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Creating Your Own World with Ishmael Butler
Ishmael Butler is a lyrical and musical visionary creating his own worlds of freedom and wonder since the first Digable Planets hit way back in 1993. And he’s continued to stay relevant as Shabazz Palaces, releasing his own work and collaborating across cultural, geographic and genre boundaries.

COLLIS BROWNE: I’ll tell just a couple things about me, leading into the interview, so you know something about who you’re talking to. I’m known as Collis Browne, artistically. I’m from just outside of Toronto, and grew up in a small town. Being in a small town, all “culture” seemed to come from very far away. In Canada a lot of the pop culture is from the US. And a lot of the American culture is very strongly Black culture, because Black culture is such a huge, beautiful part of American culture. And so I just want to, cite a couple milestones in my life that lead me into the interview. One: when I was six years old in the early 80s, the first cassette tape I got was the Fat Boys, which changed my mindset of what you could do in music, what you could do all with a capella music, with the Human Beatbox and with the storytelling and melodiousness that can come from just the voice. Two: five years in the future, another milestone was, like ‘89 when Public Enemy became really, really big and exploded globally, and it really changed my understanding of that you could be “political” and have a really clear stance about structural iniquities, and have it sound amazing and hard and beautiful, really blending those things together in a way that is inspiring. You know that Chuck D, really, spoke to so many people — my experience is very far from his, but he really spoke to us. And Three: in 1993 and I was, I think, 14-15, and there was this group called Digable Planets that made this tune — of course, “Cool Like That”. The whole record is amazing. And it made a big impact on us, but I want to call out this one song that is La Femme Fétal. It changed the way that I understood that you could have a specific viewpoint on an issue that’s highly politicized, controversial if you will, but be first of all, smooth and awesome to listen to. To be really rooted in a very personal experience, but speak very powerfully to the broader situation, the broader social dynamic. That song is where I heard of Roe v Wade. So just to see this song where you could very specifically use, twice, the word fascist in the song, but it’s very smooth and natural. And these lines that was like,
“Pro-lifers need to dig themselves,
because life don’t stop after birth,
and to a child born to the unprepared,
it might even just get worse.”
— Butterfly (Ishmael Butler), Digable Planets
I used to know all these lyrics, and just thinking about the empowerment that came from out of that. Came from out of that. So first of all, I just wanted to like, thank you from that moment, but the breadth of it, that it carried far and wide in geography, and it carried wide and like opening our understandings of like, what you can do musically and politically, and it still resonates.
ISHMAEL BUTLER: I appreciate that, bro. Thank you, man. That means a lot.

COLLIS BROWNE: You have always had a clarity around the relation between the personal, and the political, and the cultural, and the global.
ISHMAEL BUTLER: When you say the political — How do you define that?
COLLIS BROWNE: Political in the broader cultural sense. Definitely outside of electoral politics; electoral politics is a very small part of what we think of as political. I’m using political, in this sense: any aspect of who you are or what you do, or how you want to live, or who you want to love, or whatever it is, is politicized, and has a relation to power, domination and exploitation in the world.
Everything has a relation to power, to structural power, to the dynamics that are the economies and everything that runs the world. And so let’s do it mindfully. Let’s do it clearly, critically and loudly. Speak our biases. Loudly. Our bias is toward liberation for all, freedom and liberation. Our bias is toward looking at the true structures of power that run the world and how everybody either goes under the radar, or goes along with it and benefits from it, or tries to chip it apart and make it broader and more free for everybody. So that’s what we mean by political.
ISHMAEL BUTLER: Right on.
I was raised by people that directly understood that they themselves and their social situation was political, so they actively pursued that reality and gave themselves over to it as youth and on into their adulthood. The principles of taking care of yourself and really having a good self confidence was definitely instilled, but you always were to be aware that you are part of a family, a community, a city, a place, a neighborhood and a culture, you know. So that’s why I was able to naturally approach those kind of things, but also have a naturalness to it, because it was natural — I had it was all I had known, due to my people and the people that they surrounded themselves with. And my parents were the ones that were involved in the Civil Rights Movement and had seen change. You know what I mean? They had been instrumental in bringing it about. So they understood what coming together for action could attain. So we, being their offspring, that was something that they were really, really keen on instilling in us, because me and all my homies and all the people in my school did all the things that teenagers do and kids do, but we all had that sensibility as well. That’s just how it was.
And that sensibility and awareness has suffered a hit in terms of it being a prevailing sort of attitude with everybody, but it’s still very much alive, you see in activism and participation, but it’s also very much under threat. You know, by the Empire and their goals.
COLLIS BROWNE: The way you say the Empire. I hear the capital E. That’s how I say it.
ISHMAEL BUTLER: But we’re post-apocalyptic when it comes to political things, you know, we we’re still sort of hanging on, especially here in the States, to these vestiges and notions of civility and “rule of law” and all of these things that were really miraculously held together by regardless of whether they were right or or left wing. They all sort of had an understanding of basic right and wrong. But these cats… their whole thing is, I’m trying to let you know that I’m on top and you on the bottom, and if you do what I say, then you cool. We’ll let you in. But if not, we don’t care anything about you, and we’re willing to see the end of you and your destruction.
COLLIS BROWNE: I came across a video of you a couple years ago, because we were invited by a group of Kanaka Maoli people into Hawai‘i to go to O‘ahu and join the struggle and the movement around defueling Red Hill, and while we were there we also met with Dr. Akiemi Glenn of the Popolo Project — an incredible project to “redefine what it means to be Black in Hawai‘i”. And then I came across a video of you performing and speaking there as Shabazz Palaces. And I was, I was surprised, because I love it when worlds collide.
First of all, speaking of the Empire, and the freshness of the conquest: literally, invasion, conquering and continued oppression and brutal oppression in Hawaii. It’s very, very fresh. But you had said something in the video that was something to the effect of: we want to move in a way that is centering ourselves and not centering the Empire and kind of not giving it that power. Has your thinking changed since then about how you move in direct opposition or relation, to the Empire?
ISHMAEL BUTLER: Understanding what the Empire is, to me is actually de-centering. Like, once you realize that they really are small and petty and that they’re just trying to gobble up everything, trying to be the center of everything. That’s when I was able to really get into myself and my values and the things around me, because I’m not with all that. If everything is about the Empire, the Empire, we always gotta be talking about, thinking about them and studying them — while I’m not. I mean, I try to pay attention, to stay abreast, because it’s interesting to know about the world that you live in, and the forces that influencing what is happening in your day to day life. But beyond that, they’re not the center. It’s not centralized in my life at all. That, to me, is the point: to get them out of there in that way. You know, because what they got, everybody believe in this, this fantasy of who they are. It’s just, it’s just smoke and mirrors, man. It ain’t really based on no substance. You know, always lies, always deceit, always destruction, always nefarious, always theft, always, always rape. You feel me? So 100% yeah, they’re not at the center of nothing, they’re not centralized in my world.
COLLIS BROWNE: Like not giving them the satisfaction of being the main character in your story type of thing, right?
ISHMAEL BUTLER: Exactly, because they’re really not.
They’re asserting themselves as that, try to keep a hold on, and trying to convince you with propaganda; and they’ll kill mass amounts of people to hammer that point home. But you know, it’s still not true. It may be real, it may be a Reality, but it’s not a Truth. You know what I’m saying?
COLLIS BROWNE: There’s more of a future in creating a world where the Empire is not in the center.
ISHMAEL BUTLER: I mean, look, look at Donald Trump, without illusion and deceit. If it’s just the bare presentation of the reality of the man himself, how could he be considered a statesman or or any of the things that he’s convinced the world that he is? He wouldn’t be able to. There’s no way.
COLLIS BROWNE: It’s all smoke and mirrors.
ISHMAEL BUTLER: I mean, it’s literally a man standing before you who never speaks anything true, ever, right? And let’s just look at his appearance. He’s covered up his real self with a covering, right? And his concept of the the coloring of the covering is absolutely bonkers. That’s a hell of a presentation for a world leader to be coming out with. It’s so deceitful, and it’s such a hiding. It’s like drag really. You know what I mean? It’s trying to show I’m a bronzed, healthy my skin is, you know, I’m saying, but in reality, it’s something else.
COLLIS BROWNE: I love, that no insult to drag, but it’s very fun, actually, to take, to take Donald Trump as drag.
Given that all of that that we’ve said, then what’s the world you’re building? What’s the center? if it’s not this, that the other, this psychopath, this lunatic, then tell me the world you’re building and the center of your world.
ISHMAEL BUTLER: My family, the ideas and emotions that they are coming up with and dealing with and creating. And my passion, which is music. Making music and learning about music and learning things musical, and also the notion of, you gotta learn and you gotta work, you know. And if you’re on a learning path and a working path, you’re going to inevitably come across new ideas, at least to you have motivation to participate in the world and look at the world and try to understand it, and meet individuals that are open minded like you, and can teach you things and show you new things, and vice versa, so that it’s a rich energy is in motion, and you’re participating with the world, and you’re alive, you know, so even when things seem unclear in terms of a specific path to take, to try to surmount this stuff, at least, I know, through getting back to these things, That Imma be alive, Imma be living, and Imma be participating. You know what I mean? It’s saying something in this day and age to be able to do that.
{
"article":
{
"title" : "Creating Your Own World with Ishmael Butler",
"author" : "Ishmael Butler, Collis Browne",
"category" : "interviews",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/ishmael-butler-creating-your-own-world",
"date" : "2025-05-12 12:49:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Ishmael_Butler_04.jpg",
"excerpt" : "Ishmael Butler is a lyrical and musical visionary creating his own worlds of freedom and wonder since the first Digable Planets hit way back in 1993. And he’s continued to stay relevant as Shabazz Palaces, releasing his own work and collaborating across cultural, geographic and genre boundaries.",
"content" : "Ishmael Butler is a lyrical and musical visionary creating his own worlds of freedom and wonder since the first Digable Planets hit way back in 1993. And he’s continued to stay relevant as Shabazz Palaces, releasing his own work and collaborating across cultural, geographic and genre boundaries.COLLIS BROWNE: I’ll tell just a couple things about me, leading into the interview, so you know something about who you’re talking to. I’m known as Collis Browne, artistically. I’m from just outside of Toronto, and grew up in a small town. Being in a small town, all “culture” seemed to come from very far away. In Canada a lot of the pop culture is from the US. And a lot of the American culture is very strongly Black culture, because Black culture is such a huge, beautiful part of American culture. And so I just want to, cite a couple milestones in my life that lead me into the interview. One: when I was six years old in the early 80s, the first cassette tape I got was the Fat Boys, which changed my mindset of what you could do in music, what you could do all with a capella music, with the Human Beatbox and with the storytelling and melodiousness that can come from just the voice. Two: five years in the future, another milestone was, like ‘89 when Public Enemy became really, really big and exploded globally, and it really changed my understanding of that you could be “political” and have a really clear stance about structural iniquities, and have it sound amazing and hard and beautiful, really blending those things together in a way that is inspiring. You know that Chuck D, really, spoke to so many people — my experience is very far from his, but he really spoke to us. And Three: in 1993 and I was, I think, 14-15, and there was this group called Digable Planets that made this tune — of course, “Cool Like That”. The whole record is amazing. And it made a big impact on us, but I want to call out this one song that is La Femme Fétal. It changed the way that I understood that you could have a specific viewpoint on an issue that’s highly politicized, controversial if you will, but be first of all, smooth and awesome to listen to. To be really rooted in a very personal experience, but speak very powerfully to the broader situation, the broader social dynamic. That song is where I heard of Roe v Wade. So just to see this song where you could very specifically use, twice, the word fascist in the song, but it’s very smooth and natural. And these lines that was like, “Pro-lifers need to dig themselves,because life don’t stop after birth,and to a child born to the unprepared,it might even just get worse.”— Butterfly (Ishmael Butler), Digable PlanetsI used to know all these lyrics, and just thinking about the empowerment that came from out of that. Came from out of that. So first of all, I just wanted to like, thank you from that moment, but the breadth of it, that it carried far and wide in geography, and it carried wide and like opening our understandings of like, what you can do musically and politically, and it still resonates.ISHMAEL BUTLER: I appreciate that, bro. Thank you, man. That means a lot.COLLIS BROWNE: You have always had a clarity around the relation between the personal, and the political, and the cultural, and the global.ISHMAEL BUTLER: When you say the political — How do you define that?COLLIS BROWNE: Political in the broader cultural sense. Definitely outside of electoral politics; electoral politics is a very small part of what we think of as political. I’m using political, in this sense: any aspect of who you are or what you do, or how you want to live, or who you want to love, or whatever it is, is politicized, and has a relation to power, domination and exploitation in the world.Everything has a relation to power, to structural power, to the dynamics that are the economies and everything that runs the world. And so let’s do it mindfully. Let’s do it clearly, critically and loudly. Speak our biases. Loudly. Our bias is toward liberation for all, freedom and liberation. Our bias is toward looking at the true structures of power that run the world and how everybody either goes under the radar, or goes along with it and benefits from it, or tries to chip it apart and make it broader and more free for everybody. So that’s what we mean by political.ISHMAEL BUTLER: Right on.I was raised by people that directly understood that they themselves and their social situation was political, so they actively pursued that reality and gave themselves over to it as youth and on into their adulthood. The principles of taking care of yourself and really having a good self confidence was definitely instilled, but you always were to be aware that you are part of a family, a community, a city, a place, a neighborhood and a culture, you know. So that’s why I was able to naturally approach those kind of things, but also have a naturalness to it, because it was natural — I had it was all I had known, due to my people and the people that they surrounded themselves with. And my parents were the ones that were involved in the Civil Rights Movement and had seen change. You know what I mean? They had been instrumental in bringing it about. So they understood what coming together for action could attain. So we, being their offspring, that was something that they were really, really keen on instilling in us, because me and all my homies and all the people in my school did all the things that teenagers do and kids do, but we all had that sensibility as well. That’s just how it was.And that sensibility and awareness has suffered a hit in terms of it being a prevailing sort of attitude with everybody, but it’s still very much alive, you see in activism and participation, but it’s also very much under threat. You know, by the Empire and their goals.COLLIS BROWNE: The way you say the Empire. I hear the capital E. That’s how I say it.ISHMAEL BUTLER: But we’re post-apocalyptic when it comes to political things, you know, we we’re still sort of hanging on, especially here in the States, to these vestiges and notions of civility and “rule of law” and all of these things that were really miraculously held together by regardless of whether they were right or or left wing. They all sort of had an understanding of basic right and wrong. But these cats… their whole thing is, I’m trying to let you know that I’m on top and you on the bottom, and if you do what I say, then you cool. We’ll let you in. But if not, we don’t care anything about you, and we’re willing to see the end of you and your destruction.COLLIS BROWNE: I came across a video of you a couple years ago, because we were invited by a group of Kanaka Maoli people into Hawai‘i to go to O‘ahu and join the struggle and the movement around defueling Red Hill, and while we were there we also met with Dr. Akiemi Glenn of the Popolo Project — an incredible project to “redefine what it means to be Black in Hawai‘i”. And then I came across a video of you performing and speaking there as Shabazz Palaces. And I was, I was surprised, because I love it when worlds collide.First of all, speaking of the Empire, and the freshness of the conquest: literally, invasion, conquering and continued oppression and brutal oppression in Hawaii. It’s very, very fresh. But you had said something in the video that was something to the effect of: we want to move in a way that is centering ourselves and not centering the Empire and kind of not giving it that power. Has your thinking changed since then about how you move in direct opposition or relation, to the Empire?ISHMAEL BUTLER: Understanding what the Empire is, to me is actually de-centering. Like, once you realize that they really are small and petty and that they’re just trying to gobble up everything, trying to be the center of everything. That’s when I was able to really get into myself and my values and the things around me, because I’m not with all that. If everything is about the Empire, the Empire, we always gotta be talking about, thinking about them and studying them — while I’m not. I mean, I try to pay attention, to stay abreast, because it’s interesting to know about the world that you live in, and the forces that influencing what is happening in your day to day life. But beyond that, they’re not the center. It’s not centralized in my life at all. That, to me, is the point: to get them out of there in that way. You know, because what they got, everybody believe in this, this fantasy of who they are. It’s just, it’s just smoke and mirrors, man. It ain’t really based on no substance. You know, always lies, always deceit, always destruction, always nefarious, always theft, always, always rape. You feel me? So 100% yeah, they’re not at the center of nothing, they’re not centralized in my world.COLLIS BROWNE: Like not giving them the satisfaction of being the main character in your story type of thing, right?ISHMAEL BUTLER: Exactly, because they’re really not. They’re asserting themselves as that, try to keep a hold on, and trying to convince you with propaganda; and they’ll kill mass amounts of people to hammer that point home. But you know, it’s still not true. It may be real, it may be a Reality, but it’s not a Truth. You know what I’m saying?COLLIS BROWNE: There’s more of a future in creating a world where the Empire is not in the center.ISHMAEL BUTLER: I mean, look, look at Donald Trump, without illusion and deceit. If it’s just the bare presentation of the reality of the man himself, how could he be considered a statesman or or any of the things that he’s convinced the world that he is? He wouldn’t be able to. There’s no way.COLLIS BROWNE: It’s all smoke and mirrors.ISHMAEL BUTLER: I mean, it’s literally a man standing before you who never speaks anything true, ever, right? And let’s just look at his appearance. He’s covered up his real self with a covering, right? And his concept of the the coloring of the covering is absolutely bonkers. That’s a hell of a presentation for a world leader to be coming out with. It’s so deceitful, and it’s such a hiding. It’s like drag really. You know what I mean? It’s trying to show I’m a bronzed, healthy my skin is, you know, I’m saying, but in reality, it’s something else.COLLIS BROWNE: I love, that no insult to drag, but it’s very fun, actually, to take, to take Donald Trump as drag.Given that all of that that we’ve said, then what’s the world you’re building? What’s the center? if it’s not this, that the other, this psychopath, this lunatic, then tell me the world you’re building and the center of your world.ISHMAEL BUTLER: My family, the ideas and emotions that they are coming up with and dealing with and creating. And my passion, which is music. Making music and learning about music and learning things musical, and also the notion of, you gotta learn and you gotta work, you know. And if you’re on a learning path and a working path, you’re going to inevitably come across new ideas, at least to you have motivation to participate in the world and look at the world and try to understand it, and meet individuals that are open minded like you, and can teach you things and show you new things, and vice versa, so that it’s a rich energy is in motion, and you’re participating with the world, and you’re alive, you know, so even when things seem unclear in terms of a specific path to take, to try to surmount this stuff, at least, I know, through getting back to these things, That Imma be alive, Imma be living, and Imma be participating. You know what I mean? It’s saying something in this day and age to be able to do that."
}
,
"relatedposts": [
{
"title" : "Who is COP for, really?",
"author" : "Keyah Hanwi",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/who-is-cop-for-really",
"date" : "2025-11-07 09:00:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com",
"excerpt" : "For thirty years, the world has looked at COP as the path to climate progress. But the reality is different. COP isn’t failing; it’s working exactly as it was designed: protecting and further producing capital.",
"content" : "For thirty years, the world has looked at COP as the path to climate progress. But the reality is different. COP isn’t failing; it’s working exactly as it was designed: protecting and further producing capital.COP has made promises it never intended to keep. It is not about saving the planet, but about protecting profit and power. COP3 was the beginning of the Global North making broken promises. At COP3, the Kyoto Protocol was proposed as a plan to target emissions cuts from industrialized countries. The agreement paved the way for carbon markets, allowing countries and corporations to trade pollution credits instead of actually cutting emissions. The U.S. signed but never ratified it (source), Canada later withdrew (source). Europe met targets in part by outsourcing oil emissions through offsets, often harming and displacing frontline communities (source). What came out of COP3 was not climate justice but a system that let the Global North maintain its power and profit while exporting the consequences.The broken promises of Kyoto set the blueprint for decades of destructive extraction and dispossession that followed. The Global South is not a side note; it is the beating heart of the climate crisis and the first to bleed. While wealthy countries build their prosperity on fossil fuels, the Global South faces devastating man-made ‘natural disasters’ floods, fires, and droughts. These communities continue to fight to protect land, water, and futures, even as rich nations push “net zero by 2050” while backing fossil fuel interests. Promised climate finance remains late, insufficient, and often deepens debt, while Indigenous leaders and frontline activists are routinely excluded from decision-making.Decades later, those same dynamics played out in Glasgow during COP26, which ignited a surge of fossil fuel industry influence and greenwashing. While earlier COPs like COP3 set the foundation, COP26 made it impossible to ignore who these summits are really for. Over 500 fossil fuel lobbyists were present, more than any country’s single delegation, and more than the total number of representatives from the most climate vulnerable nations combined (source).This was not a flaw in the process. This was the process. Inside the Blue Zone, oil executives and carbon traders ran panels while Indigenous people were shut out. The industries fueling climate collapse were prioritized. Frontline communities were left with surveillance, side events, or silence. COP26 didn’t just accommodate fossil fuel power, it handed it a badge and a microphone. Oil companies secured deeper access through sponsorships and side events, pushing carbon markets and voluntary commitments instead of binding action.At COP28, there were approximately 2,456 fossil fuel lobbyists, over 900 more than the total number of delegates from the ten most climate vulnerable countries, which numbered around 1,500 (source). Indigenous people and other climate activists made up only a small fraction of that number. The UAE’s state oil company had access to summit emails (source), while COP28 president Sultan Ahmed Al Jaber used his power to pursue $100 billion in oil and gas deals (source).During COP29 the fossil fuel industry dominated the conversation. They bought access by sponsoring events, and shaped the entire agenda. Chevron, BP, ExxonMobil, Shell, Glencore and TotalEnergies pushed carbon trading schemes and false climate solutions while the planet burned (source). This was never about protecting the environment. Indigenous and frontline activists were pushed aside and silenced. COP29 made it clear: these summits serve capital, not people. COP30 is accelerating the greenwashing that is central to COP.As the international spotlight shines on the Amazon, the greenwashing only intensifies. From November 10-21 COP30 will take place in Belém, the capital of Pará, Brazil in the heart of the Amazon. The summit is being presented as a milestone for climate action while politicians fast track the destruction of the environment. During a visit to Pará in August 2023, President Lula said: “I leave Pará with the certainty that we are going to hold the best COP in history (source). But what is the reality? What does COP30 mean for the people actually living in the Amazon? Who is it really for?As COP30 draws attention to the Amazon, corporate greenwashing takes many forms. On September 17th, the mining company Vale S.A. and Rock in Rio hosted the music festival “Amazon Forever” (source). The festival was a thinly veiled attempt to sanitize the image of a mining giant with a legacy of poisoning and displacing Indigenous communities in Indonesia (source) and the Brazilian Amazon. In February 2025, Brazil’s Federal Prosecutor’s Office filed a lawsuit against Vale, the Brazilian government, and the state of Pará over heavy metal contamination found in the Xikrin Indigenous people. A Federal University of Pará study revealed dangerously high levels of lead, mercury, and nickel in the hair of nearly all 720 individuals surveyed in the Xikrin do Cateté Indigenous Territory.This contamination is linked to Vale’s nickel mining operations at Onça-Puma, which polluted the Cateté River, a vital water source for the community. Despite an agreement in 2022 for monthly compensation, health concerns were unaddressed, prompting legal action demanding a permanent health monitoring program and environmental oversight. Vale disputes responsibility, claiming its operations aren’t to blame and that it monitors water quality around its sites (source).In Pará, a COP30 project called Nova Doca dumps waste in poor Black neighborhoods while sewage systems serve the rich. Untreated sewage flows into local waters. This is environmental racism masked by greenwashing (source).The contradictions run so deep that even sacred guardians are being turned into COP30’s mascot. Curupira, a forest guardian whose feet face backwards to mislead hunters and invaders, has been chosen as the official mascot for COP30 (source). This choice feels like a mockery of Curupira. The government is pushing laws opening the door for land grabs, extraction, and displacement. Forests continue to burn. Curupira is not a mascot. Curupira does not forgive those who harm the forest. He takes revenge, and many attending COP30 would be the exact people he would take revenge on.COP30 is sold as a celebration of the Amazon, but the laws and destructive projects being pushed through tell a different story. The government fast tracked construction of Avenida Liberdade, a four lane highway that will cut through Indigenous and Quilombola territories (source).Quilombola are descendants of enslaved Africans who made Brazil their home, preserving their culture and freedom in remote areas. They have distinct identities and legal rights to their lands, which are constantly threatened by land grabs and development. They have stood in mutual solidarity with Indigenous peoples in Brazil, fighting together to defend their territories and cultures against exploitation.In Brazil, highways often cut through these lands. BR-163 cuts through Pará and Mato Grosso, built to move soy and used by land grabbers and illegal loggers. BR-319, set to be repaved through the Amazon, threatens dozens of communities with invasion and displacement. These roads don’t bring protection or progress, they bring violence and destruction. One recent incident occurred in December 2024, when Guarani Kaiowá and Terena communities protesting for basic access to drinking water faced violent repression by police forces who could quickly mobilize thanks to these roads (source). Such infrastructure facilitates state violence against Indigenous resistance, widening the threats faced by these communities.As a Lakota, seeing brutalization of Guarani Kaiowá and Terena at the hands of military police for protesting for water painfully echoed the fight at Standing Rock. Water is sacred. Water is life. Violence is no accident, it’s embedded into law.Indigenous and Quilombola territories remain under threat and await proper demarcation. The Brazilian Senate passed bills that threaten land rights. In May, they approved PL 2159/21, the Devastation Bill, which dismantles Brazil’s environmental licensing system, making it easier for corporations to push through destructive projects. It accelerates deforestation, putting 32.6% of Indigenous lands and 80.1% of Quilombola territories at risk. On the final day permitted by law, President Lula vetoed 63 of the bill’s nearly 400 provisions, including clauses that would have allowed medium-impact projects to bypass full environmental review and provisions that would have excluded Indigenous and Quilombola communities from consultation. While these vetoes preserve some environmental protections, the law still allows the federal government to accelerate certain ‘strategic’ projects, leaving communities and ecosystems at continued risk (source).Lula recently approved an offshore oil drilling project near the mouth of the Amazon River, signaling continued support for fossil fuel extraction even as COP30 approaches (source). This decision highlights the tension between Brazil’s role as host of a major climate summit and its ongoing promotion of environmentally destructive projects. Days after the Senate approved the Devastation Bill, PL 717/24 was approved (source). If it becomes law, it would suspend the demarcation of Indigenous and Quilombola lands, including Imbuh and Morro dos Cavalos.In April, after decades of struggle, the Guarani Mbya finally had Morro dos Cavalos officially recognized, but that recognition is already under threat.Helder Barbalho, Governor of Pará, is a driving force behind many issues linked to COP30. Under his administration, public funds are funneled into symbolic projects like fake metal trees in Belém, while forests are cleared for the Avenida Liberdade highway, which cuts through Indigenous and Quilombola territories. He inherited a political machine built to protect elites and reward exploitation from his father.Barbalho is using the summit to push the lie of his self-proclaimed title of “Green Governor.” In September 2024, during New York Climate Week, he made a $180 million carbon credit deal with the LEAF Coalition, involving Amazon and the Walmart Foundation. Helder claimed Indigenous participation, but 38 organizations from Pará publicly denounced the lack of consultation. The deal, aiming to sell 12 million tons of credits, faces legal challenges for violating Brazilian law and pre-selling carbon without consulting them (source).Barbalho drapes himself in the image of the Amazon while pushing its destruction through agribusiness, mining, logging, and infrastructure. His inherited corruption fuels land grabbing and deforestation. According to his 2022 disclosure, he owns over 6,000 head of cattle valued at about $2.87 million (combining $2.5 million for cattle and $370,000 share in Agropecuária Rio Branco), with total assets near $3.9 million (source).The hypocrisy of politicians like Barbalho, who present themselves as champions of the environment, mirrors what happens on the global stage, just as what Txai Suruí, an Indigenous leader and activist from Brazil experienced during COP16, the United Nations Biodiversity Conference held in Cali, Colombia in 2024. While COP16 focused on biodiversity under the Convention on Biological Diversity process, COP30 continues that agenda under a different frame. Both are UN environmental summits addressing overlapping and inseparable issues.At COP16, Txai Suruí was protesting against Marco Temporal, a dangerous, anti-Indigenous legal argument in Brazil that threatens Indigenous land rights by claiming only lands occupied before 1988 should be recognized. All of Brazil is, and always has been Indigenous land. During the protest, she described how a UN security guard grabbed her arm. “She grabbed me by the arm and my hands are painted red, which symbolizes our blood. And she said: you got me dirty. Then she twisted my arm. That’s when I started screaming for help. I was scared, I didn’t expect it.” According to Txai, she and other activists had their badges forcibly removed and they were detained in a COP security room (source). Txai and other protesters complied with demands, but they were still met with violence and detained, having their badges temporarily stripped. This violence and repression illustrate the ongoing struggles Indigenous peoples face, not only politically with attacks like Marco Temporal but also physically, even within international forums that claim to protect biodiversity and the climate.As Indigenous leaders continue to resist the corporate and political forces shaping COP30, their frustration is expressed in clear and uncompromising words. Auricélia Arapiuns, president of COIAB (Coordenação das Organizações Indígenas da Amazônia Brasileira), stated:“COP30 is as much a farce as the Governor of this state, who is a farce. And it’s a farce that attacks the rights of Indigenous peoples and nature every day.”Her words capture the deep mistrust many Indigenous peoples hold toward a summit that claims to protect the Amazon while allowing continued exploitation.Aílton Krenak, Indigenous leader and philosopher, has criticized the use of the Amazon as symbolic cover for climate inaction. In an interview with Cenarium in February 2025, he stated: “The Amazon cannot be the symbol of COP30. It is the territory where this global event will take place, but it will very likely come at a high social cost. I do not imagine that local communities will receive direct benefits from this event.” He warned that turning the Amazon into a symbol erases the lives, cultures, and resistance of its peoples, substituting deep structural justice with superficial branding. For Krenak, framing the Amazon as a symbol while extractive policies continue is not just cynical. It is a betrayal of the forest’s living communities and ancestral knowledge.Alessandra Korap Munduruku has called COP30 what it is: a violation and a betrayal of land and people. At TEDxAmazônia in Belém, she denounced COP30 and the empty promises behind the summit:“We realize that we, Indigenous peoples, are sick because of mining, because of mercury. Every time we sit with researchers, they say women’s breast milk is contaminated with mercury, women’s wombs are contaminated with mercury. This shouldn’t exist. But what solution will they bring? Will COP bring this solution?”“We know it’s 30 years of COP, but what we see is a COP of business, agreements, parties, festivals, not solving the problems happening in the territory. They are trying to erase us, but we keep fighting, speaking, shouting, so they hear the needs of Indigenous peoples, Quilombola peoples, and traditional peoples. It is our duty to shout, and their obligation to act.” Korap is not just rejecting commodification. She is naming the lie: the Amazon is being used to sell the illusion of climate justice, while the people who have defended it for generations are silenced, sidelined, or sold out.COP30, like its predecessors, must be scrutinized through this lens. Indigenous peoples continue to resist both political and physical violence while fighting to protect their territories and ways of life. You cannot talk about climate justice while threatening the rights of the people who have protected these ecosystems for centuries. You cannot continue to exploit and exclude the Global South while pushing false solutions, deepening debt, and criminalizing resistance."
}
,
{
"title" : "The Real Test for Zohran Mamdani—and the Rest of Us",
"author" : "Collis Browne",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/the-real-test-for-zohran-mamdani-and-the-rest-of-us",
"date" : "2025-11-06 11:39:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Zohran-bridge-parade.jpg",
"excerpt" : "“We have toppled a political dynasty,” Zohran Mamdani, mayor-elect of New York City, triumphantly exclaimed during his victory speech late Tuesday night, Nov. 4, in Brooklyn, NY. After a year-long arduous campaign against disgraced former NY governor, Andrew Cuomo, Mamdani’s win feels historic—because it is. One only needed to feel the energy in NYC on election night to understand the gravity of its importance: a palpable hope, inspiring people across the ideological spectrum and around the world that someone can boldly challenge the corrupt political and economic status quo and win.",
"content" : "“We have toppled a political dynasty,” Zohran Mamdani, mayor-elect of New York City, triumphantly exclaimed during his victory speech late Tuesday night, Nov. 4, in Brooklyn, NY. After a year-long arduous campaign against disgraced former NY governor, Andrew Cuomo, Mamdani’s win feels historic—because it is. One only needed to feel the energy in NYC on election night to understand the gravity of its importance: a palpable hope, inspiring people across the ideological spectrum and around the world that someone can boldly challenge the corrupt political and economic status quo and win.But here’s the thing: while Mamdani’s win is certainly encouraging, no one should be surprised by it. The overwhelming majority of the global population is bound by a shared experience of being crushed by corporate capitalism and its stranglehold on governments and the people. So any politician aiming to do literally anything to oppose corruption and economic exploitation already has an advantage. Mamdani’s message was simple, and it spoke to the majority. It was “The Rent is Too Damn High” for a new generation, without the satire, and it worked. (Not to mention, he’s charming.)But now the harder part actually starts: the work that it takes to create change. Not only for Mamdani—but for us, too.The pushback from Republicans and establishment Democrats alike is going to be strong and sustained. And they will come together to sabotage this movement with every tool they have in city hall, in the media, and elsewhere.They will try, like they do with the majority of progressive politicians, to neutralize the threat Mamdani poses to the status quo: first, by sabotaging his efforts to enact his agenda. (We’ve seen this happen with Brandon Johnson, the current mayor of Chicago, who ran on a progressive platform and has received major pushback from establishment politicians.) Second, by sustaining a lengthy war of attrition on Mamdani’s morals against the status quo and corrupt systems, wearing him down into submission. More sinisterly, Republicans may even try to co-opt this message. Conservative businessman and former U.S. presidential candidate Vivek Ramaswamy’s response to Mamdani’s win was, “We got our a** handed to us; … Our side needs to focus on affordability.”If this forces a broader focus on economic equality, great. But more likely, it could signal a path to hollow out a truly progressive agenda with more lies and lip service.Despite all of these obstacles, Mamdani still has a number of cards that he can play to create change.Immediately, he can make several new appointments and key hires in city government: Deputy Mayors, commissioners of more than 80 departments and agencies like DOT, DOE, NYPD, FDNY, DEP, DSNY; Rent Guidelines Board (RGB) for rent freezes or reductions; City Planning Commission (CPC) which has huge power over housing justice; Taxi & Limousine Commission (TLC) which regulates rideshare and taxi workers; the Board of Correction (BOC), an oversight body that is crucial to a decarceration agenda; the Economic Development Corporation (EDC) which controls billions in contracts, development projects, and waterfront property; the Workforce Development Board which shapes labor policy, job programs, and union partnerships; and even the Head of the NYC Law Department, who could change the city’s litigation strategies to drop harmful suits, defend protesters, or pursue housing violations.All these major systems can begin to immediately implement a more egalitarian and justice-based progressive agenda. He can also freeze the rent for millions of New Yorkers by appointing supportive members to the Rent Board (provided Eric Adams doesn’t replace all the members with expired terms before his official tenure in December). He can certainly enact the city-run grocery stores, and use the kluge that the Trump administration is using à go-go— the Executive Order—to fast-track some of his policies.But there are three crucial things he can’t do alone and where we, as constituents, cannot take a back seat. He will not be able to get a budget passed in the City Council without citizen pressure on their local borough presidents and city council members. He will also not be able to get a 2% tax hike on the ultra-wealthy passed in Albany or make buses free without Gov. Kathy Hochul’s support. (Hochul, being a notorious establishment Democrat, might give him trouble on this.)Yes, he won, and that is great news. Let’s celebrate it. But this can’t be politics “as usual.” Now, we who pledged our support for these policies must show up and make it clear to the rest of the political system that our demands must be met."
}
,
{
"title" : "Black Liberation Views on Palestine",
"author" : "EIP Editors",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/black-liberation-on-palestine",
"date" : "2025-10-17 09:01:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/mandela-keffiyeh.jpg",
"excerpt" : "",
"content" : "In understanding global politics, it is important to look at Black liberation struggles as one important source of moral perspective. So, when looking at Palestine, we look to Black leaders to see how they perceived the Palestinian struggle in relation to theirs, from the 1960’s to today.Why must we understand where the injustice lies? Because, as Desmond Tutu famously said, “If you are neutral in situations of injustice, you have chosen the side of the oppressor.”{% for person in site.data.quotes-black-liberation-palestine %}{{ person.name }}{% for quote in person.quotes %}“{{ quote.text }}”{% if quote.source %}— {{ quote.source }}{% endif %}{% endfor %}{% endfor %}"
}
]
}