people to know that they’re not alone. Nina Simone was asked, “What does freedom mean for you?” And she said two words, “No fear.” I can feel you shaking when you look at my photos… let’s let that vibration become purpose, and let’s keep walking. I hate to bring this up, but we don’t have a choice in terms of the attention economics of our time. What I mean by that is the most followed people in the world are celebrities, sports figures, singers, and actors… The reason I’m behind the scenes doing everything I can to make some of the biggest ones speak is not because I look up to them… I think many of them are false idols, straight up. But human nature is a very interesting thing. And politicians will not make decisions out of their moral compass. But they will make decisions out of vanity, and the court of public opinion. And I’m telling you now, if you had the soccer stars, Cristiano Ronaldo, Lionel Messi, David Beckham, and Mo Salah, the whole Kardashian clan, and Adele come together, week in and week out, demanding our politicians do something, it would make a huge difference…
The public is with us. In the rain yesterday, at the protest in London, we were there in the 1000s… I’m a Save the Children Ambassador for UNICEF, which is the biggest humanitarian agency for children. UNICEF has one job, which is to protect children globally… and yet there are children in a postage stamp-sized place with no airport that is walled in, where they are being shot by snipers, and rotting in incubators… There are Save the Children ambassadors, some of the most famous people in the world, who haven’t said anything. I’m just keeping it real with you. I’m the least famous kind of global ambassador for some of these large organizations. And many people say I’m the most vocal. It’s madness. I am not here to scream at you, “How dare you?” It’s past that. There are too many babies dying. I’m on my fucking knees begging you to say something. But if you don’t want to say something, leave these organizations and get busy living your fabulous life, ignoring the humanity of the children that need you most, but do not stay associated in any way with a children’s charity and say nothing for the children of Gaza, specifically Gaza…


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"title" : "The Art of Witnessing",
"author" : "Misan Harriman, Céline Semaan",
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"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/misan-harriman",
"date" : "2025-09-08 10:11:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Misan_Harriman_2.jpg",
"excerpt" : "",
"content" : "CÉLINE: I came across your work as a fashion photographer, and I want to talk about your trajectory from fashion to politics. Obviously, everything is political. How has the industry responded, both publicly and behind closed doors, to your vocal support for Palestine?MISAN: I am so disappointed in many industries, but the fashion industry in particular has really surprised me, because so much of its wealth has come out of the Global South, and so much of its value chain is built off the backs of those in the Global South. They have been somewhat vocal about the things that are safe to be vocal about over the years: queer rights, climate, and Black Lives Matter. However, I’ve never seen such silence over Palestine, across the board. I can’t think of a big fashion influencer who has made a very strong statement on Palestine at all in the last two years, at least in film and music. We can pick a handful, but I’m just thinking of a fashion icon, a big, big name, whether they’re a model, fashion designer, or fashion editor; I can’t think of one.My life was changed by shooting a Vogue cover. I cannot deny that. I was ushered into that world without necessarily asking for it. It just happened. And once I got into that world, I realized very quickly that I was a very different character. You only have to go to a few of the parties and meet some of the characters to realize that, beneath the surface, there is not much there. “I must be a mermaid, Rango. I have no fear of depths and a great fear of shallow living.” I love that Anais Nin quote so much.It’s been really sad because for many women, in particular, fashion has been a singular pillar to hold on to, a way to resist, to thrive, to show who they are against all odds. And for that not to enter this moment we’re in now is deeply disappointing. Fashion has co-opted our trauma. There was the Met Gala this year, highlighting Black dandyism. Anna Wintour is a genius in marketing, and she understands what culture and the zeitgeist is. But there’s a bigger question about how Black culture has been wrapped around white supremacy for too long, whether it’s in sports, music, or film. We have to ask ourselves whether Black excellence hasn’t become part of an imperial structure. I DMed some of my brothers who were involved in this, saying that if they were going to do it, then they should make sure that they have a moment at the Met on the red carpet for the children of Congo, the children of Sudan, and the children of Gaza. I said that if they did that, I would fly to New York with my camera and shoot it. Some of the proceeds would go to medical aid for Palestine. I didn’t hear back from a damn person.In Kendrick’s performance during the Super Bowl, it wasn’t Kendrick who gave permission to that dancer to run with the Sudanese and Palestinian flags, yet the whole show was using revolutionary imagery. It was the most watched show in the world, and it’s literally a show about revolution, and yet we’re living through our Vietnam. You used to see people like Marlon Brando and Charlton Heston, who were complicated white men, march in Washington with MLK and other black civil rights leaders. We don’t have that kind of intersectionality at all right now. We don’t have a Palestine Liberation Movement in the way I wish we had. The irony is that the same demons are at the top of it all: imperialism, extractive capitalism, overt, historical and current white supremacy.CÉLINE: How did you enter the conversation on Palestine? Because you’ve been a powerful voice in documenting uprisings and moments of truth. What was the turning point for you, personally, that led you to speak out about Palestine, despite all the risks for your career and your reputation? It doesn’t come without stigma. What was it for you that was a turning point?MISAN: I’ve always had Palestinian friends. I’ve always had Arab friends. Muslim and Arab people are part of my soul. Our shared collective traumas are so similar in so many ways. I’ve known human beings that the world has told me are terrorists. I went to boarding school, and the Black boys and the Arab boys… we survived together. But there’s also the thing that (before October 7) really made me think… It wasn’t just the assassination of Shireen Abu Akleh (a Palestinian-American journalist who was killed by Israeli forces in May of 2022). That was bad enough, but what changed me, almost at a molecular level, were the images of her funeral. When I saw the IDF soldiers beating up her family members whilst they were holding her coffin. For me, that was it. You don’t need to explain or debate anything else. I was like, okay, I need to do more.How did we get to the place where the security apparatus for a nation that calls itself the only democracy in the Middle East can beat up family members at a funeral of their sister, a woman who was assassinated in cold blood just for trying to make sure the truth stayed in the room? I read everything I could. Also, I have a family connection with apartheid. My father had one brother… the two Harriman men were very well known in Nigeria. One went to Oxford, one went to Cambridge; it’s kind of like the Cain and Abel story in many ways. Both were brilliant men. My dad became this huge industrialist, but my father’s brother became the first chairman of the United Nations Special Committee Against Apartheid. If you Google Ambassador Leslie Harriman, a picture of him smoking a cigar in traditional Nigerian dress with Muhammad Ali in the UN pops up. Activism, working against apartheid, is part of my family heritage.And then there’s a small detail of me being born in Nigeria, and my parents being born in Nigeria, which was an occupied country by the same folks that created this mess in the first place. Nigeria, which is now Africa’s most populous country, was named by Flora Shaw, Baroness Lugard, a white lady. Imagine the power of that. One person named us, like my children named their teddy bears. I have some stock in the game. How the hell could I see the West Bank and Gaza and not recognize what was being done to them from my own heritage and lived experience of the colonial mess that all of us were born into? I read about the Sykes-Picot Agreement (a 1916 secret treaty between the United Kingdom and France, with assent from Russia and Italy, to define their mutually agreed spheres of influence and control in an eventual partition of the Ottoman Empire – Wikipedia), and I realized what was done to the Arab people.CÉLINE: Historically, there is solidarity between Black and Arab liberation movements, African and Middle Eastern solidarity. For instance, after Malcolm X traveled to Palestine, the struggle for Black liberation in America became grounded and rooted in liberation for Palestinians. Often this discourse is erased when we talk about Malcolm X. Lisa al Hassan who is Syrian and one of our fellows and advisors at slow factory, did her PhD on Malcolm X and his connection to Palestine and all the work he did to legitimize the solidarity between Black Americans and Palestinians… there is a larger solidarity between Black and Arab folks internationally. And you just pointed to it so perfectly…MISAN: There is a community in Palestine of Nigerians… Nigerian families that have been there for over 100 years. People forget that there are black Palestinians. No one in the Western media wants Black folk in the Western world to understand that. People find that to be a very dangerous thing for obvious reasons. Palestine has taken off the veil of what the world is. There is the madness of the colonial settler project all around the West Bank. There is the ridiculous categorization of Palestinians as Arab Israelis. What’s happening in Palestine is making mothers in Ohio wake up to the fact that the US military machine isn’t the good guy. Something about this moment has lifted the veil not just on imperialism and the for-profit war machine, but on the fact that many of us were like spectators in the Coliseum, watching Gladiators fight to the death during the Roman Empire, not realizing that everything was falling apart as we were being entertained. Russell Crowe’s character in Gladiator asks, “Are you not entertained?”We’ve been dumbed down by going to Taylor Swift and Beyoncé concerts. We have been dumbed down by being hyper-focused on tribalization, on whether you support Arsenal, or you’re a Chicago Bulls fan; we have been dumbed down by the post 9/11 racism. The dehumanization of Black and Brown identities through entertainment is effective. Claire Danes running around the Middle East in Homeland, or a myriad of different films where the baddie, an Arab man, is either a rich fool or a terrorist. He cannot be a philosopher or a teacher or a lover or a father or just a deeply complicated, nuanced, imperfect soul who deserves a right to thrive. The Arab woman has been reduced to some sort of terrorist bride. I have bathed in the history of our collective past in a way that few in my position have. There’s a reason why I’m not asked to be interviewed on big shows…CÉLINE: I didn’t know the depth of your understanding of all this. I’m delighted. What an alignment. This is exactly why we created this platform. We are building collective liberation with our work through our ethnic struggles. It’s not an isolated struggle.MISAN: We’re dealing with a very well-organized machine… Zionism is part of a bigger, and in many ways uglier machine, which is capitalism. That’s what’s making this world so wounded, whether we’re talking about climate or marginalized groups like the Trans community. I can understand how many people are scared to resist because the cost is usually to their livelihood, and that’s what’s so dangerous about this for artists. Many artists are with us, maybe not in the same way I am… they haven’t gone down your rabbit hole or mine, but they recognize that children shouldn’t be treated in this way. They recognize that apartheid and settler colonialism are wrong, but they also have a team of publicists and managers who are telling them that they will never work again. I think of Omar El Akkad’s book title, One Day, Everyone Will Have Always Been Against This.I’m not here to judge; if anything, I’m here to say, hold my hand, and we’ll figure out how to build a new circular economy to support all of us. I was talking to Malak Mattar (a great Palestinian artist), and I’m just like, it’s crazy that there isn’t a fund designed to make sure poets, dancers, filmmakers, photographers, all of us, don’t second guess, as we charge ahead, using our art as one of the great soft powers of resistance. And she’s like, but that’s how they win, right? There’s so much Arab wealth, Global South wealth… If one percent of it was used to make sure art survives… we are fighting tooth and nail to keep the lights on, because 99% of the real money is in Blackrock and mega hedge funds. There’s a reason why someone like Zuckerberg can come up with an idea, a good idea.How many Arab women have been invested in on the tech side of things? I know investment in Black women is next to zero. I’m pretty sure it’s the same for Arab women. Most founders of the big unicorns that are destroying the world right now are men. In fact, almost all of them, whether it’s Elon Musk or Jeff Zucker, former President of CNN, are men. I think that’s something that we really must look at. I do not believe women are perfect, but there is something within matriarchy that hasn’t got that scorched earth button. I did some research on mass shootings in America, and I think there has only been one woman who has committed a mass shooting in almost 100 years, which is crazy, because women are abused. Women have crazy dads who give them a machine gun for their 16th birthday, but there’s something that stops a woman from walking into a school and just spraying babies to death. I then went further and looked at women on death row, and most of the women on death row had done awful things, but they were singular in nature. Poisoning your husband because he fell in love with someone else, that kind of thing. They weren’t massacring children. Since that’s the case, don’t you think that maybe we should have women in the room when it comes to military decisions, when it comes to how much we spend on defense, when it comes to our health care, when it comes to climate?Most of the horrible decisions that have been made, like dropping nuclear bombs, have been made by men. I hate the sexist, misogynistic retort, “What about Margaret Thatcher?” She had to become the machine to get to where she got to. She had to turn herself into part of the patriarchy. In order to be in a position of power, she had to become part of the same machine that is destroying all of us.CÉLINE: My philosophy teacher in Lebanon said, “Oppressive systems are afraid of two things, love and ideas, because both of these things open up the door to possibilities. It’s not the system. It’s just a system. And so when you say that artists like Malak Mattar and Slow Factory and creatives should be supported, you are literally calling for disruption. True disruption comes from the arts, from freedom of expression. True creativity is feared; that is why PBS is being defunded and Colbert is being canceled. We’re seeing all the things at the intersection of education and entertainment being taken down. Why is that?MISAN: It’s the greatest weapon we have. It’s the only magic that Homo Sapiens have. Otherwise, we are the same as the primordial soup we came from. It’s what sets us apart from the rest of the natural world and makes us really, really special. I was worried about my show, only because of the crazy, unhinged response people have to anything that humanizes the Palestine Solidarity movement. This is why, for years, artists were arrested and killed, and archives were destroyed. No one has ever come after me for my images of women’s rights and the anti-racist movement. But there’s something about how I’ve managed to shoot Palestinian protests in LA and Johannesburg… At the time of this interview, the show has only been open to the public for five days… but the gallery space has already become a sanctuary. At the opening, a Lebanese lady collapsed and fell into my arms. She looked up at me with red eyes and said, “Now I know what art is.” So many Arab men, Muslim men, walk in and cry, and then I get phone calls from powerful forces who damn near threaten my life and tell me to shut it down.CÉLINE: That’s why we want to print it. That’s why we want it everywhere. That’s why we want to support it.MISAN: I found a very brave Black-owned gallery to take this on. You know, as well as I do, that this show would never be at the Tate. It would never be at any of the major spaces. Yet, everyone has the subject on their minds. How does that make sense?CÉLINE: We have the superpower to bring to life things that are being experienced and ignored, or silenced, or purposefully kept quiet. There is a war on our bodies, on our land, on the Palestinian bodies, on the Sudanese bodies, on the Congolese bodies, on the Asian bodies, on the Tibetan bodies. And, there is a global movement of liberation. Palestine is the soul of that. Because, as you said, what’s happening in Gaza and the worldwide protests in response to the genocide are awakening people. People are seeing pictures of people uprising, of people rising into courage. That’s what this is about. This is about uplifting, showing that there is a door, there is a way, there is a path. That you don’t need to sit in pain. You can do something. What is the ultimate action you wish to inspire through your work?MISAN: I want people to know that they’re not alone. Nina Simone was asked, “What does freedom mean for you?” And she said two words, “No fear.” I can feel you shaking when you look at my photos… let’s let that vibration become purpose, and let’s keep walking. I hate to bring this up, but we don’t have a choice in terms of the attention economics of our time. What I mean by that is the most followed people in the world are celebrities, sports figures, singers, and actors… The reason I’m behind the scenes doing everything I can to make some of the biggest ones speak is not because I look up to them… I think many of them are false idols, straight up. But human nature is a very interesting thing. And politicians will not make decisions out of their moral compass. But they will make decisions out of vanity, and the court of public opinion. And I’m telling you now, if you had the soccer stars, Cristiano Ronaldo, Lionel Messi, David Beckham, and Mo Salah, the whole Kardashian clan, and Adele come together, week in and week out, demanding our politicians do something, it would make a huge difference…The public is with us. In the rain yesterday, at the protest in London, we were there in the 1000s… I’m a Save the Children Ambassador for UNICEF, which is the biggest humanitarian agency for children. UNICEF has one job, which is to protect children globally… and yet there are children in a postage stamp-sized place with no airport that is walled in, where they are being shot by snipers, and rotting in incubators… There are Save the Children ambassadors, some of the most famous people in the world, who haven’t said anything. I’m just keeping it real with you. I’m the least famous kind of global ambassador for some of these large organizations. And many people say I’m the most vocal. It’s madness. I am not here to scream at you, “How dare you?” It’s past that. There are too many babies dying. I’m on my fucking knees begging you to say something. But if you don’t want to say something, leave these organizations and get busy living your fabulous life, ignoring the humanity of the children that need you most, but do not stay associated in any way with a children’s charity and say nothing for the children of Gaza, specifically Gaza…"
}
,
"relatedposts": [
{
"title" : "What We Can Learn from the Inuit Mapping of the Arctic",
"author" : "William Rankin",
"category" : "excerpts",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/inuit-mapping-arctic",
"date" : "2025-12-02 12:49:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Cover%20-%20Radical%20Cartography%20%5B9780525559795%5D.jpg",
"excerpt" : "This excerpt is from RADICAL CARTOGRAPHY by William Rankin, published by Viking, an imprint of Penguin Publishing Group, a division of Penguin Random House, LLC. Copyright © 2025 by William Rankin.",
"content" : "This excerpt is from RADICAL CARTOGRAPHY by William Rankin, published by Viking, an imprint of Penguin Publishing Group, a division of Penguin Random House, LLC. Copyright © 2025 by William Rankin.In 1994, the Berkeley geographer Bernard Nietschmann made a famous claim about the power of mapping in the global struggle for Indigenous rights. It was a claim about how the tools of historical oppression could be reclaimed by the oppressed: “More Indigenous territory has been claimed by maps than by guns. This assertion has its corollary: more Indigenous territory can be defended and reclaimed by maps than by guns.” The idea was that by putting themselves on the map—documenting their lives and their communities—Indigenous peoples would not be so easy to erase. Nietschmann was working in Central America, often heroically, during a time of violence and displacement, and he inspired a generation of researchers and activists interested in flipping the power structure of state-centric cartography on its head.But despite the spread of bottom-up mapping projects in the past 30 years, perhaps the most successful example of Indigenous mapping actually predates Nietschmann’s call to action. Just one year prior, in 1993, the Inuit of northern Canada signed a treaty creating the territory of Nunavut—the largest self-governing Indigenous territory in the world—and mapping was central to both the negotiation and the outcome. It remains one of the rare cases of Indigenous geographic knowledge decolonizing the world map.So why hasn’t the Inuit project been replicable elsewhere, despite decades more work on Indigenous mapping? The answer lies in the very idea of territory itself, and in particular in one of the most threatened parts of the Inuit landscape today: ice. The winter extent of Arctic sea ice reached a record low earlier this year, and a new low is predicted for the winter ahead. Yet the shrinking ice isn’t just an unshakable sign of Arctic warming; it’s also a poignant reminder of what Nietschmann got right—and what he missed—about the relationship between cartography and power. In particular, it shows how Inuit conceptions of space, place, and belonging are rooted in a dynamic, seasonal geography that’s often completely invisible on Western-style maps.The story begins in the 1970s, when the young Inuit leader Tagak Curley, today considered a “living father” of Nunavut, hired the Arctic anthropologist Milton Freeman to lead a collaborative mapping project of unprecedented scope and ambition. Freeman taught at McMaster University about an hour outside Toronto; he was white, but his wife, Mini Aodla Freeman, was Inuit (she was a translator and later a celebrated writer). Freeman assembled a team of other anthropologists and Arctic geographers—also white—to split the mapping into regions. They called their method the “map biography.” The goal was to capture the life history of every Inuit hunter in cartographic form, recording each person’s memories of where, at any point in their life, they had found roughly three dozen species of wildlife—from caribou and ptarmigan to beluga, narwhal, and seaweed. Each map biography would be a testimony of personal experience.After the mapping was split into regions, about 150 field-workers—almost all Inuit—traveled between 33 northern settlements with a stack of government-issued topographic maps to conduct interviews. Each hunter was asked to draw lines or shapes directly on the maps with colored pens or pencils. The interviewers stayed about 10 weeks in each settlement, visiting most hunters in their own homes, and the final participation rate was an astonishing 85 percent of all adult Inuit men. They collected 1,600 biographies in total, some on maps as large as 10 feet square.Then came the cartographers, back in Ontario: one professor and a team of about 15 students. The first map below (Figure 1) shows how the individual map biographies were transformed into summary maps, one for each community. For every species, the overlap of all hunters’ testimony became a single blob, and then blobs for all species were overlaid to make a complete map. The second map (Figure 2) shows one of the finished atlas pages along the Northwest Passage. The immediate impression is that the Arctic is in no way an empty expanse of barren land and unclaimed mineral riches. It is dense with human activity, necessary for personal and collective survival. The community maps combined to show almost uninterrupted Inuit presence stretching from northern Labrador to the Alaska border.Figure 1: Top left is a simplified version of a “map biography” from a single Inuit hunter, showing his birthplace and the places he hunted caribou, fox, wolf, grizzly bear, moose, and fish at various points in his life. (The original biography would have been drawn over a familiar government-issued topographic map.) The other three maps show how multiple biographies were then combined into patterned blobs for all hunters and all species. (Map courtesy of William Rankin/ Penguin Random House LLC.)Figure 2: A two-page spread from the finished atlas showing the seven kinds of animals hunted from the settlements of Igloolik and Hall Beach, in an area about 500 by 300 miles: caribou, polar bear, walrus, whale, fish, seal, and waterfowl. (Because of the large number of individual species recorded in the map biographies, some species were grouped together in the final maps.) The blobs are a strong, even overpowering figure atop an unusually subtle ground. Notice in particular how difficult it is to distinguish land and water areas, since the dark shading extends beyond coastlines even for individual species. This map in fact includes the Northwest Passage—the famous sea route around the tip of North America—but the crucial Fury and Hecla Strait (named after the two British ships that first learned of, but did not navigate, the passage in 1822) is almost entirely obscured. (Map courtesy of William Rankin/ Penguin Random House LLC.)Nothing about the cartography was meant to be subversive—or even controversial. For the cartographers, the only message was that the Inuit hunted a variety of species over large areas. But look again at the finished map in Figure 2. Yes, a foreground is layered over a background in the usual way, but the visual argument is strikingly different from a typical layered map in, say, a census atlas, where the foreground data doesn’t stray beyond crisp pre-existing borders. Here, in contrast, even the basic distinction between land and water is often obscure. The maps’ content is the facts of species and area; the maps’ argument is that Inuit culture is grounded in a substantially different understanding of territory than the one Western cartography was designed to show.As a result, this new atlas shifted the negotiations between the Inuit and the Canadian government decisively. Not only did the maps provide a legal claim to the Inuit-used land, documenting 750,000 square miles—an area the size of Mexico—but also a claim to the sea, showing an additional 325,000 square miles offshore.It took many years for the full implications to play out, but the erosion of the land–water boundary became central to the Inuit vision. At the time, wildlife on land was managed by the regional Northwest Territories government, while offshore marine species were the responsibility of centralized federal agencies. The Inuit used the atlas to win agreement for a new agency with equal responsibility over both. At the same time, the Inuit also improved their position by offering their offshore claims as evidence the Canadian government would use—not just in the 1980s, but even as recently as 2024—to resist foreign encroachment in the Northwest Passage. The final agreement in 1993 granted the Inuit $1.15 billion in cash, title to about 17 percent of the land in the “settlement area,” representation on several new management agencies, a share of all natural-resource revenue, broad hunting and fishing rights, and a promise that the territory of Nunavut would come into being on April 1, 1999.It’s easy to count this project as a success story, but it’s also important to remember that it depended both on the government’s own interest in negotiation and on the willingness of Indigenous peoples, or at least their leadership, to translate their sense of space onto a map, solidifying what had previously been fluid. It also meant abandoning claims to ancestral lands that had not been used in living experience and provoking new boundary disputes with neighboring, and previously amicable, Indigenous groups. These tradeoffs have led some scholars to critique mapping as only “drawing Indigenous peoples into a modern capitalist economy while maintaining the centrality of state power.” But for the Inuit, the alternatives seemed quite a bit worse.With the more recent proliferation of Indigenous mapping initiatives elsewhere—in Latin America, Africa, and Asia—the tradeoffs have been harder to evaluate. Most governments have shown little interest in addressing Indigenous claims, and when bottom-up mapping has been pushed instead by international nonprofits interested in environmental conservation, the downsides of mapping have often come without any of the upsides.Yet it’s not just the attitude of the state that’s been different; it’s also the cartography. In nearly all these other cases, the finished maps have shown none of the territorial inversion of the Inuit atlas. Instead, Indigenous knowledge is either overlaid on an existing base map in perfectly legible form, or it’s used to construct a new base map of a remarkably conventional sort, using the same visual vocabulary as Western maps.Did the Inuit project just show the data so clearly that its deeper implications were immediately apparent? No, not really, since the great irony here is that the cartographers were in fact quite dissatisfied. Follow-up surveys reached the conclusion that the atlas was only “moderately successful” by their usual mapmaking standards.The Inuit atlas was a kind of happy accident—one that doesn’t conform to any of the usual stories about Indigenous mapping, in Canada or elsewhere. The lesson here isn’t that maps should be as Indigenous as possible, or that they should be as orthodox as possible. These maps were neither. My take is simpler: the atlas shows that maps can, in fact, support alternative conceptions of space—and that showing space in a different way is crucial.The possibilities aren’t endless, but they’re broader than we might think. Plotting different sorts of data is a necessary step, but no less important are the relationships between that data and the assumptions of what lies below. For the Inuit, these assumptions were about land, water, and territory. These were in the background both visually and politically, and they were upstaged by an unexpectedly provocative foreground. The layers did not behave as they were meant to, and despite the tradeoffs, they allowed an Indigenous community to fight for their home and their way of life."
}
,
{
"title" : "Malcolm X and Islam: U.S. Islamophobia Didn’t Start with 9/11",
"author" : "Collis Browne",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/malcolm-x-and-islam",
"date" : "2025-11-27 14:58:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/life-malcolm-3.jpg",
"excerpt" : "",
"content" : "Anti-Muslim hate has been deeply engrained and intertwined with anti-Black racism in the United States for well over 60 years, far longer than most of us are taught or are aware.As the EIP team dug into design research for the new magazine format of our first anniversary issue, we revisited 1960s issues of LIFE magazine—and landed on the March 1965 edition, published just after the assassination of Malcolm X.The reporting is staggering in its openness: blatantly anti-Black and anti-Muslim in a way that normalizes white supremacy at its most fundamental level. The anti-Blackness, while horrifying, is not surprising. This was a moment when, despite the formal dismantling of Jim Crow, more than 10,000 “sundown towns” still existed across the country, segregation remained the norm, and racial terror structured daily life.What shocked our team was the nakedness of the anti-Muslim propaganda.This was not yet framed as anti-Arab in the way Western Islamophobia is often framed today. Arab and Middle Eastern people were not present in the narrative at all. Instead, what was being targeted was organized resistance to white supremacy—specifically, the adoption of Islam by Black communities as a source of political power, dignity, and self-determination. From this moment, we can trace a clear ideological line from anti-Muslim sentiment rooted in anti-Black racism in the 1960s to the anti-Arab, anti-MENA, and anti-SWANA racism that saturates Western culture today.The reporting leaned heavily on familiar colonial tropes: the implication of “inter-tribal” violence, the suggestion that resistance to white supremacy is itself a form of reverse racism or inherent aggression, and the detached, almost smug tone surrounding the violent death of a cultural leader.Of course, the Nation of Islam and Elijah Muhammad represent only expressions within an immense and diverse global Muslim world—spanning Morocco, Sudan, the Gulf, Iraq, Pakistan, Indonesia, and far beyond. Yet U.S. cultural and military power has long blurred these distinctions, collapsing complexity into a singular enemy image.It is worth naming this history clearly and connecting the dots: U.S. Islamophobia did not begin with 9/11. It is rooted in a much older racial project—one that has always braided anti-Blackness and anti-Muslim sentiment together in service of white supremacy, at home and abroad."
}
,
{
"title" : "The Billionaire Who Bought the Met Gala: What the Bezoses’ Check Means for Fashion’s Future",
"author" : "Louis Pisano",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/the-billionaire-who-bought-the-met-gala",
"date" : "2025-11-27 10:41:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Cover_EIP_TBesos_MET_Galajpg.jpg",
"excerpt" : "On the morning of November 17, 2025, the Metropolitan Museum of Art announced that Jeff Bezos and Lauren Sánchez Bezos would serve as the sole lead sponsors of the 2026 Met Gala and its accompanying Costume Institute exhibition, “Costume Art”. Saint Laurent and Condé Nast were listed as supporting partners. To be clear, this is not a co-sponsorship. It is not “in association with.” It is the first time in the modern history of the gala that the headline slot, previously occupied by Louis Vuitton, TikTok, or a discreet old-money surname, has been handed to a tech billionaire and his wife. The donation amount remains undisclosed, but sources familiar with the negotiations place it comfortably north of seven figures, in line with the checks that helped the event raise $22 million last year.",
"content" : "On the morning of November 17, 2025, the Metropolitan Museum of Art announced that Jeff Bezos and Lauren Sánchez Bezos would serve as the sole lead sponsors of the 2026 Met Gala and its accompanying Costume Institute exhibition, “Costume Art”. Saint Laurent and Condé Nast were listed as supporting partners. To be clear, this is not a co-sponsorship. It is not “in association with.” It is the first time in the modern history of the gala that the headline slot, previously occupied by Louis Vuitton, TikTok, or a discreet old-money surname, has been handed to a tech billionaire and his wife. The donation amount remains undisclosed, but sources familiar with the negotiations place it comfortably north of seven figures, in line with the checks that helped the event raise $22 million last year.Within hours of the announcement, the Met’s Instagram post was overrun with comments proclaiming the gala “dead.” On TikTok and X, users paired declarations of late-stage capitalism with memes of the museum staircase wrapped in Amazon boxes. Not that this was unexpected. Anyone paying attention could see it coming for over a decade.When billionaires like Bezos, whose Amazon warehouses reported injury rates nearly double the industry average in 2024 and whose fashion supply chain has been linked to forced labor and poverty wages globally, acquire influence over prestigious institutions like the Met Museum through sponsorships, it risks commodifying fashion as a tool for not only personal but corporate image-laundering. To put it simply: who’s going to bite the hand that feeds them? Designers, editors, and curators will have little choice but to turn a blind eye to keep the money flowing and the lights on.Back in 2012, Amazon co-chaired the “Schiaparelli and Prada” gala, and honorary chair Jeff Bezos showed up in a perfectly respectable tux with then-wife MacKenzie Scott by his side and an Anna Wintour-advised pocket square. After his divorce from Scott in 2019, Bezos made a solo appearance at the Met Gala, signaling that he was becoming a familiar presence in fashion circles on his own. Of course, by that point, he already had Lauren Sánchez. Fast forward to 2020: print advertising was crumbling, and Anna Wintour co-signed The Drop, a set of limited CFDA collections sold exclusively on Amazon, giving the company a veneer of fashion credibility. By 2024, Sánchez made her Met debut in a mirrored Oscar de la Renta gown personally approved by Wintour, signaling that the Bezos orbit was now squarely inside the fashion world.Then, the political world started to catch up, as it always does. In January 2025, Sánchez and Bezos sat three rows behind President-elect Donald Trump at the inauguration. Amazon wrote a one-million-dollar check to Trump’s inaugural fund, and Bezos, once mocked by Trump as “Jeff Bozo,” publicly congratulated Trump on an “extraordinary political comeback.” By June 2025, Bezos and Sánchez became cultural and political mainstays: Sánchez married Bezos in Venice, wearing a Dolce & Gabbana gown Wintour had helped select. This landed Sánchez the digital cover of American Vogue almost immediately afterward. Wintour quietly handed day-to-day control of the magazine to Chloe Malle but kept the Met Gala, the global title, and her Condé Nast equity stake, cementing a new era of fashion power where money, influence, and optics are inseparable.Underneath all of it, the quiet hum of Amazon’s fashion machine continued to whirr. By 2024, the company already controlled 16.2 percent of every dollar Americans spent on clothing, footwear, and accessories—more than Walmart, Target, Macy’s, and Nordstrom combined. That same year, it generated $34.7 billion in U.S. apparel and footwear revenue that year, with the women’s category alone on pace to top $40 billion. No legacy house has ever had that volume of real-time data on what people actually try on, keep, or return in shame. Amazon can react in weeks rather than seasons, reordering winning pieces, tweaking existing ones, and killing unpopular options before they’re even produced at scale.Wintour did more than simply observe this shift; she engineered a soft landing by bringing Amazon in when it was still somewhat uncool and seen mostly as a discount retailer, lending it credibility when it needed legitimacy, and spending the last two years turning Sánchez from tabloid footnote to Vogue cover star. The Condé Nast sale rumors that began circulating in July 2025, complete with talk of Wintour cashing out her equity and Sánchez taking a creative role, have been denied by every official mouthpiece. But they have also refused to die, because the timeline is simply too tidy.The clearest preview of what billionaire ownership can do to a cultural institution remains Bezos’ other pet project, The Washington Post. Bezos bought it for $250 million in 2013, saved it from bankruptcy, and built it into a profitable digital operation with 2.5 million subscribers. Then, in October 2024, he personally blocked a planned editorial endorsement of Kamala Harris. More than 250,000 subscribers canceled in the following days. By February 2025, the opinion section was restructured around “personal liberties and free markets,” triggering another exodus and the resignation of editorial page editor David Shipley. Former executive editor Marty Baron called it “craven.” The timing, just months after Bezos began warming to the incoming Trump administration, was not lost on anyone. The story didn’t stop there: in the last few days, U.S. Vice President J.D. Vance revealed he had texted Bezos suggesting the hiring of a right-leaning Breitbart journalist, Matthew Boyle, to run the Post’s political coverage. This is a clear signal of how staffing decisions at a storied paper now sit within the same power matrix that funds the Met Gala and shapes culture, media, and politics alike. It’s a tangled, strategic web—all of Bezos’ making.It’s curious that, in the same 30-day window that the Trump DOJ expanded its antitrust inquiry into Amazon, specifically how its algorithms favor its own products over third-party sellers, including many fashion brands, the MET, a city-owned museum, handed the keys of its marquee event to the man whose company now wields outsized influence over designers’ fortunes and faces regulatory scrutiny from the administration he helped reinstall. This is not sponsorship; it’s leverage. Wintour once froze Melania Trump out of Vogue because she could afford to.But she cannot freeze out Sánchez or Bezos. Nor does she want to.So on the first Monday in May, the museum doors will open as they always do for the Met Gala. The carpet will still be red (or whatever color the theme demands). The photographs of celebrities posing in their interpretations of “Costume Art” will still break the internet. Andrew Bolton’s exhibition, roughly 200 objects tracing the dressed body across five millennia, displayed in the newly renamed Condé Nast Galleries, will still be brilliant. But the biggest check will come from the couple who already control 16 percent of America’s clothing spend, who own The Washington Post, and who sat three rows behind Trump at the inauguration. Everything else, guest list tweaks, livestream deals, shoppable moments, will flow from that single source of money and power. That is who now has the final word on the most influential night in American fashion."
}
]
}