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Gaza’s Very Own Hind Khoudary

CÉLINE SEMAAN: Before you became a journalist working with Al Jazeera, what did you study? What were your interests?
HIND KHOUDARY: I started working in journalism in 2017. I used to work as a translator before I became a journalist. My interest was always writing. This is how I discovered myself. I used to write diaries; I would spend hours every day writing when I was a child. I would hide what I wrote underneath my clothes in my closet. The first time I published something I wrote, I felt exposed. Fortunately, I always get very nice feedback from editors. Covering the Great March of Return in 2017 and 2018 kick- started my career.
CÉLINE:Where are your diaries from childhood now?
HIND: They’re all gone. I never thought our house would be bombed. Every time I go to the house I search for stuff, but I have never found any of my journals. I can’t write anymore, and it’s something that’s suffocating me… even writing a caption for a story or a post, I can’t do that anymore. It’s fucking hurting me; it’s breaking my heart. I used writing as a tool to help myself, to express myself, to document everything, and I’m not able to do it. I got new pens and new notebooks. They’re all blank. I can’t write anymore.
I’m taking pictures of stuff… when I want to write something, I’ll go to the pictures and remember what I wanted to write. I’m a Cancer, and Cancer is a water sign. My house was a street away from the beach when I was a kid. I used to see the beach from my windows. It’s the only place where I find peace, because all I hear are the waves and the water. I look at the sky, I don’t hear drones, I don’t hear explosions. The sea is my best friend. I love it. It’s my escape.
CÉLINE: How has it been now that Israel is bombing Gaza more intensely? It’s something we can’t even wrap our heads around, because it was already so awful. How is it now? Give us a little update… what is going on right now in Gaza?
HIND: I think this period is the worst since the war started. People returned to their houses after the ceasefire. They tried to fix whatever they could fix, build their houses, despite the rubble, despite the destruction, despite everything. Some people pitched their tents on top of their bombed house. It was very hopeful. For a couple of months, we were very hopeful, and everyone was like, we’re not going to leave again. Whatever happens, we want to die here… until everything started once again. The massive bombardment started again. They’re bombing in a very crazy way. My friends are telling me that they find quadcopters (military drones) inside their houses. So most of the Palestinians were forced to flee again.
We’re living the same exact story once again; we’ve lived through the famine and then the displacement, and then the ground invasion… and there’s going to be another famine in the next couple of months. It suffocates you. We’re not Supermen or Batmen. If you stay, you’re going to either die and get buried in a mass grave or get arrested. There’s no other option. It’s very traumatizing. It’s very hard. Documenting this over and over again is hitting me hard because I can’t do anything about it. There’s nothing we can do. We’re in this cycle of violence, and nothing else can happen. And the worst thing is those explosive robots. They destroy entire houses. It’s this new technology where there’s no body left or anything. So all of this makes this the worst period ever.
CÉLINE: It’s terrible. The news coming from Gaza is being censored, so it’s very hard for us to follow what’s going on. How is it to document this while it’s happening? It must be very difficult. Are there any protocols you guys follow? How do you make sure that you are at least able to record something?
HIND: Every single day, when we wake up, we start counting the people who were recorded as deceased by the hospitals. Dozens are killed every day. No civil defense team, no crew can reach them, no one knows about them. So my reporting is not accurate, because we are not able to reach all the people. There are 1000s of Palestinians buried under rubble, and no one knows anything about where they are or how many are buried. I met dozens of families that were searching every single day for one bone of their family member, a bone, anything, just anything from whatever is left of them. There is nothing to say goodbye to, no body. So, yes, we try to document as much as possible, but our numbers are totally inaccurate.
CÉLINE: And even the cemeteries are being bombed. You are in a place that is being actively erased.
HIND: I went to the burial of a friend, and all of the graves were bombed. Why would you destroy someone’s grave? What is the point of doing something like that? It literally made me feel like: is this real? Why is this happening? Even after you die, come on… there’s nothing left to destroy.
CÉLINE: I’m sure the word resilience sounds more like an insult at this point, because I feel that as well. I myself am struggling to stay strong. I renew my strength by witnessing you every day. You’re holding the world on your shoulders at this moment, yet you remain soft. I’m sure people ask you: How do you find hope? But I want to ask you if you feel closer to God in this experience?
HIND: Losing everything, your beloved ones, your family members, your house, your future, your city; it’s a lot to handle. I always pray: God, give me the strength to continue. God, give me the strength to finish this till the end. The only thing I want to do is to reach the end. That’s what I want. And without God, I could never do this. We need strength, we need hope. But at the same time, we are very disappointed. I was sitting with a group of journalists, and a correspondent looked at the sky and said, “God, do something. Do something right now!” We all started screaming and shouting, “Do something. Please, do something.” It’s a love- hate relationship. It’s not knowing what to do, and at the same time, calling Him all the time, talking to Him all the time, asking Him to intervene.
CÉLINE: Do people ask you why you aren’t escaping? How do you keep in touch with your family abroad? I’m sure they must be worried.
HIND: I remember the fights I had with my family during the first weeks and months of the war when I decided not to leave. I want to be here because I want to experience everything. I would never walk away and leave my people. I send my family a message every now and then; that’s how I maintain my relationship with them. I have a lot of friends who are very worried, and they’re always texting. It’s not that I don’t want to text back or call back, but I don’t have anything to say. I don’t want to tell you I’m not okay because I don’t want to talk about it. Of course, I want to share everything, but I don’t have the capacity right now. I’m mentally exhausted. Everyone has been very understanding. Even if I don’t reply, they still send emojis. My brother always sends me videos laughing or singing. It was a very tough decision to stay. However, I do not regret it.
CÉLINE: I completely understand. I wanted to go to Gaza at the start of the war, but I couldn’t because I’m Lebanese. I was obsessed. I really wanted to be there. It’s very hard to watch it, but I know it’s harder to live it… I was reading your tweets yesterday night before bed. I feel you’re talking to somebody. I wondered if that person read your tweets?
HIND: Every app has a different part of me. Twitter is my diary; I love tweeting what I feel on that app. The heart of me is posting on Instagram. I love posting my feelings, but I also like to share stuff. I share what I see, what I feel, everything. I don’t post what I post on Facebook on Instagram or on Twitter. My feelings are very complicated. I was feeling neglected, as if someone had given up on me. I didn’t want to go through that onmyown.Yes,Ichosetobeonmyown.I thought I would be okay, but at the end of the day, you need someone to cry to, you need someone to hug, you need someone to express yourself to. You need someone to lean on.
CÉLINE: You’re going through a heartbreak, and you’re going through the destruction of your city, and you’re going through displacement… it’s beyond human. And as you said, we are not superheroes. I watch you, and I send you prayers and so much love. I was happy when I saw you dressed in a cute outfit the other day…
HIND: I try. I’m still picky about what I drink and eat, despite the fact that there are no options. I’m trying to save this part of myself. I am the person I am, and I’m happy that nothing has changed me.
CÉLINE: Again, I was reading your Twitter, and I felt like this experience is pushing a lot of people to their limits. Nonetheless, many people here are romanticizing the situation. They’re like, “Oh, it’s so inspiring. People are coming together and helping one another…” When, in reality, people are suffering. How do you describe the situation? Are people able to remain in solidarity? Or is it breaking people apart?
HIND: It’s breaking people apart. Imagine losing everything you have and then being thrown on the streets. Your family is in danger, or you’ve lost your family. You’ve lost everything you have, you’re starved, you don’t have an income. Everything that would make you stay the human you are is gone. For example, there are people who jump on the trucks to grab a bag of flour before anyone else can get it. Do you think these people ever thought they would end up here one day? People are starving, like literally, people are starving and if they do not do this, their family will not eat that day. They are forced to be the worst version of themselves.
Before the war, I never felt afraid in Gaza. I felt like these are my people. This is my home. I’ve never felt scared at home, but for the first time, I am scared when I’m home. Who are these people? I feel as if I’m living with zombies. When I’m working, I am always scared of people. I never felt like this before. I worked in all parts of Gaza. I went to houses, I protested. I never felt afraid that someone would harm me. But now I feel afraid when I’m on camera. I try to build a connection with people, but at the same time, I know that the person who was cursing at me or threatening me would never curse if he had not just walked for seven hours, barefoot and under fire from his house to where I am reporting… He doesn’t know where to go. The social fabric is literally destroyed.
Everyone knows the people of Gaza for their generosity and their kindness… and I’ve found some people who are still like this, even at this point. I’ll go into a tent to cover a story, and the people there insist on collecting wood, lighting a fire, and boiling water just so they can offer me tea. Gazans are still Gazans, but at the same time, the situation and the toll it’s taking is stronger than the people.
CÉLINE: It feels that collective action has taken on a whole other meaning for most people in the West, because here they are very individualistic. They don’t really do collective action. But we’ve seen a big, big change. But still, it’s not enough.
HIND: We in Gaza feel like it’s not the same effort anymore. We used to see more stuff. We’re not seeing any. The killing of at least 270 journalists is not shaking the world. People in mass graves is not shaking the world. Nothing is shaking the world. Nothing is stopping this. What people need to understand is, people do not have internet in Gaza. They do not know. We’re under fire. We’re surrounded by Israeli tanks and soldiers. People don’t have water, they don’t have food, they don’t have electricity, they don’t have internet. They have nothing, literally nothing.
I’m telling you about the regular people, not journalists and people who are connected. People are busy surviving in Gaza. People in Gaza line up for four hours for 10 liters of water. This is for a whole family to drink, to cook with, and to shower with. Ten liters of water for the whole family, and they wait four to five hours every single day to get it. I totally appreciate everyone’s efforts. I would not say anything other than that, but Gaza needs more. It definitely needs more action.
CÉLINE: I know you said that you’re holding on to not being changed, but ultimately, this experience has changed you. How has it changed you?
HIND: I’ve become more patient. I’m more peaceful. I was always a revolutionary. But after losing a lot, I’ve become very patient, very quiet. I wasn’t this quiet. I was always crazy. But the heartbreaks make you very sad. You become a person who doesn’t ask for anything.
CÉLINE: What message would you like to send to the people of the world?
HIND: I want to tell the world that Gaza still needs them. We still need you guys to do something.
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{
"article":
{
"title" : "Gaza’s Very Own Hind Khoudary",
"author" : "Hind Khoudary, Céline Semaan",
"category" : "interviews",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/hind-khoudary-gazas-very-own",
"date" : "2025-11-21 09:01:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Hind-Khoudairy-Nourie-Flayhan.jpg",
"excerpt" : "",
"content" : "CÉLINE SEMAAN: Before you became a journalist working with Al Jazeera, what did you study? What were your interests?HIND KHOUDARY: I started working in journalism in 2017. I used to work as a translator before I became a journalist. My interest was always writing. This is how I discovered myself. I used to write diaries; I would spend hours every day writing when I was a child. I would hide what I wrote underneath my clothes in my closet. The first time I published something I wrote, I felt exposed. Fortunately, I always get very nice feedback from editors. Covering the Great March of Return in 2017 and 2018 kick- started my career.CÉLINE:Where are your diaries from childhood now?HIND: They’re all gone. I never thought our house would be bombed. Every time I go to the house I search for stuff, but I have never found any of my journals. I can’t write anymore, and it’s something that’s suffocating me… even writing a caption for a story or a post, I can’t do that anymore. It’s fucking hurting me; it’s breaking my heart. I used writing as a tool to help myself, to express myself, to document everything, and I’m not able to do it. I got new pens and new notebooks. They’re all blank. I can’t write anymore.I’m taking pictures of stuff… when I want to write something, I’ll go to the pictures and remember what I wanted to write. I’m a Cancer, and Cancer is a water sign. My house was a street away from the beach when I was a kid. I used to see the beach from my windows. It’s the only place where I find peace, because all I hear are the waves and the water. I look at the sky, I don’t hear drones, I don’t hear explosions. The sea is my best friend. I love it. It’s my escape.CÉLINE: How has it been now that Israel is bombing Gaza more intensely? It’s something we can’t even wrap our heads around, because it was already so awful. How is it now? Give us a little update… what is going on right now in Gaza?HIND: I think this period is the worst since the war started. People returned to their houses after the ceasefire. They tried to fix whatever they could fix, build their houses, despite the rubble, despite the destruction, despite everything. Some people pitched their tents on top of their bombed house. It was very hopeful. For a couple of months, we were very hopeful, and everyone was like, we’re not going to leave again. Whatever happens, we want to die here… until everything started once again. The massive bombardment started again. They’re bombing in a very crazy way. My friends are telling me that they find quadcopters (military drones) inside their houses. So most of the Palestinians were forced to flee again.We’re living the same exact story once again; we’ve lived through the famine and then the displacement, and then the ground invasion… and there’s going to be another famine in the next couple of months. It suffocates you. We’re not Supermen or Batmen. If you stay, you’re going to either die and get buried in a mass grave or get arrested. There’s no other option. It’s very traumatizing. It’s very hard. Documenting this over and over again is hitting me hard because I can’t do anything about it. There’s nothing we can do. We’re in this cycle of violence, and nothing else can happen. And the worst thing is those explosive robots. They destroy entire houses. It’s this new technology where there’s no body left or anything. So all of this makes this the worst period ever.CÉLINE: It’s terrible. The news coming from Gaza is being censored, so it’s very hard for us to follow what’s going on. How is it to document this while it’s happening? It must be very difficult. Are there any protocols you guys follow? How do you make sure that you are at least able to record something?HIND: Every single day, when we wake up, we start counting the people who were recorded as deceased by the hospitals. Dozens are killed every day. No civil defense team, no crew can reach them, no one knows about them. So my reporting is not accurate, because we are not able to reach all the people. There are 1000s of Palestinians buried under rubble, and no one knows anything about where they are or how many are buried. I met dozens of families that were searching every single day for one bone of their family member, a bone, anything, just anything from whatever is left of them. There is nothing to say goodbye to, no body. So, yes, we try to document as much as possible, but our numbers are totally inaccurate.CÉLINE: And even the cemeteries are being bombed. You are in a place that is being actively erased.HIND: I went to the burial of a friend, and all of the graves were bombed. Why would you destroy someone’s grave? What is the point of doing something like that? It literally made me feel like: is this real? Why is this happening? Even after you die, come on… there’s nothing left to destroy.CÉLINE: I’m sure the word resilience sounds more like an insult at this point, because I feel that as well. I myself am struggling to stay strong. I renew my strength by witnessing you every day. You’re holding the world on your shoulders at this moment, yet you remain soft. I’m sure people ask you: How do you find hope? But I want to ask you if you feel closer to God in this experience?HIND: Losing everything, your beloved ones, your family members, your house, your future, your city; it’s a lot to handle. I always pray: God, give me the strength to continue. God, give me the strength to finish this till the end. The only thing I want to do is to reach the end. That’s what I want. And without God, I could never do this. We need strength, we need hope. But at the same time, we are very disappointed. I was sitting with a group of journalists, and a correspondent looked at the sky and said, “God, do something. Do something right now!” We all started screaming and shouting, “Do something. Please, do something.” It’s a love- hate relationship. It’s not knowing what to do, and at the same time, calling Him all the time, talking to Him all the time, asking Him to intervene.CÉLINE: Do people ask you why you aren’t escaping? How do you keep in touch with your family abroad? I’m sure they must be worried.HIND: I remember the fights I had with my family during the first weeks and months of the war when I decided not to leave. I want to be here because I want to experience everything. I would never walk away and leave my people. I send my family a message every now and then; that’s how I maintain my relationship with them. I have a lot of friends who are very worried, and they’re always texting. It’s not that I don’t want to text back or call back, but I don’t have anything to say. I don’t want to tell you I’m not okay because I don’t want to talk about it. Of course, I want to share everything, but I don’t have the capacity right now. I’m mentally exhausted. Everyone has been very understanding. Even if I don’t reply, they still send emojis. My brother always sends me videos laughing or singing. It was a very tough decision to stay. However, I do not regret it.CÉLINE: I completely understand. I wanted to go to Gaza at the start of the war, but I couldn’t because I’m Lebanese. I was obsessed. I really wanted to be there. It’s very hard to watch it, but I know it’s harder to live it… I was reading your tweets yesterday night before bed. I feel you’re talking to somebody. I wondered if that person read your tweets?HIND: Every app has a different part of me. Twitter is my diary; I love tweeting what I feel on that app. The heart of me is posting on Instagram. I love posting my feelings, but I also like to share stuff. I share what I see, what I feel, everything. I don’t post what I post on Facebook on Instagram or on Twitter. My feelings are very complicated. I was feeling neglected, as if someone had given up on me. I didn’t want to go through that onmyown.Yes,Ichosetobeonmyown.I thought I would be okay, but at the end of the day, you need someone to cry to, you need someone to hug, you need someone to express yourself to. You need someone to lean on.CÉLINE: You’re going through a heartbreak, and you’re going through the destruction of your city, and you’re going through displacement… it’s beyond human. And as you said, we are not superheroes. I watch you, and I send you prayers and so much love. I was happy when I saw you dressed in a cute outfit the other day…HIND: I try. I’m still picky about what I drink and eat, despite the fact that there are no options. I’m trying to save this part of myself. I am the person I am, and I’m happy that nothing has changed me.CÉLINE: Again, I was reading your Twitter, and I felt like this experience is pushing a lot of people to their limits. Nonetheless, many people here are romanticizing the situation. They’re like, “Oh, it’s so inspiring. People are coming together and helping one another…” When, in reality, people are suffering. How do you describe the situation? Are people able to remain in solidarity? Or is it breaking people apart?HIND: It’s breaking people apart. Imagine losing everything you have and then being thrown on the streets. Your family is in danger, or you’ve lost your family. You’ve lost everything you have, you’re starved, you don’t have an income. Everything that would make you stay the human you are is gone. For example, there are people who jump on the trucks to grab a bag of flour before anyone else can get it. Do you think these people ever thought they would end up here one day? People are starving, like literally, people are starving and if they do not do this, their family will not eat that day. They are forced to be the worst version of themselves.Before the war, I never felt afraid in Gaza. I felt like these are my people. This is my home. I’ve never felt scared at home, but for the first time, I am scared when I’m home. Who are these people? I feel as if I’m living with zombies. When I’m working, I am always scared of people. I never felt like this before. I worked in all parts of Gaza. I went to houses, I protested. I never felt afraid that someone would harm me. But now I feel afraid when I’m on camera. I try to build a connection with people, but at the same time, I know that the person who was cursing at me or threatening me would never curse if he had not just walked for seven hours, barefoot and under fire from his house to where I am reporting… He doesn’t know where to go. The social fabric is literally destroyed.Everyone knows the people of Gaza for their generosity and their kindness… and I’ve found some people who are still like this, even at this point. I’ll go into a tent to cover a story, and the people there insist on collecting wood, lighting a fire, and boiling water just so they can offer me tea. Gazans are still Gazans, but at the same time, the situation and the toll it’s taking is stronger than the people.CÉLINE: It feels that collective action has taken on a whole other meaning for most people in the West, because here they are very individualistic. They don’t really do collective action. But we’ve seen a big, big change. But still, it’s not enough.HIND: We in Gaza feel like it’s not the same effort anymore. We used to see more stuff. We’re not seeing any. The killing of at least 270 journalists is not shaking the world. People in mass graves is not shaking the world. Nothing is shaking the world. Nothing is stopping this. What people need to understand is, people do not have internet in Gaza. They do not know. We’re under fire. We’re surrounded by Israeli tanks and soldiers. People don’t have water, they don’t have food, they don’t have electricity, they don’t have internet. They have nothing, literally nothing.I’m telling you about the regular people, not journalists and people who are connected. People are busy surviving in Gaza. People in Gaza line up for four hours for 10 liters of water. This is for a whole family to drink, to cook with, and to shower with. Ten liters of water for the whole family, and they wait four to five hours every single day to get it. I totally appreciate everyone’s efforts. I would not say anything other than that, but Gaza needs more. It definitely needs more action.CÉLINE: I know you said that you’re holding on to not being changed, but ultimately, this experience has changed you. How has it changed you?HIND: I’ve become more patient. I’m more peaceful. I was always a revolutionary. But after losing a lot, I’ve become very patient, very quiet. I wasn’t this quiet. I was always crazy. But the heartbreaks make you very sad. You become a person who doesn’t ask for anything.CÉLINE: What message would you like to send to the people of the world?HIND: I want to tell the world that Gaza still needs them. We still need you guys to do something."
}
,
"relatedposts": [
{
"title" : "Mercy Over Speed: Revolutionizing Our Political Imagination",
"author" : "Sue Ariza",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/mercy-over-speed",
"date" : "2025-12-11 13:40:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Cover_EIP_Mercy_Speed.jpg",
"excerpt" : "2025 was a masterclass in haste.",
"content" : "2025 was a masterclass in haste.Policies rushed to enact a merciless agenda that benefit only the few—President Donald Trump scrapped Biden’s AI executive order within hours of taking office, wiping out safety and transparency requirements as we enter a new digital age. Immigration officials were ordered to quadruple immigration arrests overnight. Food assistance was frozen while billions in relief funds sat unused; hunger used as a pawn in the longest government shutdown in American history. Entire communities pushed not just to autopilot, but to survival—by algorithms that cannot see them, by bureaucracies that cannot pause long enough to understand them, by political actors who confuse immediacy with leadership.Of course, the real crisis isn’t speed on its own. It’s what speed erases: attention, nuance, reflection, and the fundamental truth that human beings are not statistics or administrative burdens. Perhaps nowhere was this clearer than in the State Department’s human rights reports earlier this year. In the name of “streamlining,” references to prison abuse, LGBTQIA+ persecution, and attacks on human rights defenders were quietly removed. The language was technocratic—reduce redundancy, tidy up the narrative—but the effect was ideological: whole communities and categories of suffering erased from national memory.Because the truth is, what speed strategically, ruthlessly, obliterates is the one crucial political practice we need most: mercy.Our world has taught us to think of mercy in opposition to speed, too soft for our lived realities, though it’s anything but that: Mercy is the commitment to respond to harm, conflict, or complexity with clarity rather than panic—with discernment instead of reflex. Mercy is the refusal to collapse a person, an idea, or a crisis into something smaller than it is. Mercy is political imagination: the capacity to see beyond what urgency allows and stay with one another long enough to resist the reflexes that turn disagreement into instant judgment—so we can listen before we attack or defend.But what does mercy actually demand of us? For us to reclaim it politically, we first must understand what it means and how it offers a counter-rhythm to our frantic culture of speed and instant gratification.The word itself tells a story. Mercy comes from the Latin merces—wages, payment, the price of goods. Ancient Romans understood it as a transaction. But early Christians shifted the word toward the sacred: the spiritual reward for showing kindness where cruelty was expected. They moved a word about the marketplace into a vocabulary of grace.Judaism’s rachamim, Islam’s rahma, Buddhism’s karuṇā, and Hinduism’s dayā all insist on the same truth: mercy is a way of recognizing the sacredness in others.That transformation mirrors what mercy asks of us now: to move beyond the logic of exchange, beyond what is earned or owed. It asks us to look at someone who has caused pain, and instead of asking What do they deserve? ask, What does healing require here? It is seeing beyond someone’s worst moment and choosing curiosity over condemnation.But mercy is more than individual forgiveness. It is a way of moving through the world that assumes people are larger than their failures; that redemption remains possible; that, importantly, time is not a scarce resource, but something we can afford to give. Mercy requires attention—what French philosopher Simone Weil called “the rarest and purest form of generosity.” It is why American novelist James Baldwin described love as an active emotion: the daily labor of truly seeing another person, especially when the systems around us tell us to look away.The problem, however, is that attention is precisely what our culture has made almost impossible to give. We are overstimulated, overextended, algorithmically hijacked, not only bearing witness to incredible amounts of suffering, but scrolling past it. We don’t refuse mercy because we’re cruel. We refuse it because we’ve built a world that makes stopping feel unimaginable—impractical.This is why mercy is not opposed to speed; it is opposed to false urgency. There are moments when mercy requires swift, decisive intervention. The problem is not action—it’s reaction: the unexamined acceleration that mistakes immediacy for moral clarity and treats nuance as an inconvenience.Consider how the culture of speed is destabilizing basic public systems. Take the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) that feeds more than 42 million Americans. This year, households faced unprecedented threats to their benefits—not because their needs had changed, not because the money didn’t exist, but because the administration chose to let billions in contingency funds sit untouched. The crisis wasn’t a failure of capacity. It was a political choice dressed up as inevitability.Or look at the rush to implement AI—a race happening not because anyone has thought deeply about what these systems are for, but because companies fear being the last to adopt them. Across industries, AI is being plugged into hiring platforms, healthcare systems, education tools, corporate workflows, and crisis-response mechanisms, often with little understanding of the consequences. “Innovation” has become a justification to move faster than ethics, oversight, or even common sense can keep up. In that scramble to avoid falling behind, speed becomes a substitute for understanding what people actually need and for the mercy that governance requires.A merciful politics would insist that deliberation is not inefficiency but protection, and that slowing down is an ethical requirement. Because the stakes of leadership and governance without it are real: if AI systems are going to help determine who gets hired, who gets healthcare, who receives support, which students get flagged for discipline, then refusing to slow down is not neutrality—it is a political choice with human costs.Our addiction to speed also shapes how we respond to political disagreement. Our culture no longer rewards thinking or meaningful conversation. Instead, it rewards reacting. Watch how career Democrats responded to New York Assembly member Zohran Mamdani’s mayoral campaign in November. Rather than engaging with his proposals on housing, healthcare, or municipal governance, establishment voices moved immediately to demonization. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer withheld his endorsement entirely. His ideas required discussion, which takes time and attention. His vision challenged party orthodoxy, which requires deliberation to refute or incorporate. Instead of dialogue, we see instant censure, moral panic, and swift punishment.The speed of the response is the point. It signals that dissent is tolerable only when it can be quickly absorbed or quickly dismissed. Ideas that require conversation are treated as threats simply because they resist rapid processing. The issue isn’t whether Mamdani’s proposals are correct (and of course, it remains to be seen how they will actually be implemented); it’s that the reflex to demonize rather than debate reveals a political culture that has forgotten how to think collectively.We see this punitive speed logic everywhere. Students disciplined for language before conversations can happen. Social movements judged by headlines rather than the work. Communities criminalized in real time by social media cycles that flatten context into consumable outrage. We’ve built a society quicker to punish than to understand, quicker to condemn than to contextualize.But mercy could help us move differently. Mercy would refuse to relegate a person or an idea to a caricature simply because the truth requires time. Mercy asks us to hold uncertainty long enough to respond with discernment rather than reflex. It asks us to think—together.Legal scholar Matthias Mahlmann writes that dignity is “subversive,” an insistence that every human life carries irreducible worth. But dignity has a temporal requirement: you cannot witness another person’s humanity at speed. You cannot attend to the complexity of a life if you’re only interested in the fastest possible outcome.This is why systems built around optimization always feel so violent. Algorithmic welfare reviews, automated policing, real-time public shaming—all of them demand that human beings be compressed into categories that can be processed quickly. The violence isn’t just in the outcome; it’s in the refusal of attention itself.Mercy and dignity are inseparable. Dignity names the inherent worth that every person carries; mercy is the discipline that protects that worth in practice. Dignity says there is something unbreakable in each of us. Mercy is how we honor that unbreakable thing, especially when harm or conflict tempts us to forget it. What would shift if our reflex wasn’t How fast can we react?, but How deeply can we understand? What becomes possible when we refuse to hurry past another person’s humanity?Mercy is not sentiment. It is resistance. It is the refusal of dignity fatigue. It is the discipline of witnessing: in political policy, in the conversations we have, in how we treat each other’s failures and hopes. 2025 taught us what haste can destroy. The question now is whether we’re willing to build something slower—and more human—in its place."
}
,
{
"title" : "What We Can Learn from the Inuit Mapping of the Arctic",
"author" : "William Rankin",
"category" : "excerpts",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/inuit-mapping-arctic",
"date" : "2025-12-02 12:49:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Cover_EIP_Template-Inuit_Map.jpg",
"excerpt" : "This excerpt is from RADICAL CARTOGRAPHY by William Rankin, published by Viking, an imprint of Penguin Publishing Group, a division of Penguin Random House, LLC. Copyright © 2025 by William Rankin.",
"content" : "This excerpt is from RADICAL CARTOGRAPHY by William Rankin, published by Viking, an imprint of Penguin Publishing Group, a division of Penguin Random House, LLC. Copyright © 2025 by William Rankin.In 1994, the Berkeley geographer Bernard Nietschmann made a famous claim about the power of mapping in the global struggle for Indigenous rights. It was a claim about how the tools of historical oppression could be reclaimed by the oppressed: “More Indigenous territory has been claimed by maps than by guns. This assertion has its corollary: more Indigenous territory can be defended and reclaimed by maps than by guns.” The idea was that by putting themselves on the map—documenting their lives and their communities—Indigenous peoples would not be so easy to erase. Nietschmann was working in Central America, often heroically, during a time of violence and displacement, and he inspired a generation of researchers and activists interested in flipping the power structure of state-centric cartography on its head.But despite the spread of bottom-up mapping projects in the past 30 years, perhaps the most successful example of Indigenous mapping actually predates Nietschmann’s call to action. Just one year prior, in 1993, the Inuit of northern Canada signed a treaty creating the territory of Nunavut—the largest self-governing Indigenous territory in the world—and mapping was central to both the negotiation and the outcome. It remains one of the rare cases of Indigenous geographic knowledge decolonizing the world map.So why hasn’t the Inuit project been replicable elsewhere, despite decades more work on Indigenous mapping? The answer lies in the very idea of territory itself, and in particular in one of the most threatened parts of the Inuit landscape today: ice. The winter extent of Arctic sea ice reached a record low earlier this year, and a new low is predicted for the winter ahead. Yet the shrinking ice isn’t just an unshakable sign of Arctic warming; it’s also a poignant reminder of what Nietschmann got right—and what he missed—about the relationship between cartography and power. In particular, it shows how Inuit conceptions of space, place, and belonging are rooted in a dynamic, seasonal geography that’s often completely invisible on Western-style maps.The story begins in the 1970s, when the young Inuit leader Tagak Curley, today considered a “living father” of Nunavut, hired the Arctic anthropologist Milton Freeman to lead a collaborative mapping project of unprecedented scope and ambition. Freeman taught at McMaster University about an hour outside Toronto; he was white, but his wife, Mini Aodla Freeman, was Inuit (she was a translator and later a celebrated writer). Freeman assembled a team of other anthropologists and Arctic geographers—also white—to split the mapping into regions. They called their method the “map biography.” The goal was to capture the life history of every Inuit hunter in cartographic form, recording each person’s memories of where, at any point in their life, they had found roughly three dozen species of wildlife—from caribou and ptarmigan to beluga, narwhal, and seaweed. Each map biography would be a testimony of personal experience.After the mapping was split into regions, about 150 field-workers—almost all Inuit—traveled between 33 northern settlements with a stack of government-issued topographic maps to conduct interviews. Each hunter was asked to draw lines or shapes directly on the maps with colored pens or pencils. The interviewers stayed about 10 weeks in each settlement, visiting most hunters in their own homes, and the final participation rate was an astonishing 85 percent of all adult Inuit men. They collected 1,600 biographies in total, some on maps as large as 10 feet square.Then came the cartographers, back in Ontario: one professor and a team of about 15 students. The first map below (Figure 1) shows how the individual map biographies were transformed into summary maps, one for each community. For every species, the overlap of all hunters’ testimony became a single blob, and then blobs for all species were overlaid to make a complete map. The second map (Figure 2) shows one of the finished atlas pages along the Northwest Passage. The immediate impression is that the Arctic is in no way an empty expanse of barren land and unclaimed mineral riches. It is dense with human activity, necessary for personal and collective survival. The community maps combined to show almost uninterrupted Inuit presence stretching from northern Labrador to the Alaska border.Figure 1: Top left is a simplified version of a “map biography” from a single Inuit hunter, showing his birthplace and the places he hunted caribou, fox, wolf, grizzly bear, moose, and fish at various points in his life. (The original biography would have been drawn over a familiar government-issued topographic map.) The other three maps show how multiple biographies were then combined into patterned blobs for all hunters and all species. (Map courtesy of William Rankin/ Penguin Random House LLC.)Figure 2: A two-page spread from the finished atlas showing the seven kinds of animals hunted from the settlements of Igloolik and Hall Beach, in an area about 500 by 300 miles: caribou, polar bear, walrus, whale, fish, seal, and waterfowl. (Because of the large number of individual species recorded in the map biographies, some species were grouped together in the final maps.) The blobs are a strong, even overpowering figure atop an unusually subtle ground. Notice in particular how difficult it is to distinguish land and water areas, since the dark shading extends beyond coastlines even for individual species. This map in fact includes the Northwest Passage—the famous sea route around the tip of North America—but the crucial Fury and Hecla Strait (named after the two British ships that first learned of, but did not navigate, the passage in 1822) is almost entirely obscured. (Map courtesy of William Rankin/ Penguin Random House LLC.)Nothing about the cartography was meant to be subversive—or even controversial. For the cartographers, the only message was that the Inuit hunted a variety of species over large areas. But look again at the finished map in Figure 2. Yes, a foreground is layered over a background in the usual way, but the visual argument is strikingly different from a typical layered map in, say, a census atlas, where the foreground data doesn’t stray beyond crisp pre-existing borders. Here, in contrast, even the basic distinction between land and water is often obscure. The maps’ content is the facts of species and area; the maps’ argument is that Inuit culture is grounded in a substantially different understanding of territory than the one Western cartography was designed to show.As a result, this new atlas shifted the negotiations between the Inuit and the Canadian government decisively. Not only did the maps provide a legal claim to the Inuit-used land, documenting 750,000 square miles—an area the size of Mexico—but also a claim to the sea, showing an additional 325,000 square miles offshore.It took many years for the full implications to play out, but the erosion of the land–water boundary became central to the Inuit vision. At the time, wildlife on land was managed by the regional Northwest Territories government, while offshore marine species were the responsibility of centralized federal agencies. The Inuit used the atlas to win agreement for a new agency with equal responsibility over both. At the same time, the Inuit also improved their position by offering their offshore claims as evidence the Canadian government would use—not just in the 1980s, but even as recently as 2024—to resist foreign encroachment in the Northwest Passage. The final agreement in 1993 granted the Inuit $1.15 billion in cash, title to about 17 percent of the land in the “settlement area,” representation on several new management agencies, a share of all natural-resource revenue, broad hunting and fishing rights, and a promise that the territory of Nunavut would come into being on April 1, 1999.It’s easy to count this project as a success story, but it’s also important to remember that it depended both on the government’s own interest in negotiation and on the willingness of Indigenous peoples, or at least their leadership, to translate their sense of space onto a map, solidifying what had previously been fluid. It also meant abandoning claims to ancestral lands that had not been used in living experience and provoking new boundary disputes with neighboring, and previously amicable, Indigenous groups. These tradeoffs have led some scholars to critique mapping as only “drawing Indigenous peoples into a modern capitalist economy while maintaining the centrality of state power.” But for the Inuit, the alternatives seemed quite a bit worse.With the more recent proliferation of Indigenous mapping initiatives elsewhere—in Latin America, Africa, and Asia—the tradeoffs have been harder to evaluate. Most governments have shown little interest in addressing Indigenous claims, and when bottom-up mapping has been pushed instead by international nonprofits interested in environmental conservation, the downsides of mapping have often come without any of the upsides.Yet it’s not just the attitude of the state that’s been different; it’s also the cartography. In nearly all these other cases, the finished maps have shown none of the territorial inversion of the Inuit atlas. Instead, Indigenous knowledge is either overlaid on an existing base map in perfectly legible form, or it’s used to construct a new base map of a remarkably conventional sort, using the same visual vocabulary as Western maps.Did the Inuit project just show the data so clearly that its deeper implications were immediately apparent? No, not really, since the great irony here is that the cartographers were in fact quite dissatisfied. Follow-up surveys reached the conclusion that the atlas was only “moderately successful” by their usual mapmaking standards.The Inuit atlas was a kind of happy accident—one that doesn’t conform to any of the usual stories about Indigenous mapping, in Canada or elsewhere. The lesson here isn’t that maps should be as Indigenous as possible, or that they should be as orthodox as possible. These maps were neither. My take is simpler: the atlas shows that maps can, in fact, support alternative conceptions of space—and that showing space in a different way is crucial.The possibilities aren’t endless, but they’re broader than we might think. Plotting different sorts of data is a necessary step, but no less important are the relationships between that data and the assumptions of what lies below. For the Inuit, these assumptions were about land, water, and territory. These were in the background both visually and politically, and they were upstaged by an unexpectedly provocative foreground. The layers did not behave as they were meant to, and despite the tradeoffs, they allowed an Indigenous community to fight for their home and their way of life."
}
,
{
"title" : "Malcolm X and Islam: U.S. Islamophobia Didn’t Start with 9/11",
"author" : "Collis Browne",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/malcolm-x-and-islam",
"date" : "2025-11-27 14:58:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/life-malcolm-3.jpg",
"excerpt" : "",
"content" : "Anti-Muslim hate has been deeply engrained and intertwined with anti-Black racism in the United States for well over 60 years, far longer than most of us are taught or are aware.As the EIP team dug into design research for the new magazine format of our first anniversary issue, we revisited 1960s issues of LIFE magazine—and landed on the March 1965 edition, published just after the assassination of Malcolm X.The reporting is staggering in its openness: blatantly anti-Black and anti-Muslim in a way that normalizes white supremacy at its most fundamental level. The anti-Blackness, while horrifying, is not surprising. This was a moment when, despite the formal dismantling of Jim Crow, more than 10,000 “sundown towns” still existed across the country, segregation remained the norm, and racial terror structured daily life.What shocked our team was the nakedness of the anti-Muslim propaganda.This was not yet framed as anti-Arab in the way Western Islamophobia is often framed today. Arab and Middle Eastern people were not present in the narrative at all. Instead, what was being targeted was organized resistance to white supremacy—specifically, the adoption of Islam by Black communities as a source of political power, dignity, and self-determination. From this moment, we can trace a clear ideological line from anti-Muslim sentiment rooted in anti-Black racism in the 1960s to the anti-Arab, anti-MENA, and anti-SWANA racism that saturates Western culture today.The reporting leaned heavily on familiar colonial tropes: the implication of “inter-tribal” violence, the suggestion that resistance to white supremacy is itself a form of reverse racism or inherent aggression, and the detached, almost smug tone surrounding the violent death of a cultural leader.Of course, the Nation of Islam and Elijah Muhammad represent only expressions within an immense and diverse global Muslim world—spanning Morocco, Sudan, the Gulf, Iraq, Pakistan, Indonesia, and far beyond. Yet U.S. cultural and military power has long blurred these distinctions, collapsing complexity into a singular enemy image.It is worth naming this history clearly and connecting the dots: U.S. Islamophobia did not begin with 9/11. It is rooted in a much older racial project—one that has always braided anti-Blackness and anti-Muslim sentiment together in service of white supremacy, at home and abroad."
}
]
}