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Sustainable Resistance
10 Ways to Counter Fascism Beyond the Streets
It’s easy to lift up protest as the answer right now. And a sustained protest movement, one that doesn’t just turn out once but floods the streets again and again and halts business as usual, could be crucial at this moment. But, even if that movement manifests, **not everyone can be out marching. And not everyone should be.
There are countless other roles and responsibilities for us to take on in the fight against fascism. Here are ten of the countless options. Jump in where you fit in, because this struggle will take all of us doing what we can.
-
Protest art – Art sparks change and raises awareness. We know things are bad right now, but millions of people have no idea what to do about it. Revolutionary art straddles the border with propaganda, informing people and rallying them to the banner of transformation. Revolutionary art also opens the door to new possibilities, new ways of being and new ways of struggle. The old tools, the old stories, the old paths have failed us, and we need artists to help light a new way right now more than ever.
-
ICE alert – ICE has been swooping in and kidnapping parents, children, and friends for no reason other than their ethnicity. These people are increasingly disappearing to El Salvador without any process. **We must get together to resist these abductions, and with your community you can be on guard for ICE. ** Community organizations may offer training to spot these agents, even when they don’t want to be spotted, and we can create networks to alert the more vulnerable among us. We can also show up, record, and ultimately gather the numbers to block the kidnapping of our neighbors.
-
Contacting and pressuring Representatives – Anyone can call Congress. And those of us who are able to show up to the halls of power to demand more should. As we’ve seen in the case of Kilmar Abrego Garcia, Senator Chris Van Hollen went to El Salvador to meet with him, and ultimately secured his release from Bukele’s mega-prison camp. In the wake of that visit other members of Congress have gone both to El Salvador and to detention facilities within the United States to visit people who were kidnapped by the state. We can’t count on Congress to save us, but we can use every avenue to pressure them to use their power rather than leaving cards on the table.
-
Childcare organizing – We need to help each other care for one another, and that includes our children. In communities across the country people are finding creative ways, based on relationships and networks of trust, to provide more childcare for their neighbors. The cost of conventional child care has become prohibitive for some people, and although networks of neighbors might not fully replace the dominant model and enable us to return to older methods of communally caring after children, we can at least begin by supplementing the dominant model to begin with. This frees people up to organize, to take action, and simply to be less burdened by the exorbitant costs of child care.
-
BDS and other boycotts – Targeted boycotts are a way to use the economic power we do have. We know the impact the boycott and divestment movement had on helping bring down apartheid South Africa, and millions of people have implemented these tactics against the genocidal apartheid state of Israel over the last year and a half. Right now we’re also witnessing people, led by the Black community, have a real impact on Target’s bottom line through a tightly targeted boycott. Withholding funds is an act anyone can participate in, and as these efforts grow more focused and organized they can have tremendous impacts.
-
Local politics and organizing – This category is broad, but that means that there are countless ways to get involved. If you can’t protest, you can still run for office or volunteer in your local political arena. Especially in this moment where federal politics is a disaster and where having any sort of effect in the national arena seems impossible, local politics present countless opportunities. You can run for school boards, run for library board, help get good people elected to city council and more. At the local level you can have an impact directly. You can also bolster local defenses against fascism at this level, and be part of the growing tide of resistance and change.
-
Political education – This option also can manifest in countless ways. People organize panels and events at local libraries and community centers, turning them into places where people not only gather but gain the tools and knowledge to move us toward system change. Local organizations are most likely already putting on some of these workshops and panels and more, and they always appreciate volunteers and co-conspirators. But there’s also always room for fresh events, book clubs, seminars in the park as the weather gets good and more. We have a lot to learn, and the best way to learn is in community.
-
Non-carceral response teams – This is a big project, but one that people around the country are diligently working to move forward. We need to take care of each other now more than ever, and one profound way to do that is to** develop non-police responses to emergencies in your community. This won’t happen overnight, but community safety teams are already being implemented, and over time with diligence and deep relationship building and growing teams of participants we can increasingly outsource the response duties of police to neighbors. In this shift **we reduce both the risk of police violence and the odds that members of our community will end up behind bars.
-
Push institutions to fight the right – Right now our institutions need to organize. Whether it’s colleges or local governments and community organizations, we can’t afford to have the people in charge bending to the right. Fascists will pressure them on DEI, immigration, queer and gender issues and more. Some institutions cave, but mass public pressure, and the clear message that we will not bow to fascists can help them grow a spine and advocate for what’s right.
-
Quietly build power – Ultimately, we must steadily build the power to fight the far-right and to create systemic change. A lot of this won’t be sexy. It’ll involve countless meetings, countless conversations, door-knocking and phone banking and more. We must be diligent and deliberate about building our capacity. When the time for mass protest, sustained protest does come, it is the unglamorous work of bringing people together, of organizing one another into formations that can actually wield power that will determine if the protests are effective. A one-off event here and there can send a message, but the real question is how we plug into the day-in and day-out work of organizing and building. Find your niche, find your spot, and play the part you are able and suited to play. We need you.
{
"article":
{
"title" : "Sustainable Resistance: 10 Ways to Counter Fascism Beyond the Streets",
"author" : "J.P. Hill",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/sustainable-resistance-going-beyond-the-streets-10-ways-to-counter-fascism",
"date" : "2025-04-23 17:18:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/2025_4_23_Cover_EIP_Sustainable_Resistance.jpg",
"excerpt" : "It’s easy to lift up protest as the answer right now. And a sustained protest movement, one that doesn’t just turn out once but floods the streets again and again and halts business as usual, could be crucial at this moment. But, even if that movement manifests, **not everyone can be out marching. And not everyone should be.",
"content" : "It’s easy to lift up protest as the answer right now. And a sustained protest movement, one that doesn’t just turn out once but floods the streets again and again and halts business as usual, could be crucial at this moment. But, even if that movement manifests, **not everyone can be out marching. And not everyone should be.There are countless other roles and responsibilities for us to take on in the fight against fascism. Here are ten of the countless options. Jump in where you fit in, because this struggle will take all of us doing what we can. Protest art – Art sparks change and raises awareness. We know things are bad right now, but millions of people have no idea what to do about it. Revolutionary art straddles the border with propaganda, informing people and rallying them to the banner of transformation. Revolutionary art also opens the door to new possibilities, new ways of being and new ways of struggle. The old tools, the old stories, the old paths have failed us, and we need artists to help light a new way right now more than ever. ICE alert – ICE has been swooping in and kidnapping parents, children, and friends for no reason other than their ethnicity. These people are increasingly disappearing to El Salvador without any process. **We must get together to resist these abductions, and with your community you can be on guard for ICE. ** Community organizations may offer training to spot these agents, even when they don’t want to be spotted, and we can create networks to alert the more vulnerable among us. We can also show up, record, and ultimately gather the numbers to block the kidnapping of our neighbors. Contacting and pressuring Representatives – Anyone can call Congress. And those of us who are able to show up to the halls of power to demand more should. As we’ve seen in the case of Kilmar Abrego Garcia, Senator Chris Van Hollen went to El Salvador to meet with him, and ultimately secured his release from Bukele’s mega-prison camp. In the wake of that visit other members of Congress have gone both to El Salvador and to detention facilities within the United States to visit people who were kidnapped by the state. We can’t count on Congress to save us, but we can use every avenue to pressure them to use their power rather than leaving cards on the table. Childcare organizing – We need to help each other care for one another, and that includes our children. In communities across the country people are finding creative ways, based on relationships and networks of trust, to provide more childcare for their neighbors. The cost of conventional child care has become prohibitive for some people, and although networks of neighbors might not fully replace the dominant model and enable us to return to older methods of communally caring after children, we can at least begin by supplementing the dominant model to begin with. This frees people up to organize, to take action, and simply to be less burdened by the exorbitant costs of child care. BDS and other boycotts – Targeted boycotts are a way to use the economic power we do have. We know the impact the boycott and divestment movement had on helping bring down apartheid South Africa, and millions of people have implemented these tactics against the genocidal apartheid state of Israel over the last year and a half. Right now we’re also witnessing people, led by the Black community, have a real impact on Target’s bottom line through a tightly targeted boycott. Withholding funds is an act anyone can participate in, and as these efforts grow more focused and organized they can have tremendous impacts. Local politics and organizing – This category is broad, but that means that there are countless ways to get involved. If you can’t protest, you can still run for office or volunteer in your local political arena. Especially in this moment where federal politics is a disaster and where having any sort of effect in the national arena seems impossible, local politics present countless opportunities. You can run for school boards, run for library board, help get good people elected to city council and more. At the local level you can have an impact directly. You can also bolster local defenses against fascism at this level, and be part of the growing tide of resistance and change. Political education – This option also can manifest in countless ways. People organize panels and events at local libraries and community centers, turning them into places where people not only gather but gain the tools and knowledge to move us toward system change. Local organizations are most likely already putting on some of these workshops and panels and more, and they always appreciate volunteers and co-conspirators. But there’s also always room for fresh events, book clubs, seminars in the park as the weather gets good and more. We have a lot to learn, and the best way to learn is in community. Non-carceral response teams – This is a big project, but one that people around the country are diligently working to move forward. We need to take care of each other now more than ever, and one profound way to do that is to** develop non-police responses to emergencies in your community. This won’t happen overnight, but community safety teams are already being implemented, and over time with diligence and deep relationship building and growing teams of participants we can increasingly outsource the response duties of police to neighbors. In this shift **we reduce both the risk of police violence and the odds that members of our community will end up behind bars. Push institutions to fight the right – Right now our institutions need to organize. Whether it’s colleges or local governments and community organizations, we can’t afford to have the people in charge bending to the right. Fascists will pressure them on DEI, immigration, queer and gender issues and more. Some institutions cave, but mass public pressure, and the clear message that we will not bow to fascists can help them grow a spine and advocate for what’s right. Quietly build power – Ultimately, we must steadily build the power to fight the far-right and to create systemic change. A lot of this won’t be sexy. It’ll involve countless meetings, countless conversations, door-knocking and phone banking and more. We must be diligent and deliberate about building our capacity. When the time for mass protest, sustained protest does come, it is the unglamorous work of bringing people together, of organizing one another into formations that can actually wield power that will determine if the protests are effective. A one-off event here and there can send a message, but the real question is how we plug into the day-in and day-out work of organizing and building. Find your niche, find your spot, and play the part you are able and suited to play. We need you. "
}
,
"relatedposts": [
{
"title" : "Malcolm X and Islam: U.S. Islamophobia Didn’t Start with 9/11",
"author" : "Collis Browne",
"category" : "",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/malcolm-x-and-islam",
"date" : "2025-11-27 14:58:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/life-malcolm-3.jpg",
"excerpt" : "",
"content" : "Anti-Muslim hate has been deeply engrained and intertwined with anti-Black racism in the United States for well over 60 years, far longer than most of us are taught or are aware.As the EIP team dug into design research for the new magazine format of our first anniversary issue, we revisited 1960s issues of LIFE magazine—and landed on the March 1965 edition, published just after the assassination of Malcolm X.The reporting is staggering in its openness: blatantly anti-Black and anti-Muslim in a way that normalizes white supremacy at its most fundamental level. The anti-Blackness, while horrifying, is not surprising. This was a moment when, despite the formal dismantling of Jim Crow, more than 10,000 “sundown towns” still existed across the country, segregation remained the norm, and racial terror structured daily life.What shocked our team was the nakedness of the anti-Muslim propaganda.This was not yet framed as anti-Arab in the way Western Islamophobia is often framed today. Arab and Middle Eastern people were not present in the narrative at all. Instead, what was being targeted was organized resistance to white supremacy—specifically, the adoption of Islam by Black communities as a source of political power, dignity, and self-determination. From this moment, we can trace a clear ideological line from anti-Muslim sentiment rooted in anti-Black racism in the 1960s to the anti-Arab, anti-MENA, and anti-SWANA racism that saturates Western culture today.The reporting leaned heavily on familiar colonial tropes: the implication of “inter-tribal” violence, the suggestion that resistance to white supremacy is itself a form of reverse racism or inherent aggression, and the detached, almost smug tone surrounding the violent death of a cultural leader.Of course, the Nation of Islam and Elijah Muhammad represent only expressions within an immense and diverse global Muslim world—spanning Morocco, Sudan, the Gulf, Iraq, Pakistan, Indonesia, and far beyond. Yet U.S. cultural and military power has long blurred these distinctions, collapsing complexity into a singular enemy image.It is worth naming this history clearly and connecting the dots: U.S. Islamophobia did not begin with 9/11. It is rooted in a much older racial project—one that has always braided anti-Blackness and anti-Muslim sentiment together in service of white supremacy, at home and abroad."
}
,
{
"title" : "The Billionaire Who Bought the Met Gala: What the Bezoses’ Check Means for Fashion’s Future",
"author" : "Louis Pisano",
"category" : "",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/the-billionaire-who-bought-the-met-gala",
"date" : "2025-11-27 10:41:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Cover_EIP_TBesos_MET_Galajpg.jpg",
"excerpt" : "On the morning of November 17, 2025, the Metropolitan Museum of Art announced that Jeff Bezos and Lauren Sánchez Bezos would serve as the sole lead sponsors of the 2026 Met Gala and its accompanying Costume Institute exhibition, “Costume Art”. Saint Laurent and Condé Nast were listed as supporting partners. To be clear, this is not a co-sponsorship. It is not “in association with.” It is the first time in the modern history of the gala that the headline slot, previously occupied by Louis Vuitton, TikTok, or a discreet old-money surname, has been handed to a tech billionaire and his wife. The donation amount remains undisclosed, but sources familiar with the negotiations place it comfortably north of seven figures, in line with the checks that helped the event raise $22 million last year.",
"content" : "On the morning of November 17, 2025, the Metropolitan Museum of Art announced that Jeff Bezos and Lauren Sánchez Bezos would serve as the sole lead sponsors of the 2026 Met Gala and its accompanying Costume Institute exhibition, “Costume Art”. Saint Laurent and Condé Nast were listed as supporting partners. To be clear, this is not a co-sponsorship. It is not “in association with.” It is the first time in the modern history of the gala that the headline slot, previously occupied by Louis Vuitton, TikTok, or a discreet old-money surname, has been handed to a tech billionaire and his wife. The donation amount remains undisclosed, but sources familiar with the negotiations place it comfortably north of seven figures, in line with the checks that helped the event raise $22 million last year.Within hours of the announcement, the Met’s Instagram post was overrun with comments proclaiming the gala “dead.” On TikTok and X, users paired declarations of late-stage capitalism with memes of the museum staircase wrapped in Amazon boxes. Not that this was unexpected. Anyone paying attention could see it coming for over a decade.When billionaires like Bezos, whose Amazon warehouses reported injury rates nearly double the industry average in 2024 and whose fashion supply chain has been linked to forced labor and poverty wages globally, acquire influence over prestigious institutions like the Met Museum through sponsorships, it risks commodifying fashion as a tool for not only personal but corporate image-laundering. To put it simply: who’s going to bite the hand that feeds them? Designers, editors, and curators will have little choice but to turn a blind eye to keep the money flowing and the lights on.Back in 2012, Amazon co-chaired the “Schiaparelli and Prada” gala, and honorary chair Jeff Bezos showed up in a perfectly respectable tux with then-wife MacKenzie Scott by his side and an Anna Wintour-advised pocket square. After his divorce from Scott in 2019, Bezos made a solo appearance at the Met Gala, signaling that he was becoming a familiar presence in fashion circles on his own. Of course, by that point, he already had Lauren Sánchez. Fast forward to 2020: print advertising was crumbling, and Anna Wintour co-signed The Drop, a set of limited CFDA collections sold exclusively on Amazon, giving the company a veneer of fashion credibility. By 2024, Sánchez made her Met debut in a mirrored Oscar de la Renta gown personally approved by Wintour, signaling that the Bezos orbit was now squarely inside the fashion world.Then, the political world started to catch up, as it always does. In January 2025, Sánchez and Bezos sat three rows behind President-elect Donald Trump at the inauguration. Amazon wrote a one-million-dollar check to Trump’s inaugural fund, and Bezos, once mocked by Trump as “Jeff Bozo,” publicly congratulated Trump on an “extraordinary political comeback.” By June 2025, Bezos and Sánchez became cultural and political mainstays: Sánchez married Bezos in Venice, wearing a Dolce & Gabbana gown Wintour had helped select. This landed Sánchez the digital cover of American Vogue almost immediately afterward. Wintour quietly handed day-to-day control of the magazine to Chloe Malle but kept the Met Gala, the global title, and her Condé Nast equity stake, cementing a new era of fashion power where money, influence, and optics are inseparable.Underneath all of it, the quiet hum of Amazon’s fashion machine continued to whirr. By 2024, the company already controlled 16.2 percent of every dollar Americans spent on clothing, footwear, and accessories—more than Walmart, Target, Macy’s, and Nordstrom combined. That same year, it generated $34.7 billion in U.S. apparel and footwear revenue that year, with the women’s category alone on pace to top $40 billion. No legacy house has ever had that volume of real-time data on what people actually try on, keep, or return in shame. Amazon can react in weeks rather than seasons, reordering winning pieces, tweaking existing ones, and killing unpopular options before they’re even produced at scale.Wintour did more than simply observe this shift; she engineered a soft landing by bringing Amazon in when it was still somewhat uncool and seen mostly as a discount retailer, lending it credibility when it needed legitimacy, and spending the last two years turning Sánchez from tabloid footnote to Vogue cover star. The Condé Nast sale rumors that began circulating in July 2025, complete with talk of Wintour cashing out her equity and Sánchez taking a creative role, have been denied by every official mouthpiece. But they have also refused to die, because the timeline is simply too tidy.The clearest preview of what billionaire ownership can do to a cultural institution remains Bezos’ other pet project, The Washington Post. Bezos bought it for $250 million in 2013, saved it from bankruptcy, and built it into a profitable digital operation with 2.5 million subscribers. Then, in October 2024, he personally blocked a planned editorial endorsement of Kamala Harris. More than 250,000 subscribers canceled in the following days. By February 2025, the opinion section was restructured around “personal liberties and free markets,” triggering another exodus and the resignation of editorial page editor David Shipley. Former executive editor Marty Baron called it “craven.” The timing, just months after Bezos began warming to the incoming Trump administration, was not lost on anyone. The story didn’t stop there: in the last few days, U.S. Vice President J.D. Vance revealed he had texted Bezos suggesting the hiring of a right-leaning Breitbart journalist, Matthew Boyle, to run the Post’s political coverage. This is a clear signal of how staffing decisions at a storied paper now sit within the same power matrix that funds the Met Gala and shapes culture, media, and politics alike. It’s a tangled, strategic web—all of Bezos’ making.It’s curious that, in the same 30-day window that the Trump DOJ expanded its antitrust inquiry into Amazon, specifically how its algorithms favor its own products over third-party sellers, including many fashion brands, the MET, a city-owned museum, handed the keys of its marquee event to the man whose company now wields outsized influence over designers’ fortunes and faces regulatory scrutiny from the administration he helped reinstall. This is not sponsorship; it’s leverage. Wintour once froze Melania Trump out of Vogue because she could afford to.But she cannot freeze out Sánchez or Bezos. Nor does she want to.So on the first Monday in May, the museum doors will open as they always do for the Met Gala. The carpet will still be red (or whatever color the theme demands). The photographs of celebrities posing in their interpretations of “Costume Art” will still break the internet. Andrew Bolton’s exhibition, roughly 200 objects tracing the dressed body across five millennia, displayed in the newly renamed Condé Nast Galleries, will still be brilliant. But the biggest check will come from the couple who already control 16 percent of America’s clothing spend, who own The Washington Post, and who sat three rows behind Trump at the inauguration. Everything else, guest list tweaks, livestream deals, shoppable moments, will flow from that single source of money and power. That is who now has the final word on the most influential night in American fashion."
}
,
{
"title" : "Communicating Palestine: A Guide for Liberation and Narrative Power",
"author" : "Palestine Institute for Public Diplomacy",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/communicating-palestine",
"date" : "2025-11-25 14:04:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Cover_EIP_Template-MIT_Engineering_Genocide.jpg",
"excerpt" : "Communication as a Tool of Erasure",
"content" : "Communication as a Tool of ErasureAs new “peace plans” for Palestine are drafted far from Palestinian life, Palestinians find themselves once again spoken for - another reminder of how communication is weaponized to sustain Zionist colonialism. Colonialism doesn’t just seize land; it seizes the story and its agents. From early myths like “a land without a people for a people without a land” to today’s narrative spin that frames Palestinians as “rejecting peace,” the Zionist project has aimed to erase not only a people but also their agency, voice, and narratives.Today, as Israel continues its genocide on the ground, its propaganda apparatus, known as Hasbara (“explanation” in Hebrew), wages a parallel war over narrative in the media, in diplomatic halls, and online. From smear campaigns, to lobbying governments and media outlets, to pressuring digital platforms like Meta, the machinery of erasure is well-funded and relentless.As Edward Said wrote in Blaming the Victim, Zionist success was not just military - it was narrative. They won the global narrative battle long before 1948. Narrative control is not symbolic - it justifies policy, enables displacement, and legitimizes genocide.Our ResponseFor Palestinians, the narrative struggle has never been separate from the struggle for liberation. We recognized that incredible work is already being done to amplify Palestinian narratives and counter disinformation—through platforms like MAKAN, Decolonize Palestine, Let’s Talk Palestine, Newscord, and others. But what was missing was a one-stop toolkit that brings together the best practices and resources across all areas of communication, for everyone who communicates Palestine: media, policymakers, artists, content creators, advocates, and more. A space rooted not in defensiveness, but in reclaiming our agency and our narratives.So we built one.Communicating Palestine is more than a guide; it’s a manifesto for liberatory and decolonised communication. It is the outcome of a Palestinian-led process, woven from the wisdom of focus groups in Ramallah, Battir village, and Dheisheh Refugee Camp as well as journalists, activists and analysts. It centers Palestinian narratives on their own terms, refusing to be defined in reaction to the propaganda that seeks to erase them.What does the guide look like in practice? It’s a one-stop platform for anyone communicating about Palestine—journalists, activists, artists, policymakers. It’s organized into four core sections: Narratives and framings – analysis and recommendations to counter harmful tropes and disinformation. Visual representations – guidance for photographers, artists and video journalists on ethical imagery. **Communication and engagement practices **– tips and tools for ethical reporting and centering Palestinians with dignity, Tools – user-friendly resources that can be day-to-day support in your work. Practical checklists on key take-aways from across the guide Terminology guide for accurate wording and reporting. Photography and video guidelines to avoid harmful visuals. Resources countering disinformation, bias and fallacies. **This is a call to action. **It’s an invitation to unlearn the narratives we’ve been fed, to relearn how to engage with dignity and integrity, and to finally practice a form of communication that doesn’t just talk about justice, but actively builds it—one word, one image, one story at a time."
}
]
}