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Quannah ChasingHorse on Joyful Resistance

Quannah’s joyful resistance embodies the beauty of being the revolution. She embodies strength, beauty, power and we are here for it. Quannah ChasingHorse (she/her) is a Han Gwich’in and Sicangu/Oglala Lakota land protector, climate justice activist, and fashion model from Eagle Village, Alaska, and South Dakota tribes. Born on the Navajo Nation, she grew up in various locations and raised in a subsistence lifestyle with her family, Quannah’s connection to her homelands and people guides her activism. Quannah is a model who uses her platform to promote Indigenous representation and sustainability. She has worked with top fashion houses and appeared on the covers of Vogue Mexico, Vogue China, and has received numerous accolades, including Teen Vogue’s Top 21 under 21, Forbes 30 under 30, and USA Today’s Women of the Year. In June 2022, she premiered “Walking Two Worlds” at the TriBeCa Film Festival, a documentary about her family’s fight to protect their sacred lands and Indigenous representation.
Quannah was in conversation with her Auntie, Princess Daazhraii Johnson, an Emmy-nominated writer/producer of Gwich’in and Ashkenazi descent, who lives on the traditional territory of lower Tanana Dene lands in Alaska. A co-founder of Deenaadàį’ Productions, Princess is dedicated to narrative sovereignty for Alaska Native filmmakers. She serves on the boards of Native Movement and NDN Collective, is a 2023 Grist 50 Climate Leader, and has been deeply involved in protecting Native Ways of Life. With a background as a Sundance Film Alum, SAG-AFTRA and Television Academy member, and credits including the Peabody Award-winning PBS Kids series “Molly of Denali” and HBO’s “True Detective: Night Country”, she is currently developing her first feature film, an adaptation of “Two Old Women,” which she will direct.

Quannah
I really appreciate this platform because it gives us an opportunity to reach out to people, especially within the Native community. Just yesterday, a Native guy got upset with me and Dallas Goldtooth for speaking out about Palestine, the Congo, Sudan, and other places where people need voices right now. He told us we should focus on our own people, saying those others don’t do anything for us. This is what it looks like—connecting, building bridges, and recognizing the similarities in our struggles.
Princess
You’re diving right into the question of what collective liberation really is. I think you’re highlighting a crucial aspect: creating a shared understanding. Given how our histories have been so intentionally suppressed, introducing people to the true histories is essential for reaching that shared understanding and for us to see ourselves in each other. So, I’m curious, what else does collective liberation look like to you?
Quannah
To me, collective liberation looks like what many of us are already doing—looking beyond our immediate experiences and making connections with what’s happening elsewhere. We recognize that if the same events were unfolding in our communities, as they have throughout history, we have a responsibility not just to uplift those voices but to show the world that we stand in solidarity.
Collective liberation means not just standing together but also utilizing tools like social media to access and share information. It’s alarming to see not only uninformed individuals but also political figures spreading misinformation and perpetuating harm, often through internalized racism. Collective liberation is about showing up and doing your part, whatever that looks like. It’s important for people to understand that there’s no one way to show up.

Princess
As you were talking, I was reflecting on a recent trip I took to Arctic Village and Circle, where I had an incredible interview with our elder, First Traditional Chief Trimble Gilbert. We were at a Gwich’in gathering, and I interviewed him about our traditional dances, like the fiddle dances and the rope dance, where everyone ends up holding hands. He talked about how we’ve made these dances our own—how the way we play the fiddle is uniquely Gwich’in, and those dances are uniquely ours. It’s a metaphor for how, in our community, coming from a background of survival, we had to work together and unify.
As someone who is both Gwich’in and Ashkenazi Jewish, and born in the West Bank, I think a lot about borders—physical fences and walls, and how people and animals around the world have been displaced.
Collective liberation is also about our animal relatives, our waterways. If we could take away nationalism, weapons, bombs, and all the things that cause destruction, I think we’d see more clearly that we are in a climate crisis.
Quannah
Exactly. Growing up, I learned not just through words, but by example, that we see ourselves as part of nature—not above or below it, but as nature itself. When we protect nature, we’re protecting ourselves, our bloodlines, and our animal relatives. That teaching is deeply ingrained in me, and it’s hard to comprehend that others don’t see the world that way.
As you mentioned, we need to rematriate society—how we move and show up in this world. The world could truly benefit from our teachings, which are rooted in love. But that’s what’s missing today—humanity and love.
You don’t have to post every five minutes or put your life on the line, but many have, and that’s the strength of our people—we’ll put our lives on the line for what we believe in, for our community’s right to clean water, clean air, and control over our lands.
Being raised in a matriarchy, I was taught to amplify women’s voices and to stand behind strong, knowledgeable women who represent us well. Everything we do is fueled by love. I see that love in you, in my mom, my aunties, and that’s how I navigate the world—with love for my people, my community, our animals, our waters, and other Indigenous communities that need to be heard.
Princess
Yes, everything truly does happen for a reason, and it’s essential to acknowledge that we’re riding the wave of thousands of years of Indigenous knowledge and wisdom. I see our lands, our animals, our mountains—everything we hold sacred. You carry all of this with such care and power, and that’s absolutely vital.
Listening is something we both value deeply, and in a world full of noise, we’ve been blessed to find quiet moments on the land, on the Yukon River, listening to the river’s song, receiving messages from the Creator. These moments ground us and remind us of our responsibility to educate others, to help them see that our liberation is interconnected with the liberation of all beings.
I agree that our Gwich’in worldview brings a unique blend of emotional and spiritual intelligence. This is where our humanity comes in. Each of us has a role, and sometimes it’s not about finding the perfect words but about making connections through storytelling, poetry, or images that resonate with others.
Collective liberation means having the freedom to love as we choose, to love who we want in the way we want. This is especially significant for Indigenous women, given our history—forced sterilization, the removal of our children. To be comfortable and aligned with our power as Indigenous women, to make choices for ourselves, is a profound political statement.
Your words are powerful, and they articulate the deep connections we have to each other, our lands, and our responsibilities.

Quannah
Absolutely. The ongoing crisis of Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and People (MMIW/P) starkly illustrates how our very existence as Indigenous people is deeply political. The fact that thousands of Native women have gone missing or been murdered, with so many cases unresolved, highlights a systemic disregard for our lives.
This is why you see Native people advocating so fiercely for our communities. We are the ones who carry the weight of these issues, not just because they affect us, but because we have a responsibility to our ancestors, our communities, and future generations. We’ve all witnessed the effects of the climate crisis and that we are truly dependent upon one another. We’ve seen how politics has infiltrated every aspect of our lives, where even the fight for clean air and water, which should be a fundamental right, has become a political battleground. When we feel liberated, when we reclaim our power, we challenge the very foundations of that system.We are still here, and we are more than our struggles.
We are a people of strength, wisdom, and love, and that’s something no system can take away from us.
Princess
It’s mind-blowing to witness the devastation in Palestine, especially in Gaza, where the destruction has created an environmental and climate disaster affecting all living beings in the region.
You mentioned MMIW, and it struck me because violence against the land is intertwined with violence against women—it’s all connected. I think about the extractive resource industry and how deeply it ties into the dehumanization we’ve faced in the media, going back to dime novels and cartoons that depicted Indigenous and Muslim people as less than human.
I want to draw a parallel for our Indigenous brothers and sisters: what has been happening to the Palestinian people for generations mirrors what’s happened to us on Turtle Island. It’s maddening, especially knowing our tax dollars fund this genocide.
In these moments, we have to channel our rage and frustration, stay committed to our love, and hold onto the vision of collective liberation. Even if progress seems incremental, we must keep pushing in that direction.
Quannah
Mic drop.
I think about environmental racism a lot—how it’s playing out in every Indigenous community through extreme forms of extraction. It’s heartbreaking to see the direct impact on our communities and to realize how it’s spreading across the world. You start by thinking about how it affects your people, but then you realize, if we don’t stop this, it will spread like wildfire, and that’s exactly what’s been happening everywhere.
People are missing this crucial point, like with what’s happening in Gaza. Do you really think they’ll stop? They’ve destroyed everything, and yet they continue. “
Princess
I heard a quote from an older man who said, “It’s just a matter of time before we’re all Palestinians.” We have the opportunity to say no, to refuse to allow genocide to happen. The United States could have intervened by not arming Israel, but they didn’t. Now, it’s up to us, the people, to keep pressuring political leaders. Mother Earth can’t sustain much more of this destruction and bombing.

Quannah
Mother Earth can’t sustain much more. Just the other day, on the second of this month, we officially over-consumed to the point where Earth can’t regenerate. It’s terrifying to think about how we keep taking without giving back or fulfilling our responsibilities as a community of humans. Yes, Indigenous people are doing the work—80% of the world’s biodiversity is protected by Indigenous communities. The teaching of considering the next seven generations guides everything I do. Our identities and how we walk in this world are political.”
Princess
There’s also the element of threat—how simply existing can be seen as a threat, especially when you remind others of the deep ties we have to our lands. This is particularly true when standing against big oil or, as I often compare, the Palestinian people. Their very existence is a reminder of the ongoing Nakba, a symbol of resistance against the occupation and extraction of their lands.
I want to uplift the voices of those on the ground working toward peace, even though it’s hard. Peace cannot come without justice. I follow both Palestinian and Israeli individuals who are striving to have these difficult conversations, despite not being popular. It’s essential to try and reach a place where we see each other as full human beings because right now, that’s what’s missing—recognizing each other’s humanity.
Quannah
Social media is a powerful tool, but it can also expose you to hate, especially when you have influence.
It’s vital to support one another, especially when facing such hatred. When we heal ourselves, we contribute to healing our communities. I try to communicate this to our Native men, who may struggle with seeking help. Getting help doesn’t just benefit the individual—it strengthens the community because, as we heal, we naturally give back.
Often, those who express hate are themselves deeply hurt, raised in environments that foster hatred and ignorance. While it’s not our responsibility to help them unlearn their racism, I believe it’s important to approach them with love. I’ve had conversations with people raised in very right-wing, racist households, and by giving them grace and educating them, I’ve seen them change.
Princess
Exactly. What you’re saying is crucial. It’s disturbing how many people, even within our circles, have remained silent on what’s happening in Palestine and Gaza. When we reflect on historical atrocities like the Holocaust, people often say, “How could that have happened? I wouldn’t have acted that way.” But the truth is, many of us are complicit through our silence. We need to examine our relationship with capitalism, money, and the ways in which fear governs us.
Fear is powerful—whether it’s fear of not being able to feed our families, fear of being doxxed, or fear of the consequences of speaking out. But it takes a deep, spiritual perspective to push past that fear and say, “Despite my fear, I need to speak up.”
Quannah
As you’ve highlighted, Indigenous teachings and values are crucial in understanding the broader context of our struggles. Speaking as a Two Spirit, Indigenous person inherently intertwines with these issues, and it’s a powerful testament to our resilience and dedication.
Reconnecting with the land and our ancestors is indeed a profound way to ground oneself and find clarity in advocating for what’s right. Your strength and commitment are evident, and it’s this dedication that drives meaningful change.
Princess
That’s so beautiful, Quannah. I hope that one day we can all come together to help the Palestinian people rebuild and heal. We’ve discussed many intense issues and brought our ancestors into the conversation. Let’s take 20 seconds of silence to honor all those lives that are transitioning.
Moment of silence…

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{
"article":
{
"title" : "Quannah ChasingHorse on Joyful Resistance",
"author" : "Quannah ChasingHorse, Princess Daazhraii Johnson",
"category" : "interviews",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/quannah-chasinghorse-joyful-resistance",
"date" : "2024-09-20 00:00:00 -0400",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Thumb-QuannahRose_EIP_FILM_087.jpg",
"excerpt" : "",
"content" : "Quannah’s joyful resistance embodies the beauty of being the revolution. She embodies strength, beauty, power and we are here for it. Quannah ChasingHorse (she/her) is a Han Gwich’in and Sicangu/Oglala Lakota land protector, climate justice activist, and fashion model from Eagle Village, Alaska, and South Dakota tribes. Born on the Navajo Nation, she grew up in various locations and raised in a subsistence lifestyle with her family, Quannah’s connection to her homelands and people guides her activism. Quannah is a model who uses her platform to promote Indigenous representation and sustainability. She has worked with top fashion houses and appeared on the covers of Vogue Mexico, Vogue China, and has received numerous accolades, including Teen Vogue’s Top 21 under 21, Forbes 30 under 30, and USA Today’s Women of the Year. In June 2022, she premiered “Walking Two Worlds” at the TriBeCa Film Festival, a documentary about her family’s fight to protect their sacred lands and Indigenous representation.Quannah was in conversation with her Auntie, Princess Daazhraii Johnson, an Emmy-nominated writer/producer of Gwich’in and Ashkenazi descent, who lives on the traditional territory of lower Tanana Dene lands in Alaska. A co-founder of Deenaadàį’ Productions, Princess is dedicated to narrative sovereignty for Alaska Native filmmakers. She serves on the boards of Native Movement and NDN Collective, is a 2023 Grist 50 Climate Leader, and has been deeply involved in protecting Native Ways of Life. With a background as a Sundance Film Alum, SAG-AFTRA and Television Academy member, and credits including the Peabody Award-winning PBS Kids series “Molly of Denali” and HBO’s “True Detective: Night Country”, she is currently developing her first feature film, an adaptation of “Two Old Women,” which she will direct.QuannahI really appreciate this platform because it gives us an opportunity to reach out to people, especially within the Native community. Just yesterday, a Native guy got upset with me and Dallas Goldtooth for speaking out about Palestine, the Congo, Sudan, and other places where people need voices right now. He told us we should focus on our own people, saying those others don’t do anything for us. This is what it looks like—connecting, building bridges, and recognizing the similarities in our struggles.PrincessYou’re diving right into the question of what collective liberation really is. I think you’re highlighting a crucial aspect: creating a shared understanding. Given how our histories have been so intentionally suppressed, introducing people to the true histories is essential for reaching that shared understanding and for us to see ourselves in each other. So, I’m curious, what else does collective liberation look like to you?QuannahTo me, collective liberation looks like what many of us are already doing—looking beyond our immediate experiences and making connections with what’s happening elsewhere. We recognize that if the same events were unfolding in our communities, as they have throughout history, we have a responsibility not just to uplift those voices but to show the world that we stand in solidarity.Collective liberation means not just standing together but also utilizing tools like social media to access and share information. It’s alarming to see not only uninformed individuals but also political figures spreading misinformation and perpetuating harm, often through internalized racism. Collective liberation is about showing up and doing your part, whatever that looks like. It’s important for people to understand that there’s no one way to show up.PrincessAs you were talking, I was reflecting on a recent trip I took to Arctic Village and Circle, where I had an incredible interview with our elder, First Traditional Chief Trimble Gilbert. We were at a Gwich’in gathering, and I interviewed him about our traditional dances, like the fiddle dances and the rope dance, where everyone ends up holding hands. He talked about how we’ve made these dances our own—how the way we play the fiddle is uniquely Gwich’in, and those dances are uniquely ours. It’s a metaphor for how, in our community, coming from a background of survival, we had to work together and unify.As someone who is both Gwich’in and Ashkenazi Jewish, and born in the West Bank, I think a lot about borders—physical fences and walls, and how people and animals around the world have been displaced.Collective liberation is also about our animal relatives, our waterways. If we could take away nationalism, weapons, bombs, and all the things that cause destruction, I think we’d see more clearly that we are in a climate crisis.QuannahExactly. Growing up, I learned not just through words, but by example, that we see ourselves as part of nature—not above or below it, but as nature itself. When we protect nature, we’re protecting ourselves, our bloodlines, and our animal relatives. That teaching is deeply ingrained in me, and it’s hard to comprehend that others don’t see the world that way.As you mentioned, we need to rematriate society—how we move and show up in this world. The world could truly benefit from our teachings, which are rooted in love. But that’s what’s missing today—humanity and love.You don’t have to post every five minutes or put your life on the line, but many have, and that’s the strength of our people—we’ll put our lives on the line for what we believe in, for our community’s right to clean water, clean air, and control over our lands.Being raised in a matriarchy, I was taught to amplify women’s voices and to stand behind strong, knowledgeable women who represent us well. Everything we do is fueled by love. I see that love in you, in my mom, my aunties, and that’s how I navigate the world—with love for my people, my community, our animals, our waters, and other Indigenous communities that need to be heard.PrincessYes, everything truly does happen for a reason, and it’s essential to acknowledge that we’re riding the wave of thousands of years of Indigenous knowledge and wisdom. I see our lands, our animals, our mountains—everything we hold sacred. You carry all of this with such care and power, and that’s absolutely vital.Listening is something we both value deeply, and in a world full of noise, we’ve been blessed to find quiet moments on the land, on the Yukon River, listening to the river’s song, receiving messages from the Creator. These moments ground us and remind us of our responsibility to educate others, to help them see that our liberation is interconnected with the liberation of all beings.I agree that our Gwich’in worldview brings a unique blend of emotional and spiritual intelligence. This is where our humanity comes in. Each of us has a role, and sometimes it’s not about finding the perfect words but about making connections through storytelling, poetry, or images that resonate with others.Collective liberation means having the freedom to love as we choose, to love who we want in the way we want. This is especially significant for Indigenous women, given our history—forced sterilization, the removal of our children. To be comfortable and aligned with our power as Indigenous women, to make choices for ourselves, is a profound political statement.Your words are powerful, and they articulate the deep connections we have to each other, our lands, and our responsibilities.Quannah Absolutely. The ongoing crisis of Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and People (MMIW/P) starkly illustrates how our very existence as Indigenous people is deeply political. The fact that thousands of Native women have gone missing or been murdered, with so many cases unresolved, highlights a systemic disregard for our lives.This is why you see Native people advocating so fiercely for our communities. We are the ones who carry the weight of these issues, not just because they affect us, but because we have a responsibility to our ancestors, our communities, and future generations. We’ve all witnessed the effects of the climate crisis and that we are truly dependent upon one another. We’ve seen how politics has infiltrated every aspect of our lives, where even the fight for clean air and water, which should be a fundamental right, has become a political battleground. When we feel liberated, when we reclaim our power, we challenge the very foundations of that system.We are still here, and we are more than our struggles.We are a people of strength, wisdom, and love, and that’s something no system can take away from us.PrincessIt’s mind-blowing to witness the devastation in Palestine, especially in Gaza, where the destruction has created an environmental and climate disaster affecting all living beings in the region.You mentioned MMIW, and it struck me because violence against the land is intertwined with violence against women—it’s all connected. I think about the extractive resource industry and how deeply it ties into the dehumanization we’ve faced in the media, going back to dime novels and cartoons that depicted Indigenous and Muslim people as less than human. I want to draw a parallel for our Indigenous brothers and sisters: what has been happening to the Palestinian people for generations mirrors what’s happened to us on Turtle Island. It’s maddening, especially knowing our tax dollars fund this genocide.In these moments, we have to channel our rage and frustration, stay committed to our love, and hold onto the vision of collective liberation. Even if progress seems incremental, we must keep pushing in that direction.QuannahMic drop.I think about environmental racism a lot—how it’s playing out in every Indigenous community through extreme forms of extraction. It’s heartbreaking to see the direct impact on our communities and to realize how it’s spreading across the world. You start by thinking about how it affects your people, but then you realize, if we don’t stop this, it will spread like wildfire, and that’s exactly what’s been happening everywhere.People are missing this crucial point, like with what’s happening in Gaza. Do you really think they’ll stop? They’ve destroyed everything, and yet they continue. “PrincessI heard a quote from an older man who said, “It’s just a matter of time before we’re all Palestinians.” We have the opportunity to say no, to refuse to allow genocide to happen. The United States could have intervened by not arming Israel, but they didn’t. Now, it’s up to us, the people, to keep pressuring political leaders. Mother Earth can’t sustain much more of this destruction and bombing.QuannahMother Earth can’t sustain much more. Just the other day, on the second of this month, we officially over-consumed to the point where Earth can’t regenerate. It’s terrifying to think about how we keep taking without giving back or fulfilling our responsibilities as a community of humans. Yes, Indigenous people are doing the work—80% of the world’s biodiversity is protected by Indigenous communities. The teaching of considering the next seven generations guides everything I do. Our identities and how we walk in this world are political.”PrincessThere’s also the element of threat—how simply existing can be seen as a threat, especially when you remind others of the deep ties we have to our lands. This is particularly true when standing against big oil or, as I often compare, the Palestinian people. Their very existence is a reminder of the ongoing Nakba, a symbol of resistance against the occupation and extraction of their lands.I want to uplift the voices of those on the ground working toward peace, even though it’s hard. Peace cannot come without justice. I follow both Palestinian and Israeli individuals who are striving to have these difficult conversations, despite not being popular. It’s essential to try and reach a place where we see each other as full human beings because right now, that’s what’s missing—recognizing each other’s humanity.QuannahSocial media is a powerful tool, but it can also expose you to hate, especially when you have influence.It’s vital to support one another, especially when facing such hatred. When we heal ourselves, we contribute to healing our communities. I try to communicate this to our Native men, who may struggle with seeking help. Getting help doesn’t just benefit the individual—it strengthens the community because, as we heal, we naturally give back.Often, those who express hate are themselves deeply hurt, raised in environments that foster hatred and ignorance. While it’s not our responsibility to help them unlearn their racism, I believe it’s important to approach them with love. I’ve had conversations with people raised in very right-wing, racist households, and by giving them grace and educating them, I’ve seen them change.PrincessExactly. What you’re saying is crucial. It’s disturbing how many people, even within our circles, have remained silent on what’s happening in Palestine and Gaza. When we reflect on historical atrocities like the Holocaust, people often say, “How could that have happened? I wouldn’t have acted that way.” But the truth is, many of us are complicit through our silence. We need to examine our relationship with capitalism, money, and the ways in which fear governs us.Fear is powerful—whether it’s fear of not being able to feed our families, fear of being doxxed, or fear of the consequences of speaking out. But it takes a deep, spiritual perspective to push past that fear and say, “Despite my fear, I need to speak up.”QuannahAs you’ve highlighted, Indigenous teachings and values are crucial in understanding the broader context of our struggles. Speaking as a Two Spirit, Indigenous person inherently intertwines with these issues, and it’s a powerful testament to our resilience and dedication.Reconnecting with the land and our ancestors is indeed a profound way to ground oneself and find clarity in advocating for what’s right. Your strength and commitment are evident, and it’s this dedication that drives meaningful change.PrincessThat’s so beautiful, Quannah. I hope that one day we can all come together to help the Palestinian people rebuild and heal. We’ve discussed many intense issues and brought our ancestors into the conversation. Let’s take 20 seconds of silence to honor all those lives that are transitioning.Moment of silence…"
}
,
"relatedposts": [
{
"title" : "Mercy Over Speed: Revolutionizing Our Political Imagination",
"author" : "Sue Ariza",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/mercy-over-speed",
"date" : "2025-12-11 13:40:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Cover_EIP_Mercy_Speed.jpg",
"excerpt" : "2025 was a masterclass in haste.",
"content" : "2025 was a masterclass in haste.Policies rushed to enact a merciless agenda that benefit only the few—President Donald Trump scrapped Biden’s AI executive order within hours of taking office, wiping out safety and transparency requirements as we enter a new digital age. Immigration officials were ordered to quadruple immigration arrests overnight. Food assistance was frozen while billions in relief funds sat unused; hunger used as a pawn in the longest government shutdown in American history. Entire communities pushed not just to autopilot, but to survival—by algorithms that cannot see them, by bureaucracies that cannot pause long enough to understand them, by political actors who confuse immediacy with leadership.Of course, the real crisis isn’t speed on its own. It’s what speed erases: attention, nuance, reflection, and the fundamental truth that human beings are not statistics or administrative burdens. Perhaps nowhere was this clearer than in the State Department’s human rights reports earlier this year. In the name of “streamlining,” references to prison abuse, LGBTQIA+ persecution, and attacks on human rights defenders were quietly removed. The language was technocratic—reduce redundancy, tidy up the narrative—but the effect was ideological: whole communities and categories of suffering erased from national memory.Because the truth is, what speed strategically, ruthlessly, obliterates is the one crucial political practice we need most: mercy.Our world has taught us to think of mercy in opposition to speed, too soft for our lived realities, though it’s anything but that: Mercy is the commitment to respond to harm, conflict, or complexity with clarity rather than panic—with discernment instead of reflex. Mercy is the refusal to collapse a person, an idea, or a crisis into something smaller than it is. Mercy is political imagination: the capacity to see beyond what urgency allows and stay with one another long enough to resist the reflexes that turn disagreement into instant judgment—so we can listen before we attack or defend.But what does mercy actually demand of us? For us to reclaim it politically, we first must understand what it means and how it offers a counter-rhythm to our frantic culture of speed and instant gratification.The word itself tells a story. Mercy comes from the Latin merces—wages, payment, the price of goods. Ancient Romans understood it as a transaction. But early Christians shifted the word toward the sacred: the spiritual reward for showing kindness where cruelty was expected. They moved a word about the marketplace into a vocabulary of grace.Judaism’s rachamim, Islam’s rahma, Buddhism’s karuṇā, and Hinduism’s dayā all insist on the same truth: mercy is a way of recognizing the sacredness in others.That transformation mirrors what mercy asks of us now: to move beyond the logic of exchange, beyond what is earned or owed. It asks us to look at someone who has caused pain, and instead of asking What do they deserve? ask, What does healing require here? It is seeing beyond someone’s worst moment and choosing curiosity over condemnation.But mercy is more than individual forgiveness. It is a way of moving through the world that assumes people are larger than their failures; that redemption remains possible; that, importantly, time is not a scarce resource, but something we can afford to give. Mercy requires attention—what French philosopher Simone Weil called “the rarest and purest form of generosity.” It is why American novelist James Baldwin described love as an active emotion: the daily labor of truly seeing another person, especially when the systems around us tell us to look away.The problem, however, is that attention is precisely what our culture has made almost impossible to give. We are overstimulated, overextended, algorithmically hijacked, not only bearing witness to incredible amounts of suffering, but scrolling past it. We don’t refuse mercy because we’re cruel. We refuse it because we’ve built a world that makes stopping feel unimaginable—impractical.This is why mercy is not opposed to speed; it is opposed to false urgency. There are moments when mercy requires swift, decisive intervention. The problem is not action—it’s reaction: the unexamined acceleration that mistakes immediacy for moral clarity and treats nuance as an inconvenience.Consider how the culture of speed is destabilizing basic public systems. Take the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) that feeds more than 42 million Americans. This year, households faced unprecedented threats to their benefits—not because their needs had changed, not because the money didn’t exist, but because the administration chose to let billions in contingency funds sit untouched. The crisis wasn’t a failure of capacity. It was a political choice dressed up as inevitability.Or look at the rush to implement AI—a race happening not because anyone has thought deeply about what these systems are for, but because companies fear being the last to adopt them. Across industries, AI is being plugged into hiring platforms, healthcare systems, education tools, corporate workflows, and crisis-response mechanisms, often with little understanding of the consequences. “Innovation” has become a justification to move faster than ethics, oversight, or even common sense can keep up. In that scramble to avoid falling behind, speed becomes a substitute for understanding what people actually need and for the mercy that governance requires.A merciful politics would insist that deliberation is not inefficiency but protection, and that slowing down is an ethical requirement. Because the stakes of leadership and governance without it are real: if AI systems are going to help determine who gets hired, who gets healthcare, who receives support, which students get flagged for discipline, then refusing to slow down is not neutrality—it is a political choice with human costs.Our addiction to speed also shapes how we respond to political disagreement. Our culture no longer rewards thinking or meaningful conversation. Instead, it rewards reacting. Watch how career Democrats responded to New York Assembly member Zohran Mamdani’s mayoral campaign in November. Rather than engaging with his proposals on housing, healthcare, or municipal governance, establishment voices moved immediately to demonization. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer withheld his endorsement entirely. His ideas required discussion, which takes time and attention. His vision challenged party orthodoxy, which requires deliberation to refute or incorporate. Instead of dialogue, we see instant censure, moral panic, and swift punishment.The speed of the response is the point. It signals that dissent is tolerable only when it can be quickly absorbed or quickly dismissed. Ideas that require conversation are treated as threats simply because they resist rapid processing. The issue isn’t whether Mamdani’s proposals are correct (and of course, it remains to be seen how they will actually be implemented); it’s that the reflex to demonize rather than debate reveals a political culture that has forgotten how to think collectively.We see this punitive speed logic everywhere. Students disciplined for language before conversations can happen. Social movements judged by headlines rather than the work. Communities criminalized in real time by social media cycles that flatten context into consumable outrage. We’ve built a society quicker to punish than to understand, quicker to condemn than to contextualize.But mercy could help us move differently. Mercy would refuse to relegate a person or an idea to a caricature simply because the truth requires time. Mercy asks us to hold uncertainty long enough to respond with discernment rather than reflex. It asks us to think—together.Legal scholar Matthias Mahlmann writes that dignity is “subversive,” an insistence that every human life carries irreducible worth. But dignity has a temporal requirement: you cannot witness another person’s humanity at speed. You cannot attend to the complexity of a life if you’re only interested in the fastest possible outcome.This is why systems built around optimization always feel so violent. Algorithmic welfare reviews, automated policing, real-time public shaming—all of them demand that human beings be compressed into categories that can be processed quickly. The violence isn’t just in the outcome; it’s in the refusal of attention itself.Mercy and dignity are inseparable. Dignity names the inherent worth that every person carries; mercy is the discipline that protects that worth in practice. Dignity says there is something unbreakable in each of us. Mercy is how we honor that unbreakable thing, especially when harm or conflict tempts us to forget it. What would shift if our reflex wasn’t How fast can we react?, but How deeply can we understand? What becomes possible when we refuse to hurry past another person’s humanity?Mercy is not sentiment. It is resistance. It is the refusal of dignity fatigue. It is the discipline of witnessing: in political policy, in the conversations we have, in how we treat each other’s failures and hopes. 2025 taught us what haste can destroy. The question now is whether we’re willing to build something slower—and more human—in its place."
}
,
{
"title" : "What We Can Learn from the Inuit Mapping of the Arctic",
"author" : "William Rankin",
"category" : "excerpts",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/inuit-mapping-arctic",
"date" : "2025-12-02 12:49:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/Cover_EIP_Template-Inuit_Map.jpg",
"excerpt" : "This excerpt is from RADICAL CARTOGRAPHY by William Rankin, published by Viking, an imprint of Penguin Publishing Group, a division of Penguin Random House, LLC. Copyright © 2025 by William Rankin.",
"content" : "This excerpt is from RADICAL CARTOGRAPHY by William Rankin, published by Viking, an imprint of Penguin Publishing Group, a division of Penguin Random House, LLC. Copyright © 2025 by William Rankin.In 1994, the Berkeley geographer Bernard Nietschmann made a famous claim about the power of mapping in the global struggle for Indigenous rights. It was a claim about how the tools of historical oppression could be reclaimed by the oppressed: “More Indigenous territory has been claimed by maps than by guns. This assertion has its corollary: more Indigenous territory can be defended and reclaimed by maps than by guns.” The idea was that by putting themselves on the map—documenting their lives and their communities—Indigenous peoples would not be so easy to erase. Nietschmann was working in Central America, often heroically, during a time of violence and displacement, and he inspired a generation of researchers and activists interested in flipping the power structure of state-centric cartography on its head.But despite the spread of bottom-up mapping projects in the past 30 years, perhaps the most successful example of Indigenous mapping actually predates Nietschmann’s call to action. Just one year prior, in 1993, the Inuit of northern Canada signed a treaty creating the territory of Nunavut—the largest self-governing Indigenous territory in the world—and mapping was central to both the negotiation and the outcome. It remains one of the rare cases of Indigenous geographic knowledge decolonizing the world map.So why hasn’t the Inuit project been replicable elsewhere, despite decades more work on Indigenous mapping? The answer lies in the very idea of territory itself, and in particular in one of the most threatened parts of the Inuit landscape today: ice. The winter extent of Arctic sea ice reached a record low earlier this year, and a new low is predicted for the winter ahead. Yet the shrinking ice isn’t just an unshakable sign of Arctic warming; it’s also a poignant reminder of what Nietschmann got right—and what he missed—about the relationship between cartography and power. In particular, it shows how Inuit conceptions of space, place, and belonging are rooted in a dynamic, seasonal geography that’s often completely invisible on Western-style maps.The story begins in the 1970s, when the young Inuit leader Tagak Curley, today considered a “living father” of Nunavut, hired the Arctic anthropologist Milton Freeman to lead a collaborative mapping project of unprecedented scope and ambition. Freeman taught at McMaster University about an hour outside Toronto; he was white, but his wife, Mini Aodla Freeman, was Inuit (she was a translator and later a celebrated writer). Freeman assembled a team of other anthropologists and Arctic geographers—also white—to split the mapping into regions. They called their method the “map biography.” The goal was to capture the life history of every Inuit hunter in cartographic form, recording each person’s memories of where, at any point in their life, they had found roughly three dozen species of wildlife—from caribou and ptarmigan to beluga, narwhal, and seaweed. Each map biography would be a testimony of personal experience.After the mapping was split into regions, about 150 field-workers—almost all Inuit—traveled between 33 northern settlements with a stack of government-issued topographic maps to conduct interviews. Each hunter was asked to draw lines or shapes directly on the maps with colored pens or pencils. The interviewers stayed about 10 weeks in each settlement, visiting most hunters in their own homes, and the final participation rate was an astonishing 85 percent of all adult Inuit men. They collected 1,600 biographies in total, some on maps as large as 10 feet square.Then came the cartographers, back in Ontario: one professor and a team of about 15 students. The first map below (Figure 1) shows how the individual map biographies were transformed into summary maps, one for each community. For every species, the overlap of all hunters’ testimony became a single blob, and then blobs for all species were overlaid to make a complete map. The second map (Figure 2) shows one of the finished atlas pages along the Northwest Passage. The immediate impression is that the Arctic is in no way an empty expanse of barren land and unclaimed mineral riches. It is dense with human activity, necessary for personal and collective survival. The community maps combined to show almost uninterrupted Inuit presence stretching from northern Labrador to the Alaska border.Figure 1: Top left is a simplified version of a “map biography” from a single Inuit hunter, showing his birthplace and the places he hunted caribou, fox, wolf, grizzly bear, moose, and fish at various points in his life. (The original biography would have been drawn over a familiar government-issued topographic map.) The other three maps show how multiple biographies were then combined into patterned blobs for all hunters and all species. (Map courtesy of William Rankin/ Penguin Random House LLC.)Figure 2: A two-page spread from the finished atlas showing the seven kinds of animals hunted from the settlements of Igloolik and Hall Beach, in an area about 500 by 300 miles: caribou, polar bear, walrus, whale, fish, seal, and waterfowl. (Because of the large number of individual species recorded in the map biographies, some species were grouped together in the final maps.) The blobs are a strong, even overpowering figure atop an unusually subtle ground. Notice in particular how difficult it is to distinguish land and water areas, since the dark shading extends beyond coastlines even for individual species. This map in fact includes the Northwest Passage—the famous sea route around the tip of North America—but the crucial Fury and Hecla Strait (named after the two British ships that first learned of, but did not navigate, the passage in 1822) is almost entirely obscured. (Map courtesy of William Rankin/ Penguin Random House LLC.)Nothing about the cartography was meant to be subversive—or even controversial. For the cartographers, the only message was that the Inuit hunted a variety of species over large areas. But look again at the finished map in Figure 2. Yes, a foreground is layered over a background in the usual way, but the visual argument is strikingly different from a typical layered map in, say, a census atlas, where the foreground data doesn’t stray beyond crisp pre-existing borders. Here, in contrast, even the basic distinction between land and water is often obscure. The maps’ content is the facts of species and area; the maps’ argument is that Inuit culture is grounded in a substantially different understanding of territory than the one Western cartography was designed to show.As a result, this new atlas shifted the negotiations between the Inuit and the Canadian government decisively. Not only did the maps provide a legal claim to the Inuit-used land, documenting 750,000 square miles—an area the size of Mexico—but also a claim to the sea, showing an additional 325,000 square miles offshore.It took many years for the full implications to play out, but the erosion of the land–water boundary became central to the Inuit vision. At the time, wildlife on land was managed by the regional Northwest Territories government, while offshore marine species were the responsibility of centralized federal agencies. The Inuit used the atlas to win agreement for a new agency with equal responsibility over both. At the same time, the Inuit also improved their position by offering their offshore claims as evidence the Canadian government would use—not just in the 1980s, but even as recently as 2024—to resist foreign encroachment in the Northwest Passage. The final agreement in 1993 granted the Inuit $1.15 billion in cash, title to about 17 percent of the land in the “settlement area,” representation on several new management agencies, a share of all natural-resource revenue, broad hunting and fishing rights, and a promise that the territory of Nunavut would come into being on April 1, 1999.It’s easy to count this project as a success story, but it’s also important to remember that it depended both on the government’s own interest in negotiation and on the willingness of Indigenous peoples, or at least their leadership, to translate their sense of space onto a map, solidifying what had previously been fluid. It also meant abandoning claims to ancestral lands that had not been used in living experience and provoking new boundary disputes with neighboring, and previously amicable, Indigenous groups. These tradeoffs have led some scholars to critique mapping as only “drawing Indigenous peoples into a modern capitalist economy while maintaining the centrality of state power.” But for the Inuit, the alternatives seemed quite a bit worse.With the more recent proliferation of Indigenous mapping initiatives elsewhere—in Latin America, Africa, and Asia—the tradeoffs have been harder to evaluate. Most governments have shown little interest in addressing Indigenous claims, and when bottom-up mapping has been pushed instead by international nonprofits interested in environmental conservation, the downsides of mapping have often come without any of the upsides.Yet it’s not just the attitude of the state that’s been different; it’s also the cartography. In nearly all these other cases, the finished maps have shown none of the territorial inversion of the Inuit atlas. Instead, Indigenous knowledge is either overlaid on an existing base map in perfectly legible form, or it’s used to construct a new base map of a remarkably conventional sort, using the same visual vocabulary as Western maps.Did the Inuit project just show the data so clearly that its deeper implications were immediately apparent? No, not really, since the great irony here is that the cartographers were in fact quite dissatisfied. Follow-up surveys reached the conclusion that the atlas was only “moderately successful” by their usual mapmaking standards.The Inuit atlas was a kind of happy accident—one that doesn’t conform to any of the usual stories about Indigenous mapping, in Canada or elsewhere. The lesson here isn’t that maps should be as Indigenous as possible, or that they should be as orthodox as possible. These maps were neither. My take is simpler: the atlas shows that maps can, in fact, support alternative conceptions of space—and that showing space in a different way is crucial.The possibilities aren’t endless, but they’re broader than we might think. Plotting different sorts of data is a necessary step, but no less important are the relationships between that data and the assumptions of what lies below. For the Inuit, these assumptions were about land, water, and territory. These were in the background both visually and politically, and they were upstaged by an unexpectedly provocative foreground. The layers did not behave as they were meant to, and despite the tradeoffs, they allowed an Indigenous community to fight for their home and their way of life."
}
,
{
"title" : "Malcolm X and Islam: U.S. Islamophobia Didn’t Start with 9/11",
"author" : "Collis Browne",
"category" : "essays",
"url" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/readings/malcolm-x-and-islam",
"date" : "2025-11-27 14:58:00 -0500",
"img" : "https://everythingispolitical.com/uploads/life-malcolm-3.jpg",
"excerpt" : "",
"content" : "Anti-Muslim hate has been deeply engrained and intertwined with anti-Black racism in the United States for well over 60 years, far longer than most of us are taught or are aware.As the EIP team dug into design research for the new magazine format of our first anniversary issue, we revisited 1960s issues of LIFE magazine—and landed on the March 1965 edition, published just after the assassination of Malcolm X.The reporting is staggering in its openness: blatantly anti-Black and anti-Muslim in a way that normalizes white supremacy at its most fundamental level. The anti-Blackness, while horrifying, is not surprising. This was a moment when, despite the formal dismantling of Jim Crow, more than 10,000 “sundown towns” still existed across the country, segregation remained the norm, and racial terror structured daily life.What shocked our team was the nakedness of the anti-Muslim propaganda.This was not yet framed as anti-Arab in the way Western Islamophobia is often framed today. Arab and Middle Eastern people were not present in the narrative at all. Instead, what was being targeted was organized resistance to white supremacy—specifically, the adoption of Islam by Black communities as a source of political power, dignity, and self-determination. From this moment, we can trace a clear ideological line from anti-Muslim sentiment rooted in anti-Black racism in the 1960s to the anti-Arab, anti-MENA, and anti-SWANA racism that saturates Western culture today.The reporting leaned heavily on familiar colonial tropes: the implication of “inter-tribal” violence, the suggestion that resistance to white supremacy is itself a form of reverse racism or inherent aggression, and the detached, almost smug tone surrounding the violent death of a cultural leader.Of course, the Nation of Islam and Elijah Muhammad represent only expressions within an immense and diverse global Muslim world—spanning Morocco, Sudan, the Gulf, Iraq, Pakistan, Indonesia, and far beyond. Yet U.S. cultural and military power has long blurred these distinctions, collapsing complexity into a singular enemy image.It is worth naming this history clearly and connecting the dots: U.S. Islamophobia did not begin with 9/11. It is rooted in a much older racial project—one that has always braided anti-Blackness and anti-Muslim sentiment together in service of white supremacy, at home and abroad."
}
]
}